TOWARD PROTO-NOSTRATIC AMSTERDAM STUDIES IN THE THEORY AND HISTORY OF LINGUISTIC SCIENCE General Editor E. F. KONRAD KOERNER (University of Ottawa) Series IV ­ CURRENT ISSUES IN LINGUISTIC THEORY Advisory Editorial Board Henning Andersen (Copenhagen); Raimo Anttila (Los Angeles) Thomas V.Gamkrelidze (Tbilisi); Hans­Heinrich Lieb (Berlin) J.Peter Maher (Chicago); Ernst Pulgram (Ann Arbor, Mich.) E.Wyn Roberts (Vancouver, B.C.); Danny Steinberg (Tokyo) Volume 27 Allan R. Bomhard Toward Proto­Nostratic: A new approach TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC A NEW APPROACH TO THE COMPARISON OF PROTO­INDO­EUROPEAN AND PROTO­AFROASIATIC ALLAN R. BOMHARD Foreword by Paul J. Hopper SUNY at Binghamton JOHN BENJAMINS PUBLISHING COMPANY Amsterdam/Philadelphia 1984 CIP­Data: Bomhard, Allan R. Toward proto­Nostratic: a new approach to the comparison of proto­Indo­European and proto­Afroasiatic / Allan R. Bomhard. ­ Amsterdam [etc.]: Benjamins. ­ 111. ­ (Amsterdam studies in the theory and history of linguistic science. Series IV, Current issues in linguistic theory, ISSN 0304­0763; vol. 27) With index, ref. ISBN 90­272­3519­8 bound. SISO 804 UDC 800.2 Subject heading: Historical Linguistics ©Copyright 1984 ­ John Benjamins B. V. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form, by print, photoprint, microfilm or any other means, without written permission from the publisher. FOREWORD There is something grave and aloof about the edifice erected by the Neogrammarians. It is a monumentum.aere perennius; a grandfather of proto-languages, more Latin that Latin itself, more Greek than Greek, and more Sanskrit than Sanskrit. Everything which the classical languages had, Proto-Indo-European had, only more: a richer case system; a more intricate and elaborate conjugation; a phonological system in which every consonant came in symmetrical fours. It was a linguistic system which reflected in its permanence and perfectibility a certain optimism in the ultimate calculability of the world and a confidence in the cosmic design. And, like the Victorian world which was its milieu, the neogrammarian reconstruction of Proto-Indo-European began to collapse through its evident internal flaws and its confrontation with the outside world in the highest point of its self-definition. In this remarkable monograph, Allan R. Bomhard resumes one of the strands of the renegade scholarship which contributed to this collapse: the strand based on the notion that the Proto-Indo-Europeans themselves had an ethnic, and therefore a linguistic, context, and that this context must reveal itself if only the right linguistic equations are made. For Albert Cuny, these basic equations were the laryngeals; yet the Laryngeal Theory was on its own not a consistent enough nor an extensive enough foundation on which to build an Indo-Semitic proto-language, and, astonishing as Cuny's attempt appears to us even today, its real and lasting achievements are few. Yet Cuny showed that the enterprise was worthy of a great mind, and inspired subsequent generations, a little better equipped through a more extensive understanding of the relation- vi TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC ships of the Semitic languages, to explore from new perspectives the possibility of linguistic contact and even genetic affiliation between Proto­Indo­European and its Semitic neighbors. Such an undertaking, Bomhard tells us, is not likely to succeed if conventional pictures of both Proto­Indo­European and Proto­Semitic are assumed, nor if simplistic phonological equations are made. Earlier antecedent forms of Semitic, older than Proto­Semitic itself, are now reconstructible through the wider Afroasiatic family; and the new Glottal ic Theory of Indo­European consonantism allows the appeal to a powerful new set of correspondences, that between the Semitic "em­ phatics" and the Proto­Indo­European "mediae", the Neogrammarians' "unaspirated voiced stops". These sounds (they are represented, for example, by the initial consonant in the cognate set Gk. , Lat. decem, Skt. , Goth, t a i h u n , etc.) were, we are now practically cer­ tain, not voiced sounds but were glottalized. The recognition of this fact assigns Proto­Indo­European immediately to a certain phonological linguistic type, a type represented also by Semitic. Yet the working out in detail of the possibilities raised by this realization demands vision, courage, and a rare combination of obstinacy and ingenuity. Allan Bomhard brings all of these qualities to this old question, and what he gives us has the unmistakable conviction, not to mention ele­ gance, which we always associate with a work of subtlety and internal consistency. There is always a temptation to quote from works which we admire. Bomhard's arguments are often intricate, and his­ conclusions profoundly contextual. I will leave to the reader to follow his reasoning and the lexical corpus which inseparably accompanies it. Like all thoughtful work, Bomhard's leaves us with as many questions as we started with, but they are different questions. Toward Proto­Nostratic is, as its title reveals, a programmatic work. It presents us with the linguistic, predominantly indeed lexical, evidence, and challenges us to make of this evidence what we can: who were the "Nostratics"? Are the paral­ lels simply an example of shared lexical isoglosses? Or is this genetic FOREWORD vii affiliation? Bomhard's evidence, if adduced for any other pair of supposedly unrelated language families, would surely be taken as pointing incontrovertibly to this conclusion (it is, for example, considerably richer than the evidence adduced by Samuel Martin and Roy Andrew Miller for a Japanese-Korean-Altaic hypothesis). If this is a genetic relationship, can a common grammatical structure be posited? What are the most striking areas of divergence, and what might account for them? What other language groups might be included in Nostratic? What are the implications of the Nostratic Theory for the whole notion of a proto-language conceived as an autonomous "node" in a family-tree set of linguistic relationships? This final consideration brings us back to the Neogrammarians. The decade of the 1880's represented the high water mark of Neogrammarian positivism and modular thinking, and our own decade is thus a centenary of sorts. Since that time, new documents of early Southwest Asian cultural and linguistic relationships have been unearthed, and radical new interpretations of the structure of Proto-Indo-European have been proposed. Equally importantly, the range of other languages whose structure and development can be discussed with confidence has been dramatically enlarged, so that there is no longer any need to consider Indo-European in a vacuum. Precedents for phonological changes can be adduced to justify seemingly far-fetched correspondences, such as Bomhard's ingenious equation of PAA */ti/ with PIE */k/. There is, in other words, a new coalition in the making. Its components are revisionist theories of Proto-Indo-European phonology, progress in the reconstruction of Proto-Afroasiatic, and the newer contributions from archeology, a wider documentation of possible phonological changes, and, one might say, a willingness to cut Indo-European down to size by depriving it of its linguistic uniqueness, and of the super-ego status which has insulated it from even controlled speculation. Bomhard's treatment consolidates, in considerable detail, the recent advances in Indo-European and Afroasiatic phonological reconstruction. This compendium is quite capable of standing alone as an viii TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC important contribution to Historical Linguistics, and it is worth pointing out that the time Was ripe for such a consolidation quite independently of its relevance to the Nostratic question. The two areas are then synthesized in an extraordinary tour-de-force: a 318-item lexical comparison of the two language families, with a detailed presentation of the phonological correspondences. From all of this, one can hardly escape the impression of some profound historical relationship, whatever its nature. With this work, Bomhard. has made important contributions in several aspects of Historical Linguistics. I look forward to the lively discussion which the book is certain to engender. Paul J. Hopper SUNY, Binghamton PREFACE In a series of articles written over the past decade, I have explored the possibility that Proto-Indo-European and Proto-Afroasiatic might be genetically related. In the course of my research, my understanding has grown little by little, and I have gradually unravelled the basic sound correspondences between these two reconstructed protolanguages and have also uncovered much of the common vocabulary. This book represents the culmination of my work to date -- it incorporates and updates my previous articles and adds much new material. This book is not -- nor was it ever intended to be — a comparative grammar of either the Indo-European or the Afroasiatic language families. It is, rather, a comparison of Proto-Indo-European with Proto-Afroasiatic. That the subject is explored from an Indo-Europeanist point of view will be evident to all. While mine is not the first attempt to demonstrate that Proto-IndoEuropean and Proto-Afroasiatic are in fact genetically related, it is the first to use the radical revision of the Proto-Indo-European consonantal system proposed by Thomas V. Gamkrelidze, Paul J. Hopper, and Vjaceslav V. Ivanov. Moreover, unlike previous endeavors, this is the first to make extensive use of data from the non-Semitic branches of Afroasiatic. Thus, I believe that I have broken new ground. Since the assumptions underlying my approach to the investigation of the possibility of the common genetic origin of Proto-Indo-European and Proto-Afroasiatic differ considerably from the assumptions made in earlier works on "Nostratic", I have found these works to be of limited value at best, and they are, consequently, seldom cited in the body of this book. x TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC The methodological approach followed in this monograph has been one of rigorous adherence to the time­honored principles of comparative reconstruction (cf., for example, Greenberg 1957:35­45 and Hoenigswald 1960). This methodology has proven its efficacy over and over again in the history of linguistic science. Even though I have tried to set high standards, however, I do not claim that this book is free of errors or that it represents the last word on the subject. On the contrary, I regard this as a pioneering work. It is my sincerest hope that others more qualified than I will use this book as a starting point for deeper investigation into the relatedness of Proto­Indo­European and Proto­ Afroasiatic. I would like to express my thanks to all those who, over the many years that it has taken me to develop my ideas, have graciously offered both support and much­needed criticism, especially Raimo Anttila, Martin Bernai, Henrik Birnbaum, John Colarusso, Thomas V. Gamkrelidze, Paul J. Hopper, and Saul Levin. I would also like to acknowledge the help that Elrabih Makki gave in reviewing the Arabic material found in this book. A special note of deep appreciation must be extended to my friend, col­ league, and collaborator on the Kerns Gedenkschrift, Yoël L. Arbeitman. His encouragement has been a constant source of inspiration, and the careful scrutiny that he has given my work has saved me from making many foolish errors. Finally, I would like to thank Konrad Koerner for courageously agreeing to publish what will, no doubt, prove to be a con­ troversial work. It goes without saying that I alone am responsible for any errors that may occur in this book. I would like to dedicate this book to the memory of a fellow stu­ dent of Nostratic, Gilbert Davidowitz, who passed away suddenly of a heart attack on 21 July 1980. Allan R. Bomhard Boston, Mass. CONTENTS 1. Foreword v Preface ix Introduction 1 INDO­EUROPEAN SECTION 2. The Reconstruction of the PIE Consonant System 5 3. The Reconstruction of the PIE Vowel System 37 4. Accentuation in the Indo­European Languages 61 5. The Development of the PIE Phonological System in the Non­Anatolian Daughter Languages 75 6. The Development of the PIE Phonological System in the Anatolian Daughter Languages AFROASIATIC 93 SECTION 7. The Reconstruction of the PAA Consonant System 133 8. The Reconstruction of the PAA Vowel System 175 INDO­EUROPEAN AND AFROASIATIC 9. Comparison of Proto­Indo­European and Proto­Afroasiatic .... 179 10. Probl ems of Root Structure 285 Postscript 291 References 293 Index Verborum . 317 1 INTRODUCTION 1.1. PREFATORY REMARKS There have been several attempts to join Indo-European with other language families in some sort of genetic relationship. In spite of some progress, truly convincing evidence that Indo-European is related to one or more other language families simply has not been brought forth, however. As long as scholars operated with the phonological system traditionally reconstructed for Proto-Indo-European, no real progress was possible: since that reconstruction was typologically isolated, Indo-European was doomed to remain genetically isolated. Now that the Proto-Indo-European phonological system has been thoroughly revised by Gamkrelidze, Hopper, and Ivanov to bring it into harmony with natural systems (see Chapter 2 for details), the question of possible genetic relationship can be looked at in fresh perspective. Moreover, the task is greatly facilitated at this particular time by recent advances in linguistic theory as well as by a growing accumulation of new data. It is now fairly certain that the Indo-Europeans were the bearers of the Kurgan culture and that their homeland was located in the area to the north of and between the Black and Caspian Seas (cf. Birnbaum 1974:361-83; Gimbutas 1970 and 1980). To the immediate north, Uralic languages were spoken (cf. Hajdu 1975:30-40), while Caucasian languages were spoken immediately to the south. Farther to the south, Afroasiatic languages were found, while Elamo-Dravidian languages covered all of 2 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC Iran and northern India (on the question of the relationship of Elamite with Dravidian, cf. McAlpin 1974). Finally, to the east, Altaic lan­ guages were spoken. It is among these languages that we should be looking for possible evidence of earlier relationship with Indo­Euro­ pean. It may be noted here that Gamkrelidze (1966 and 1967) has re­ cently pointed out several striking parallels in vowel gradation pat­ terning and in root structure patterning between Proto­Indo­European and Proto­Kartvelian (cf. also Anttila 1969:177­78), while Colarusso (1981) has investigated typological parallels between Proto­Indo­Euro­ pean and the Northwest Caucasian languages. The primary purpose of this book is to demonstrate that Indo­Euro­ pean and Afroasiatic bear a stronger affinity, both in their phonolog­ ical systems and in their vocabularies, than could possibly have been produced by accident ­­ so strong, indeed, that no linguist could exa­ mine them without believing them to have sprung from a common source; there is a similar reason, though not quite so forcible, for supposing that both Indo­European and Afroasiatic are merely two branches of a larger macrofamily; however, only Indo­European and Afroasiatic will be considered in this book. (I am, of course, paraphrasing the well­known Third Anniversary Discourse delivered to the Asiatick Society [of Ben­ gal] by Sir William Jones on 2 February 1786.) 1.2. THE INDO­EUROPEAN LANGUAGES From their earliest known homeland to the north of and between the Black and Caspian Seas, the Indo­European languages spread out to the west, eventually covering nearly all of modern Western Europe, to the east and southeast, covering all of Iran, Northern and Central India, and large parts of Central Asia, and to the south into what is now Tur­ key. Later colonization brought Indo­European languages to the New World and Australia and New Zealand, where they nearly totally sup­ planted the indigenous languages, and to parts of Asia and Africa, where they are used as languages of administration. The following chart lists the major Indo­European languages: INTRODUCTION Hier. Luwian Hittite Lycian Lydian Luwian Palaie Latvian Lithuanian Old Prussian Catalan Breton Faliscan Cornish Gaelic French Friulian Gaulish Italian Irish Latin Manx Ladin Welsh Oscan Portuguese Provengal Romanian Romansh Sardinian Spanish Umbrian Venetic (?) Bulgarian Byelorussian Czech Macedonian Old Church Slavie Polish Russian Serbo­Croatian Slovak Slovene Ukrainian 3 Afrikaans Danish Dutch English Frisian German Gothic Icelandic Norwegian Old Saxon Swedish Yiddish Assamese Bengali Bihari Gujarati Hindi Kashmiri Lahnda Marathi Oriya Pahari Poli Panjabi Rajasthani Sanskrit Saurashtri Sindhi Sinhalese Urdu Aves tan Baluchi Farsi Kurdish Old Persian Ossetic Pashto Scythian Sogdian 4 1.3. TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC THE AFROASIATIC LANGUAGES Modern Afroasiatic languages cover all of North Africa, Northern Nigeria, East Africa, and the Near East, including the Arabian peninsula but not Turkey. The following chart lists the major Afroasiatic languages: Akkadian Amharic Arabic Aramaic Eblaite ESA Ethiopic Gurage Harari Harsüsi Hebrew Lihyanite Mehri Moabite Phoenician Punic Sheri Soqotri Syriac Tamūdic Tigre Tigrina Ugaritic Coptie Egyptian Kaby le Shilha Sous Tamazight Tashelhit Tuareg Afar Agaw Alagwa Arbore Asa Awngi Baiso Beja Bilin Boni Burji Burunge Dahalo Dasenech Dullay Galdb Gidole Gollango Gorowa Eadiyya Iraqw Kambata Konso Kw'adza Ma'a Oromo Rendille Sdho Sidamo Somali Yaaku Dizi Gimira Janjero Kefa Walamo Angas Bole Bura Dangaleat Ga'anda Goemai Hausa Higi Kotoko Margi Masa Musgu Ngizim Sayanei Tera Warji 2 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF THE PROTO­INDO­EUROPEAN CONSONANT SYSTEM 2.1. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND Although the comparative­historical study of the Indo­European lan­ guages did not begin with August Schleicher, he was the f i r s t to attempt, in the f i r s t volume (1861) of his Compendium der vergleichenden Grammatik der indogermanischen Sprachen, to reconstruct the phonological system of the Indo­European parent language. E a r l i e r scholars ­ ­ especially Rasmus Rask and Jacob Grimm — had worked out the fundamental sound correspon­ dences between the various daughter languages, and the need to reconstruct the phonological system of the parent language had been recognized as ear­ ly as 1837 by Theodor Benfey, but no one p r i o r to Schleicher had actually undertaken the task. Schleicher's system is as follows (1876:10): unaspirated vis. vd. gutt. k g aspirated vd. spirants vis. vd. nasals vd. r vd. gh pal. J lingu. r dent. t d dh lab. P b bh n s v m Schleicher's reconstruction remained the accepted standard u n t i l the late 1870's, when a series of b r i l l i a n t discoveries were made in 6 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC rapid succession. By the end of the l a s t century, the phonological system reconstructed by the Neogrammarians — most notably Karl Brugmann ~ was widely accepted as being a fairly accurate representation of what had existed in Proto­Indo­European. To t h i s day, the Neogram­ marian system commands a great deal of respect and has many defenders. The Neogrammarian system consists of a four­way contrast of plain voiceless, voiceless aspirated, plain voiced, and voiced aspirated stops. This system is extremely close to the phonological system of Old Indic ( c f . , f o r example, Gonda 1966:9, Mayrhofer 1972:17, or Whit­ ney 1889:2­3). I t should be pointed out t h a t , in spite of i t s wide acceptance, a small group of scholars has, from time to time, ques­ tioned the v a l i d i t y of the Neogrammarian reconstruction, at least i n part ( f o r a discussion of some of the opposing views, c f . Hopper 1977b: 57­72 and Szemerényi 1972:122­36). The Proto­Indo­European phonological system reconstructed by Brugmann (1967.I/1:92 and 1970:52) sums up the views of this period: Occlusives: ph b bh (labial) th d dh (dental) k kh g ĝh (palatal) q qh gh gUh (velar) P t u q­ U g u Fricatives: s q~h sh z Nasals : m n Liquids: r l Semivowels : i u n u g" zh (labiovelar) 1? ph š 5h 0 The f i r s t h a l f of t h i s century has seen the seeds planted by the young de Saussure ( i n 1878) blossom i n t o the Laryngeal Theory. The overwhelming majority of scholars currently accept some form of t h i s theory, even though there is s t i l l no general agreement on the number of laryngeals or on t h e i r probable phonetic values. Also during t h i s period, i t became widely accepted that the voiceless aspirates were THE PIE CONSONANT SYSTEM 7 secondarily derived in the daughter languages and were not part of the phonemic inventory of the Indo­European parent language. F i n a l l y , the diphthongs were reanalyzed as clusters of vowel plus resonant and reso­ nant plus vowel, and the palatals were regarded by many to be an inno­ vation of the satem d i a l e c t s . The phonological system reconstructed by Winfred P. Lehmann (1952: 99) f o r Proto­Indo­European may be taken as representative of the views of t h i s period: 1. Obstruents: P b h t k kw d 9 g h 9W h b d m n gWh s 2. Resonants: 3. Vowels : 4. Laryngeals: w r 1 y e a o X y e î  e  a  o* u  h ? Martinet (1970:115) was quick to point out that the absence of voiceless aspirates created a problem since "a series of the type bh, êh) gh seems only to be attested in languages where there also exists a series of voiceless aspirates ph, t h , kh". expressed by Jakobson (1971[1957]:528): "To my knowledge, no language adds to the pair / t / ­ /d/ Similar concerns were a voiced aspirate /dh­f without having i t s h voiceless counterpart / t / , while / t / , /d/, and /th/ frequently occur h without the comparatively rare / d / . . . T h e r e f o r e theories operating with the three phonemes / t / ­ /d/ ­ ldh/in Proto­Indo­European must recon­ sider the question of t h e i r phonemic essence". Oswald Szemerényi (1967:88­99), r e l y i n g heavily on typological data to support his arguments, attempted to bring Lehmann's system i n t o harmony with natural systems by r e i n s t a t i n g the voiceless aspirates and by reducing the laryngeals to a single member, the voiceless g l o t t a l 8 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC fricative / h / . Szemerényi's (1967:96­97) system is as f o l l o w s : Even though Szemerényi's system is t y p o l o g i c a l l y n a t u r a l , i t ignores the high p r o b a b i l i t y that the voiceless aspirates were not phonemic in Proto­Indo­European (see below, section 2 . 3 ) . Another problem with the t r a d i t i o n a l reconstruction concerns the great rarety ­ ­ perhaps even t o t a l absence ­ ­ of the voiced l a b i a l stop *b ( c f . Adrados 1975.I:108; Burrow 1973:73; Krause 1968:116­17; Lehmann 1952:109; M e i l l e t 1964:84 and 89). Such a low frequency of occurrence is d i f f i c u l t to understand and is t o t a l l y unexplainable w i t h i n the t r a d i t i o n a l framework. 1951 by Holger Pedersen. This problem was investigated in Pedersen noted t h a t , in natural languages with a voiced ^ voiceless contrast, i f there is a gap in the l a b i a l s e r i e s , i t i s / p / that i s missing and not / b / . This observation led Pedersen to suggest that the t r a d i t i o n a l plain voiced stops might o r i ­ g i n a l l y have been plain voiceless stops, while the t r a d i t i o n a l voiceless stops might have been plain voiced stops. plain Later s h i f t s would have changed the e a r l i e r plain voiced stops i n t o the t r a d i t i o n a l plain voiceless stops and the e a r l i e r plain voiceless stops i n t o the t r a d i ­ t i o n a l plain voiced stops. Martinet (1975[1953]:251­52, f n . 1) ob­ jected to t h i s "musical­chairs" rearrangement: "Since there are ex­ tremely few sure examples of the Common Indo­European phoneme recon­ structed 'analogously' as * b , i t is tempting to diagnose a gap there also, as the late Holger Pedersen did in Die gemeinindoeuvo­päischen und die vorindoeuropäisohen Verschlusstaute, pp. 10­16. But, instead of assuming, as did Pedersen, the loss of a pre­Indo­European *p f o l ­ THE P I E CONSONANT SYSTEM lowed by a musical chairs of mediae and tenues, see in the series *d, *g, *g w 9 one should be able to the r e s u l t of evolution from an e a r l i e r series of g l o t t a l i c s , without l a b i a l representative". Using what may be termed an "integrated diachronic­typological" approach to the problem of the reconstruction of the Proto­Indo­Euro­ pean stop system, Thomas V. Gamkrelidze, Paul J . Hopper, and Vjačeslav V. Ivanov have proposed a complete revision of the t r a d i t i o n a l system. According to Hopper (1973:141­66), the t r a d i t i o n a l voiced aspirates were r e a l l y murmured stops, while the t r a d i t i o n a l plain voiced stops were r e a l l y g l o t t a l ized stops ( e j e c t i v e s ) . Hopper's reason f o r r e i n ­ terpreting the plain voiced stops as ejectives is that these sounds show many of the typological characteristics of e j e c t i v e s . Gamkrelidze and Ivanov (1972:15­18 and 1973:150­56) also r e i n t e r p r e t the t r a d i t i o n ­ al plain voiced stops as e j e c t i v e s , but, unlike Hopper, they r e i n t e r ­ pret the t r a d i t i o n a l plain voiceless stops as voiceless aspirates. They make no changes to the t r a d i t i o n a l voiced aspirates. They point out, however, that the feature of aspiration is phonemically i r r e l e ­ vant i n a system of t h i s type. Gamkrelidze's (1976:403) reconstruction is as f o l l o w s : According to Gamkrelidze (1981:607), such a system exists in several modern Eastern Armenian d i a l e c t s . The system of Gamkrelidze­Hopper­Ivanov has several clear advan­ tages over the t r a d i t i o n a l reconstruction of the Proto­Indo­European stop system: F i r s t , t h e i r r e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the t r a d i t i o n a l plain voiced stops as ejectives makes i t easy to account f o r the f a c t , noted above, that the phoneme t r a d i t i o n a l l y reconstructed as *b was highly marked in the system, being characterized by an extremely low frequency 10 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC of occurrence (if it even existed at all). Such a frequency distribution is typologically highly uncharacteristic of the voiced labial stop /b/, but it is fully characteristic of the labial ejective /p'/ (cf. Gamkrelidze 1981:605-06; Greenberg 1970:127). Next, for the first time, the root structure constraint laws can be credibly explained. These constraints turn out to be a simple voicing agreement rule with the corollary that two glottal ics cannot cooccur in a root (cf. Gamkrelidze 1981:608-09; Hopper 1973:158-61). Finally, the Germanic and Armenian "consonant shifts", which can only be accounted for very awkwardly within the traditional framework (cf. Emonds 1972:108-22), turn out to be mirages. Under the revised reconstruction, these branches turn out to be relic areas. 2.2. THE LARYNGEALS The basic (and most widely­accepted) tenets of the Laryngeal Theory may be summarized as f o l l o w s : (1) the Indo­European parent language possessed one or more laryngeal s ; most scholars posit e i t h e r three (Beekes, Benveniste, Burrow, Couvreur, Cowgill, K e i l e r , Lejeune) or four (Kerns­Schwartz, Kurylowicz, Lehmann, Sapir, Sturtevant). (2) The laryngeals were l o s t as independent phonemes in a l l branches of Indo­European except f o r Anatolian ( c f . Bomhard 1976:222­31; Lehmann 1952:25­28; Puhvel 1965:79­92; Sturtevant 1942:35­65 and 1951:47­55) and Armenian, where the laryngeal *ə appears as h i n i t i a l l y before vowels in a small number of words ( c f . Austin 1942:22­25; Bomhard 1976: 231­32; Greppin 1981:120­22; Sturtevant 1942:29­30; Winter 1965b: 102). (3) The loss of preconsonantal laryngeals a f t e r short vowels caused the compensatory lengthening of these vowels ( c f . Benveniste 1935:149; Bom­ hard 1975:386; Kurylowicz 1935:28; Lehmann 1952:85­86; Lindeman 1970: 17; Sturtevant 1942:66­71). (4) One or more of the laryngeals i n f l u ­ enced the q u a l i t y of contiguous vowels ( c f . Benveniste 1935:149; Couv­ reur 1937:266­89; Lindeman 1970:17; Sturtevant 1942:35­46). so­called "long s y l l a b i c résonants" (5) The are to be r e i n t e r ­ THE PIE CONSONANT SYSTEM preted as sequences of 11 plus laryngeal ( c f . Burrow 1973: 87; Lehmann 1952:86­90; Sturtevant 1942:69­71). (6) Some cases of voiceless aspirates in Indo­Aryan owe t h e i r o r i g i n to the former pre­ sence of a laryngeal between an immediately preceding plain voiceless stop and an immediately following vowel ( c f . Kurylowicz 1935:29; Leh­ mann 1952:80­84; Lindeman 1970:77­81; Sturtevant 1942:83­86). (7) Proto­Indo­European had no i n i t i a l vowels; in every instance where i n i t i a l vowels had been reconstructed f o r Proto­Indo­European by the Neogrammarians, a preceding laryngeal has been l o s t ( c f . 1935:29). Kurylowicz F i n a l l y , (8) the laryngeals could have both s y l l a b i c and non­syllabic allophones depending upon t h e i r environment ( c f . Benve­ niste 1935:149; Couvreur 1937:303­19; Keiler 1970:70­86). That is to say that the patterning of the laryngeals was s i m i l a r to that usually assumed f o r the résonants. The s y l l a b i c form of the laryngeals is commonly associated with the schwa primum reconstructed f o r Proto­ Indo­European by the Neogrammarians. In my opinion, the form of the Laryngeal Theory that conforms best to the evidence found i n the daughter languages is that which assumes four laryngeals f o r the Indo­European parent language. i c a l l y , I would reconstruct at least Specif­ four laryngeals f o r pre­Anatolian Proto­Indo­European and f o r that form of Proto­Indo­European e x i s t i n g immediately a f t e r the separation of the Anatolian languages from the main speech community. However, f o r the Indo­European antecedent of the non­Anatolian daughter languages ("Disintegrating Indo­European"), I would only reconstruct one laryngeal. Disintegrating Indo­European must have had the f u l l complement of long and short vowels t r a d i t i o n a l l y reconstructed ( c f . Szemerényi 1967: 67­87). Furthermore, Disintegrating Indo­European must have had i n i ­ t i a l vowels; to assume otherwise would be to ignore the evidence of the non­Anatolian daughter languages as well as to deny the efficacy of the Comparative Method. This can only mean that the vowel­lengthening and vowel­coloring effects usually a t t r i b u t e d to the laryngeals must have taken place p r i o r to the Disintegrating Indo­European period. On the 12 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC surface, i t would thus appear as i f one could almost get by without positing any laryngeals at a l l f o r t h i s period. At least one laryngeal must be reconstructed for Disintegrating Indo­European, however, to account f o r developments in the non­Anatolian daughter languages such as: (1) the Indo­Aryan voiceless aspirates (see below, section 2 . 3 ) ; (2) the Greek prothetic vowels ( c f . Austin 1941:83­92; Beekes 1969:18­ 74; Cowgill 1965:151­53; Lejeune 1972:204); (3) the Greek rough breath­ i n g , in part ( c f . Sapir 1938:248­74; Sturtevant 1942:76­78); (4) Armen­ ian i n i t i a l h, in part ( c f . Austin 1942:22­25; Bomhard 1976:231­32; Greppin 1981:120­22; Sturtevant 1942:29­30; Winter 1965b:102); (5) the Balto­Slavic intonations ( c f . V a i l l a n t 1950:241­46); and (6) the Ger­ manic Verschärfung ( c f . Jasanoff 1978:77­90; Lehmann 1952:36­46 and 1965:213­15; Lindeman 1964). I believe that i t was t h i s single l a r y n ­ geal of Disintegrating Indo­European that had a s y l l a b i c allophone. For pre­Anatolian Proto­Indo­European, at least four laryngeals must be reconstructed. There is no other convincing way to account for (1) Disintegrating Indo­European *e without a corresponding Anatol­ ian laryngeal r e f l e x ( t h i s i s Kurylowicz's * ə 1 , Sturtevant's * ' ) ; (2) Disintegrating Indo­European *a with a corresponding Anatolian laryngeal r e f l e x ( t h i s is Kurylowicz's *ə 2, Sturtevant's *x); (3) Disintegrating Indo­European *e (Kurylowicz [1935:28­29] reconstructs *o here) with a corresponding Anatolian laryngeal r e f l e x ( t h i s is Kurylowicz's *ə 3 Sturtevant's * y ) ; and (4) Disintegrating Indo­European *a without a corresponding Anatolian laryngeal r e f l e x ( t h i s is Kurylowicz's Sturtevant's *? [ l a t e r * h ] ) . *ə 4 Note that I disagree with Kurylowicz on the vowel­coloring effects of his t h i r d laryngeal; I follow Sturtevant (1938:104­11 and 1942:20) in assuming that t h i s laryngeal did not color contiguous vowels. F i n a l l y , i t was pre­Anatolian Proto­Indo­European that had no i n i t i a l vowels. One of the most d i f f i c u l t riddles to solve has been and continues to be the determination of the probable phonetic values of the various laryngeals. Several scholars have addressed t h i s problem: Sturtevant (1942:19), following Sapir, assigns the following phonetic values to the THE PIE CONSONANT SYSTEM 13 laryngeal s: *' = a glottal stop with frontal timbre; *! (in later works, Sturtevant writes *h) = a glottal stop with velar timbre; *x = a voiceless velar spirant; and *y = a voiced velar spirant. According to Lehmann (1952:103-08), *? was either a weakly aspirated glottal fricative or a pharyngeal fricative; *h was apparently a glottal aspirated fricative; " was a voiceless velar fricative; and *y was a rounded voiced velar fricative. Keiler (1970:68) posits the following values: = A V . Couvreur (1937:257-65) equates ^ with Finally, Colarusso (1981:550) assigns the following values: = According to Colarusso (1981:512), Couvreur (1937:264), and Sturtevant (1942:19 and 1951:54), was a glottal stop. The interpretation of as a glottal stop explains why this laryngeal did not color contiguous vowels. As noted by Catford (1977:105), "simple glottal stop has no influence on the quality of neighboring vowels". This is verifiable from both Northwest Caucasian and Arabic, where glottal stops have no effect on vowel quality (cf. Colarusso 1981:511 for Northwest Caucasian and Al-Ani 1970:60-62 for Arabic). Moreover, loss of a glottal stop between an immediately preceding short vowel and an immediately following non-syllabic causes compensatory lengthening of the vowel in Akkadian and Arabic (cf. Cantineau 1960:79; Couvreur 1937:28889; Moscati 1964:61-64). Compare the following examples from Akkadian: A. Akk. ra'su räsu ( l a t e r rêsu) "head": Hebr. rōš "head"; Ar. ra' s "head"; Ug. riš "head"; Eth. rә' әs "head". B. Akk. rahmu rehmu re'mu rēmu " g r a c e , mercy": Hebr. rahum "compassionate"; Ar. rahima " t o have mercy, compas­ s i o n " , rahna " p i t y , compassion"; Harsüsi reham " t o p i t y " ; Ug. rhm " t o be kind". C. Akk. ba'lu be'lu be' lu bēlu "owner, l o r d " : Hebr. ba'al " l o r d , owner"; Ar. bu'ūl " l o r d , husband"; Soqotri ba'l "master, l o r d " ; Ug. b'l "owner of the house"; E t h . ba'al "owner, m a s t e r " . 14 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC An i d e n t i c a l development is t r a d i t i o n a l l y assumed f o r European. in Proto­Indo­ This laryngeal is not d i r e c t l y attested in any of the Indo­ European daughter languages, including (apparently) H i t t i t e ( c f . Bomhard 1976:230; Sturtevant 1942:53 and 1951:54). Additional confirmation that was a g l o t t a l stop is provided by Skt. ­pibati " d r i n k s " , Lat. bibit, Oir. ibid. pean antecedent would have been The Proto­Indo­Euro­ that i s , * / p î ­ p ? ­ e t î / . According to Gamkrelidze­Hopper­Ivanov, g l o t t a l i zed stops become voiced stops i n Sanskrit, L a t i n , and Old I r i s h . Likewise, we would expect the cluster * / p ? / to become / b / i n these languages, and t h i s is exactly what we do i n f a c t f i n d . Kurylowicz (1935:29­30) sets up to account f o r those cases i n which an a in the non­Anatolian daughter languages corresponds to an a in H i t t i t e , and H i t t i t e lacks a contiguous laryngeal r e f l e x . to say t h a t That is is not d i r e c t l y attested i n H i t t i t e or any of the other daughter languages ( c f . Bomhard 1976:230; Sturtevant 1942:42 and 1951: 51­52), though i t s former presence can be determined by the f a c t that i t changed a contiguous and by the f a c t that i t caused compen­ satory vowel lengthening when l o s t between an immediately preceding short vowel and an immediately following non­syllabic. According to Hopper (1977a:49­50), typological evidence implies that the voiceless laryngeal f r i c a t i v e / h / should be added to the Proto­Indo­European pho­ nemic inventory, and t h i s coincides with the phonetic value assigned to by Colarusso (1981:512), Lehmann (1952:108), and (apparently) Sturtevant (1951:52). In terms of d i s t i n c t i v e feature theory, / h / is [+cons, +low, ­ v o i c e , +cont, +grave]. As f a r as we are concerned, the most important feature is the feature [ l o w ] . According to Chomsky and Halle (1968:305), the a r t i c u l a t o r y gesture behind the feature [low] is a "lowering [ o f ] the body of the tongue below the level i t occupies i n the neutral p o s i t i o n " , while Colarusso (1981:509) defines i t as "an opening of the oral cavity to enhance resonance". I t was the presence of t h i s feature that was responsible f o r the lowering of *e to * a . F i n a l l y , we may note that developments s i m i l a r to those assumed f o r THE PIE CONSONANT SYSTEM 15 in Proto­Indo­European are found in Ubykh and in the Circassian languages, where / h / (and / h w / ) lowers and colors contiguous vowels and also causes compensatory vowel lengthening when l o s t ( c f . Colarusso 1975:396). Reflexes of are found i n H i t t i t e and the other older Anatolian languages, where they are w r i t t e n tevant 1942:35 and 1951:47). i ( c f . Bomhard 1976:222­27; Stur­ Like On this basis, we would expect feature [ l o w ] . changes a contiguous *e to also to be characterized by the Good candidates to assign as the phonetic values of are the m u l t i p l y ­ a r t i c u l a t e d pharyngeal/laryngeals , Not only are these sounds marked by the presence of the feature [ l o w ] , but they also make i t easy to account f o r the f a c t that i n i t i a l as h i n Armenian before f u l l ­ g r a d e vowels. appears We can envision a change of / f i / and then i n t o * / h / s i m i l a r to that found in the Ashkharwa d i a l e c t of Abkhaz ( c f . Colarusso 1981: 516). The r e s u l t i n g would have been l o s t in a l l of the non­Ana­ t o l i a n daughter languages except pre­Proto­Armenian. we may venture a guess that pharyngeals As i n Ashkharwa, developed from the e a r l i e r ' respectively in early pre­Anatolian Proto­ Indo­European. I t is more d i f f i c u l t to determine the phonetic values of of any of the other laryngeals. Reflexes of than are also found in the older Anatolian daughter languages ( c f . Bomhard 1976:228­30; Sturtevant 1942:44 and 1951:49­51). Goth. Forms such as H i t t . "time" and Lat. mëtior seem l i k e l y that "to measure", f o r example, make i t did not a l t e r the q u a l i t y of contiguous vowels. Possible candidates f o r might be the voiceless velar f r i c a t i v e / x / and i t s voiced counterpart / y / . several reasons: "time" beside I have chosen velar f r i c a t i v e s for F i r s t , these are among the types of sounds that we would expect as "laryngeals". Next, there is circumstantial evidence from the Anatolian languages that velar f r i c a t i v e s may underlie at least some of the Anatolian laryngeal reflexes. alternation in H i t t . The o f t e n ­ c i t e d points i n that d i r e c t i o n as do loanwords from H i t t i t e i n t o other languages and orthographic v a r i a t i o n 16 TOWARD PROTO-NOSTRATIC between k and ( f o r d e t a i l s , c f . Puhvel 1965:80­86). F i n a l l y , Cola­ russo (1981:540­46) has noted that velar f r i c a t i v e s do not cause vowel lowering in the Northwest Caucasian languages. This provides typolog­ i c a l confirmation that velar f r i c a t i v e s could underlie The question of whether or not l a b i a l i z e d laryngeals should be reconstructed f o r Proto­Indo­European w i l l not be discussed here even though there is at least circumstantial evidence that one or more l a ­ b i a l i z e d laryngeals may have existed i n the Indo­European parent l a n ­ guage ( c f . Adrados 1961 and 1964:27­44; Colarusso 1981:503­52; Martinet 1970:212­34 and 1975[1967]:114­43; Puhvel 1965:86­92; Watkins 1965b:181­ 89). Furthermore, there is even some evidence that Proto­Indo­European may also have had l a b i a l i z e d dentals as well as a l a b i a l i z e d s i b i l a n t . We may summarize our findings by s e t t i n g up the following matrix: ? h a­coloring ­ + + + ­ ­ e­coloring + ­ ­ + + preserved in Anatolian ­ ­ + ­ + + + X Y Now that we have determined the probable phonetic values of the laryngeals, we can turn to the question of t h e i r probable p r e h i s t o r i c development. I would set up four laryngeals f o r pre­Indo­European: , and . */?/, */h/, The e a r l i e s t development to take place was a s p l i t of That is to say, some and s o m e b e c a m e A sim­ i l a r development seems to have taken place in pre­Proto­Semitic (cf. Cohen 1968:1306) and in several of the Northwest Caucasian languages ( c f . Colarusso 1981:545­46). We may assume t h a t , as in Proto­Semitic, the velar f r i c a t i v e s * / x / and * / y / were of a lower frequency of occur­ rence than the pharyngeal f r i c a t i v e s * / h / and According to Cola­ russo (1981:545), pharyngeal f r i c a t i v e s can develop i n t o velar f r i c a ­ tives by passing through the following progression: (voice­ THE PIE CONSONANT SYSTEM less pharyngeal i zed velar f r i c a t i v e ) /x/. geal s were stable and non­vowel c o l o r i n g . tives with Kurylowicz's 17 At t h i s time, the l a r y n ­ I equate the velar f r i c a ­ but follow Sturtevant (1938:104­11 and 1942:20) in assuming that these laryngeals did not color contiguous vowels. At a l a t e r date, those pharyngeal f r i c a t i v e s that had remained and had not e a r l i e r become velar f r i c a t i v e s developed i n t o the m u l t i p l y ­ a r t i c u l a t e d pharyngeal/laryngeals Colarusso (1981: 516) cites a s i m i l a r development in the Ashkharwa d i a l e c t of Abkhaz. These pharyngeal/laryngeals, as also the voiceless laryngeal */h/, fricative contained the feature [low] as part of the simultaneous bundle of features characterizing these sounds. coloring" laryngeals. and * / h / with his These were the so­called "a­ I equate with Kurylowicz's I t was at the end of t h i s stage of development that the Anatolian languages became separated from the main speech com­ munity. In post­Anatolian Proto­Indo­European, and were l o s t i n i t i a l l y before vowels, while */h/ in the same environment. In l a t e r Proto­Indo­European ("Disin­ tegrating Indo­European"), a l l laryngeals f i r s t merged i n t o * / n / . (from e a r l i e r */h/ was then l o s t i n i t i a l l y before vowels (except in pre­Proto­Armenian) and medially between an immediately pre­ ceding vowel and a following non­syllabic. This l a t t e r change occa­ sioned the compensatory lengthening of preceding short vowels: eHC ēC oHC ōC aEC aC iHC lC uHC ÜC I assume that the single remaining laryngeal, */h/, was, at first, preserved in all other positions and that it had a syllabic allophone 18 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC when between two non­syllabics. I t is on the basis of the Armenian e v i ­ dence that I assume t h i s single laryngeal to have been a voiceless l a r y n ­ geal f r i c a t i v e . Szemerenyi (1967:89­90), V a i l l a n t (1950:241­46), and Zgusta (1951:428­72) also agree that the Proto­Indo­European antecedent of the non­Anatolian daughter languages had only a single laryngeal and that that laryngeal was a voiceless laryngeal f r i c a t i v e . See also Col­ linge 1970:67­101 and Hammerich 1948. In closing, we may note that many of the developments posited in this section for the Indo-European laryngeals are extremely similar to the developments found in Coptic (cf. Greenberg 1969:183-84). 2.3. THE VOICELESS ASPIRATES The evidence for the existence of voiceless aspirates in ProtoIndo-European is extremely slight, coming almost exclusively from IndoIranian. This fact has led a number of scholars to deny the phonemic status of these sounds in Proto-Indo-European and to suggest that their occurrence in the daughter languages may be due to secondary developments (cf. Allen 1976:237-47; Burrow 1973:71-73 and 393; Hiersche 1964; Kurylowicz 1935:46-54; Lehmann 1952:80-84; Polomé 1971:233-51; Sturtevant 1942:83-86). The first to sugguest that the voiceless aspirates might be secondary was Ferdinand de Saussure. In a paper read before the Société de Linguistique de Paris in 1891, he derived these sounds from sequences of plain voiceless stop plus a following "coefficient sonantique". A laryngeal explanation, along the lines proposed by de Saussure, has much to recommend it in many cases. For example, the voiceless aspir"stands" can plausibly be derived from an ate found in Skt. earlier sequence of plain voiceless stop plus laryngeal, that is, This explanation is supported by the corresponding Greek form ucnrnyu (Dor. ) "I place" , with long vowel from earlier short vowel plus following preconsonantal laryngeal. Sanskrit has zero-grade of the root, and Greek has full-grade. Like- THE PIE CONSONANT SYSTEM 19 w i s e , Av. nom. s g . " p a t h , way" i s from *pénteA­s, w h i l e gen. s g . pαθō ( c f . S k t . gen. s g . path h) i s from The v o i c e l e s s a s p i r ­ ate found i n t h e S k t . nom. s g . p nthāh i s from t h e weak cases ( c f . B u r ­ row 1973:72). For a d d i t i o n a l examples, c f . Burrow 1973:71­73, K u r y l o ­ wicz 1935:46­54, and S t u r t e v a n t 1942:83­86. While de Saussure's t h e o r y accounts f o r t h e o r i g i n o f some cases o f v o i c e l e s s a s p i r a t e s , i t does n o t e x p l a i n a l l . There are several words o f onomatopoeic o r i g i n t h a t c o n t a i n v o i c e l e s s a s p i r a t e s . Among these are ( c f . M e i l l e t 1967:106): A. Skt. kįkhati "laughs"; Arm. xaxank' "guffaw"; Gk. xαχ ζω) " I laugh"; OCS. xoxot "guffaw"; Lat. cachinnō " I laugh aloud" (cf. Pokorny 1959:634); B. Skt. phŭt­karoti "puffs, blows"; Arm. p'uk' "breath, puff"; Gk. σα ( * τα) "a pair of bellows"; L i t h . phŭti "to blow ( a i r ) " (cf.'Pokorny 1959:847). A l a r y n g e a l e x p l a n a t i o n i s t o be r u l e d o u t h e r e . According t o Hiersche ( 1 9 6 4 ) , some v o i c e l e s s a s p i r a t e s i n Indo­ Aryan seem t o owe t h e i r o r i g i n t o t h e "spontaneous a s p i r a t i o n " o f p l a i n v o i c e l e s s stops a f t e r a preceding s , an example here being S k t . sthagati " t o c o v e r , h i d e , c o n c e a l " , w i t h a s p i r a t i o n , beside Gk. " t o c o v e r " , w i t h o u t a s p i r a t i o n . However, D. Gary M i l l e r (1977b:366) r e j e c t s H i e r s c h e ' s t h e o r y on t h e grounds o f phonetic i m p l a u s i b i l i t y . M i l l e r p o i n t s o u t t h a t " i t i s p r e c i s e l y a f t e r [ s ] where i t i s most natural f o r sounds t o be u n a s p i r a t e d " . While M i l l e r ' s arguments a r e cogent, t h e f a c t s t i l ! remains t h a t many examples o f v o i c e l e s s a s p i r ­ ates a r e found a f t e r s i n I n d o ­ A r y a n . Regardless o f what t h e c o r r e c t e x p l a n a t i o n o f t h e i r o r i g i n may b e , t h e r e i s no j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r r e ­ g a r d i n g these v o i c e l e s s a s p i r a t e s as i n h e r i t e d . Rather, we are d e a l ­ ing here w i t h an Indo­Aryan i n n o v a t i o n . The evidence seems t o i n d i c a t e t h a t Proto­Indo­European d i d i n f a c t have phonetic v o i c e l e s s a s p i r a t e s b u t t h a t they occurred only very i n f r e q u e n t l y . They were found i n words o f onomatopoeic o r i g i n and were 20 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC possibly also used for emphasis. Since, however, they were not used to mark distinctive contrasts, the voiceless aspirates must be regarded simply as non-phonemic variants of the plain voiceless stops. It was only later in several of the dialects of Disintegrating Indo-European -- pre-Indo-Iranian, pre-Greek, pre-Armenian, and pre-Italic -- that the voiceless aspirates became phonemic. Correspondences : PIE *P *t Skt. Av. Arm. P P h w 0 ph f p' t t th e s k c s k c s k' kh X X t' Gk. T ocs. Goth. OIr. p f b 0 P P P t pd t th t t t c ts h g c ch c s k k ç Lat. Li th. Toch. s k č c *k X X 2.4. THE GUTTURALS Pre-divisional Proto-Indo-European may be assumed to have had two types of gutturals: plain velars and labiovelars. The latter type was characterized by a secondary articulation of labialization that served to maximize the distinction between this series and the plain velars. It has often been assumed that Proto-Indo-European had three guttural series: (1) palatals, (2) velars, and (3) labiovelars. This theory, however, is without foundation. In the first place, such a theory would force us to assume that there was a common innovation in the Proto-Indo-European antecedent of the centum languages in which the palatals merged with the velars. There is absolutely no evidence whatsoever that such a merger has taken place. Furthermore, the palatals can be shown to have become phonemic only in the Proto-Indo-European antecedent of the satem languages (cf. Lehmann 1952:8; Meillet 1964: THE PIE CONSONANT SYSTEM 21 94-95). Finally, it is not necessary to set up a third series to account for cases in which velars in the satem languages correspond to velars in the centum languages since these examples can be explained equally well by assuming just two series (cf. Burrow 1973:76-77). This subject is discussed with great lucidity by Meillet (1964:93-94), who notes that the cases in which velars in the centum languages correspond to velars in the satem languages occur in certain specific environments: (1) before *a, (2) before *r, (3) after *s, and (4) at the end of roots, especially after *u. Meillet sums up his discussion of the gutturals by noting that the velars were simply preserved in certain positions and palatalized in others. In his cross-linguistic study of palatalization, D. N. S. Bhat (1978:60-67) discusses palatalizing environments. He notes: "The most prominent environment that could enduce palatalization in a consonant is a following front vowel (especially the high- and mid-front unrounded vowels i and e ) , and a following palatal semivowel (yod). These are reported to be effective in palatalizing a preceding consonant in almost all of the languages examined by us. A following yod is more effective on apicals, whereas a following vowel, especially stressed, is more effective on velars Velars may also be palatalized by a following low front vowel There are only a limited number óf instances in which a front vowel (or a high back vowel) is reported to have palatalized a following consonant". That is to say that, while the latter does in fact occur, it is a far less frequently attested phenomenon than the palatalization of a preceding consonant. Bhat (1978:66) also discusses the fact that certain environments may block palatalization: "We have noted only two environments that could be specified as capable of blocking palatalization. They are (1) an apical trill or tap, and (2) a retroflex consonant. Both these could prevent palatalization of a velar consonant, that is, they could block the tongue fronting tendency of a given environment". Palatalization of velars is an extremely common phenomenon and can be observed in the historical development of many languages. We can take the developments in the Romance languages as an example. Classical 22 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC Latin had the following gutturals (cf. Sturtevant 1940:165­70): Velars Labiovelars c, k /k/ w qu /k / g /g/ gu /gw/ Somewhere around the beginning of the third century A.D., / k / and /g/ were palatalized to /kv/ and / g V respectively before e, ae, ê, i , and £ (cf. Elcock 1960:53­55). /ky and / g y / then became / t y / and / d y / respectively and then y ' and . developed into Fr. / s / , r Sp. / e / , Port, / s / , I t . / , and Rom. y . I t should be noted that Sardinian is a r e l i c area in which / k / and / g / are not palatalized, /dzv/ developed into Fr. , and Rom. w There has also been a general delabialization of /k / and /g w / in the Romance languages, especially before front vowels. For details about the development of the gutturals in the Romance languages, cf. Mendel off 1969:16­31. The comparative evidence allows us to reconstruct the following gutturals for pre­divisional Proto­Indo­European: Plain velars Labiovelars k5 k k w g k ' w gw The Anatolian data are particularly important here. The Anatolian lan­ guages show no trace either of palatalization of the velars or of dela­ bialization of the labiovelars (cf. Bomhard 1976:218­20 and Sturtevant 1951:55­59 for examples). Therefore, we can say with some confidence that pre­Anatolian Proto­Indo­European had only two guttural series and that the development of palatal allophones of the velars and the dela­ bialization of the labiovelars must have taken place after the separa­ tion of the Anatolian languages from the main speech community. The gutturals probably developed as follows: In post­Anatolian Proto­Indo­European, the velars developed non­phonemic palatalized allo­ phones when contiguous with front vowels and apophonic *o as well as before *y (and perhaps in some cases even before *a). In the Disinte­ THE PIE CONSONANT SYSTEM 23 grating Indo­European antecedent of the satem languages, the labiovelars were ­ ­ perhaps only p a r t i a l l y at f i r s t ­ ­ delabial ized. The newly de­ l a b i a l i z e d labiovelars merged with the unpalatalized allophones of the plain velars. This change then brought about the phonemicization of the palatalized allophones of the plain velars since both palatalized and unpalatalized velars (the l a t t e r from e a r l i e r labiovelars) were now found in the v i c i n i t y of f r o n t vowels, apophonic * o , and *y. Thus, the Disintegrating Indo­European antecedent of the satem languages had the following g u t t u r a l s : Palatals kY k'Y gy Velars k kw k, g gw) (Labiovelars k'w These changes probably began in the Disintegrating Indo­European ances­ tor of Indo­Iranian and spread outward to p r e ­ B a l t i c , pre­Slavic, pre­ Armenian, and pre­Albanian ( c f . Szemerényi 1972:129). The fact that the various satem languages sometimes show a d i f f e r e n t treatment for the labiovelars as opposed to the plain velars seems to indicate that the delabial i z a t i o n of the labiovelars may not have been carried through to completion u n t i l a f t e r the emergence of the individual satem daughter languages ( c f . Szemerényi 1972:128). Since the labiovelars did not be­ come delabialized in the Proto­Indo­European antecedents of the centum languages, there was no impetus f o r the phonemicization of the palatals here. These developments may be represented diagrammatically thus: Step 1. The velars develop non­phonemic palatalized allophones when contiguous with front vowels: Contiguous with front vowels: Contiguous with back vowels: k /kY/ k /k/ k' /k'Y/ k' /kV g /gV g /g/ 24 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC Step 2. In the Proto­Indo­European antecedent of the satem languages, the labiovelars are (par­ tially) delabialized and merge with the un­ palatalized velars: kw k w Step 3. k' k' 9W 9 Both palatalized and unpalatalized velars are now found in the vicinity of front vowels, apo­ phonic *o, and *y. This contrast becomes phon­ emic: Contiguous with front vowels : /k Y / + kY k /k'Y/­> k'y g /gV k 5 k w (<­ k ) + gy + k w k' («­ k' ) + g Step 4. w («­ g ) + k' g Contiguous with back vowels : ( k, k w ) k' ( w k g ( k', k' ) g, w g ) k k' g Palatals are analogously extended to the vicin­ ity of back vowels. Even though the Guttural Theory outlined in this section cannot explain every example, i t has, nevertheless, the advantage of being able to account for the greatest number of developments. Moreover, i t is fully compatible with everything we know about sound change and has h i s t o r i c a l l y ­ a t t e s t e d parallels in natural languages. Cf. Georgiev 1966:22­34 and Meillet 1964:91­95 and 1967:68­73 for essentially the same conclusions about the development of the gutturals. Postvelars (or uvulars) have also been posited for Proto­Indo­ European by several scholars, the most recent being Rudolf Normier (1977:174­75). In my opinion, these theories are not without merit. Avestan Albanian Armenian fs h h ­ s th ^—' c z s * Gothic h g Old Irish c ch Osean c k Latin c * Greek Tocharian g | k q k ! ! g Y ,k ç k g gj g J k g ^ 1 h h ! h g f c a h g f !X » c ch x z 9 _ 1| 1 u 1 1 _ 1 b q b qu c _ v gu g 1 1 T K w q k hw h g J g z dz k g z Y J 1 __ a Y g gj z r, c k c ch g k q s k c c 9 k gh h 'g j k x c s k' z gï dz  h g I g g Jz g 1 K k c c Y k k' 'j z ­s Hittite k x c s zdhd k~c gh h g j ^—• Lithuanian Old Ch. SI. |""k c z THE PIE CONSONANT SYSTEM Sanskrit 9 |+ f v gu 1 3 ô y k ç ku k ç k kw/u (P & x 25 26 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATTC However, since I do not at present believe that there were more than two guttural series ­ ­ plain velars and labiovelars ­ ­ at the time when Proto­Indo­European began to s p l i t up i n t o the non­Anatolian daugh­ t e r languages, the postvelars, i f they ever e x i s t e d , must have been l o s t at some time well before the l a t e s t period of development, "Disintegrat­ ing Indo­European". 2.5. THE EJECTIVES In an important study on the hierarchical correlation of elements in a phonological system, Thomas V. Gamkrelidze (1978:9-46) has shown that stops and fricatives arrange themselves into definite hierarchical relationships based upon their relative frequency of occurrence. The more common, more usual, more frequent a sound, the less marked it is in relationship to other sounds, which are less common, less usual, less frequent, that is, more marked. The various hierarchies established by Gamkrelidze were arrived at by investigating the frequency distribution of sounds in a great number of languages. These hierarchical relationships are found to be characteristic of language in general and not language specific, the underlying reasons being phonetic: the distinctive features making up the unmarked sounds simply combine with each other into simultaneous bundles more easily than do the distinctive features making up marked sounds. Finally, Gamkrelidze notes that, when there are gaps or empty slots in a system, they invariably occur at the point of articulation of the most highly marked member in the'hierarchy. The following is one ofthe hierarchies established by Gamkrelidze: /b/ /p/ /p h / /p'/ The arrows indicate the direction of greater markedness; that is to say, /b/ is the most common, most usual, most frequent, hence, least marked member; /p/ is less common than /b/ but more common than /p h / THE PIE CONSONANT SYSTEM 27 and /p'/; /p h / is less common than /b/ and /p/ but more common than / p V ; and, finally, /p'/ is the least common, hence, most marked member. Since gaps occur at the position of the most highly marked member, if there is a gap in this series, it will be /p 5 / that will be missing (cf. here also Greenberg 1970:127). Gamkrelidze's findings have important implications for Proto-IndoEuropean. As pointed out above in section 2.1, the phoneme traditionally reconstructed as *b was a marginal sound of extremely limited occurrence, if it even existed at all. As we have seen from the typological evidence discussed in the immediately preceding paragraphs, such a frequency distribution is not at all characteristic of /b/. Rather, the frequency distribution points to the original non­voiced character of this sound in Proto-Indo-European. Further investigation reveals other anomalies in the whole series traditionally reconstructed as plain voiced stops. First, all of these sounds -- not just *b -- were characterized by a lower frequency of occurrence relative to the traditional plain voiceless and voiced aspirated stops. Next, the plain voiced stops were rarely found in inflectional affixes and pronouns. Finally, two plain voiced stops could not cooccur in a root. The frequency distribution of these sounds plus their limited role in the system in general makes the traditional reconstruction highly suspect from a typological point of view. These are the observations that led Gamkrelidze, Hopper, and Ivanov to'reinterpret the traditional plain voiced stops as ejectives. Not only does such a reinterpretation easily account for the frequency distribution of these sounds, it also explains the fact that they were used only very infrequently in inflectional affixes and pronouns, since this type of patterning is characteristic of the way ejectives behave in natural languages having such sounds. Finally, the constraint against the cooccurrence of two ejectives in a root is found in a number of languages with ejectives (Hopper 1973:160-61 cites Hausa, Yucatec Mayan, and Quechua as examples of natural languages in which this constraint is found). 28 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC The majority of scholars currently agree that the voiceless aspir­ ates were not phonemic in Proto­Indo­European ( c f . section 2.3) and that Proto­Indo­European had a stop system with a three­way contrast (except in the l a b i a l s e r i e s ) : Such a system is t y p o l o g i c a l l y unacceptable, however, since no known natural language has such a contrast ( c f . Jakobson 1971[1957]:528; Martinet 1970:115). Therefore, we must e i t h e r reinstate the voiceless aspirates as Szemerényi (1967:88­89) has attempted to do or come up with a t r u l y new look f o r Indo­European. Now, since there are extreme­ ly cogent arguments against r e i n s t a t i n g the voiceless aspirates (cf. section 2 . 3 ) , the only course open is to seek an alternate reconstruc­ t i o n f o r the Proto­Indo­European stop system that is both t y p o l o g i c a l l y acceptable and h i s t o r i c a l l y probable; that is to say that the new sys­ tem must be able to account f o r developments in the daughter languages at least as well as, i f not better than, the t r a d i t i o n a l reconstruction. The typological problems caused by reconstructing voiced aspirates without corresponding voiceless aspirates can be eliminated by r e i n t e r ­ preting the voiced aspirates as plain voiced stops, at least f o r pre­ d i v i s i o n a l Proto­Indo­European ( f o r d e t a i l s , c f . section 2.6 below). The new system is now complete, and we can represent i t as f o l l o w s : The r e s u l t i n g system belongs to a quite common type. Similar systems can be found in the Caucasian languages, many American Indian languages, and several sub­Saharan African languages ( f o r examples, THE PIE CONSONANT SYSTEM 29 cf. the phonological systems given in Ruhlen 1976). The new system, therefore, fulfills the requirement of typological acceptability that is lacking in the traditional reconstruction. The question now is whether or not the new system can also fulfill the requirement of historical probability. There is no uniform treatment of the ejectives. The Germanic, Tocharian, and Anatolian developments are straightforward: deglottal- ization. In p r e ­ B a l t i c , pre­Slavic, p r e ­ C e l t i c , and pre­Albanian, the ejec­ tives may be assumed to have passed through the following progression: g l o t t a l i zed creaky voice f u l l voice: The r e s u l t i n g sounds merged with the plain voiced stops (the t r a d i t i o n ­ al voiced aspirates). A progression such as that posited here f o r these branches is p e r f e c t l y natural and has p a r a l l e l s in several of the Caucasian languages ( c f . Colarusso 1975:82­83 and 1981:479­80; Gamkrelidze­Ivanov 1973:154). Also, in the modern South Arabian lan­ guages, "the p o s t ­ g l o t t a l i zed (ejective) consonants have p a r t i a l l y voiced and more rarely wholly voiced variants" ( c f . Johnstone 1975:6). In pre­Greek, p r e ­ I t a l i c , pre­Indo­Iranian, and pre­Armenian, the developments were more complicated. F i r s t , we must assume that the voiceless aspirates became phonemic i n these branches. voiced stops became voiced aspirates. Next, the plain F i n a l l y , i n pre­Greek, p r e ­ I t a l i c , and pre­Indo­Iranian ­ ­ but not pre­Armenian ­ ­ the ejectives f i r s t de­ veloped i n t o implosives. These implosives were then d e g l o t t a l i z e d , leaving plain voiced stops as the r e s u l t : The ejectives remained in Armenian. As noted above, the sound t r a d i t i o n a l l y reconstructed as *b was 30 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC probably nonexistant in Proto­Indo­European. Under the revised i n t e r ­ p r e t a t i o n , t h i s sound would have been a l a b i a l e j e c t i v e . Had this sound existed in the Indo­European parent language, i t would have devel­ oped i n t o / b / in those daughter languages that have changed the ejec­ tives i n t o voiced stops. OIr. ibid In the case of Skt. p i b a t i , Lat. bibit, " d r i n k s " , from PIE *pipPeti, a development. and we have d i r e c t evidence f o r such While i t is common f o r languages having ejectives to have a gap at the point of a r t i c u l a t i o n of the l a b i a l e j e c t i v e , no known natural language with a voiced ~ voiceless contrast in stops has a gap at the point of a r t i c u l a t i o n of the voiced l a b i a l . Since the normal development of the Disintegrating Indo­European phonological system in Greek, I t a l i c , and Indo­Iranian would have created such a gap, a voiced l a b i a l was introduced in these languages by various means. In Greek, the g l o t t a l i zed labiovelar * k , w developed i n t o / b / ( w r i t t e n $) under certain conditions. and Umbrian. This is the regular development i n Oscan In L a t i n , / b / arose from medial *ƒ and from e a r l i e r *e when before or a f t e r / r / , before / I / , or a f t e r / u / . In Indo­Aryan, / b / arose from / b h / through the change described by Grassmann's Law. F i n a l l y , the gap was f i l l e d in a l l three branches through borrowings. Under the t r a d i t i o n a l reconstruction, the Germanic and Armenian "sound s h i f t s " are anomalous. Nothing quite the same exists in any of the other daughter languages (except, probably, the poorly­attested Thracian and Phrygian). There i s , of course, Tocharian, but the changes there are d i f f e r e n t in that the opposition between the t r a d i t i o n a l plain voiceless, plain voiced, and voiced aspirated stops i s completely elim­ inated ( c f . Krause­Thomas 1960:64; Van Windekens 1976:76), w h i l e , in Germanic and Armenian, the opposition remains i n t a c t . The Germanic and Armenian developments cannot have been due to a common innovation since there is no i n d i c a t i o n that these two branches were ever in contact. Under the new reconstruction, these branches are to be seen as r e l i c areas. In f a c t , they provide a key piece of evidence in support of the Glottal i c Theory. I t is thus clear that the positing of ejectives in place of the THE PIE CONSONANT SYSTEM 31 t r a d i t i o n a l plain voiced stops easily f u l f i l l s the requirement of h i s ­ t o r i c a l p r o b a b i l i t y as w e l l . Furthermore, several problems that could not be accounted f o r w i t h i n the t r a d i t i o n a l framework now become ex­ plainable. Correspondences: Proto­Indo­European *t> *k> *k 5 w Sanskrit d d J z g j Avestan Albanian d dh z dh d Armenian t c g Yj z g gj 2 k Old Ch. SI. d z g z dz Lithuanian d V z g Gothic t k q k Old Irish d g b g Osean d g b Latin d g v gu g Greek 6 Y 3 6 y Tocharian t c ts k ç ku k ç t k kw/u Hittite 2.6. V V THE TRADITIONAL VOICED ASPIRATES The t r a d i t i o n a l reconstruction of the Proto­Indo­European conson­ ant system includes (1) plain voiceless stops, (2) voiceless aspirated stops, (3) plain voiced stops, and (4) voiced aspirated stops ( c f . Brug mann 1970:52; Burrow 1973:67; M e i l l e t 1964:82­95; Szemerényi 1970:47­ 64). However, i t has become increasingly clear that the voiceless as­ pirates were not phonemic in the Indo­European parent language. Orig­ i n a l voiceless aspirates seem to have been extremely rare at best and to have been merely non­phonemic variants of the plain voiceless stops in Proto­Indo­European ( c f . section 2.3 above). 32 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC The removal of the voiceless aspirates affects the status of the voiced aspirates since the latter only seem to be attested in languages where there also exists a series of voiceless aspirates in the system (cf. Martinet 1970:115). Therefore, it becomes necessary to redefine the phonetic make-up of the voiced aspirates. It should be noted that several unsuccessful attempts have already been made in this direction. Jerzy Kurylowicz (1964b:13), for example, has tried to show that the voiced aspirates were not phonemically voiced. However, such an interpretation seems unlikely in view of the fact that the daughter languages are nearly unanimous in pointing to some sort of voicing in this series in Proto-Indo-European. This same objection may be raised against the theory -- advocated by Prokosch (1938:39-41) -- that the voiced aspirates were really the voiceless fricatives Moreover, the daughter languages point to stops as the original mode of articulation and not fricatives. Not only does this last objection make Prokosch's theory seem even more untenable, it also speaks against the theory — advocated by Walde (1897:491) and Knobloch (1965:163) — that the voiced aspirates may have been the voiced fricatives Equally unconvincing is Louis Hammerich's (1967:839-49) suggestion that the voiced aspirates may have been emphatics. Hammerich does not further define what he means by the term "emphatics" but implies that they are to be equated with the "emphatics" of Semitic grammar (see section 7.2 for a detailed discussion of emphatics). Now, in Arabic, the emphatics are either uvularized (cf. Catford 1977:193) or pharyngeal i zed (cf. Al-Ani 1970:44-58; Catford 1977:193; Chomsky and Halle 1968:306). Such sounds are always accompanied by backing of adjacent vowels (cf. Hyman 1975:49; Ladefoged 1971:63-64). In Proto-IndoEuropean, all vowels were found in the neighborhood of the voiced aspirates, and there is no indication that any of these vowels had different allophones here than when contiguous with other sounds. Had the voiced aspirates been emphatics such as those found in Arabic, they would have caused backing of contiguous vowels, and this would be reflected in the daughter languages in some manner. However, this is not the case. The reflexes found in the daughter languages are either plain THE PIE CONSONANT SYSTEM 33 voiced stops or sounds that can easily be derived from plain voiced stops in the majority of cases. Only Old Indie, Armenian, Greek, and Italic present problems. Both Old Indie and Armenian have voiced aspirates (for an up-to-date description of the phonetic properties of voiced aspirates, cf. Ingemann and Yadav 1978:337-44), while Greek has the voiceless aspirates and x > and Italic originally had the voiceless aspirates and 'a ^. For correspondences and examples, cf. Meillet 1964:86-88. The developments found in the daughter languages can be explained by assuming that this series was originally characterized by full voicing and that the development of voiced aspirates was a late innovation shared by the ancestors of Indo-Iranian, Armenian, Greek, and Italic. In Greek and Italic, the voiced aspirates were devoiced, thus becoming voiceless aspirates. Such a change is not without parallels — one can cite the example of Romany (cf. Meillet 1967:100). In Italic, the resulting voiceless aspirates then developed into voiceless fricatives. We know from typological evidence that voiced aspirates do not occur unless there is also a series of voiceless aspirates in the system. Now, it is precisely Indo-Iranian, Armenian, Greek, and, to a lesser extent, Italic that supply the strongest evidence for the existence of voiceless aspirates (cf. Meillet 1967:103-09). Consequently, we may also assume that a series of voiceless aspirates had become phonemic in the ancestors of these branches. Grassmann's Law describes similar developments regarding the original voiced aspirates in Old Indie and Greek. In Old Indie, the first voiced aspirate occurring in a root was changed into the corresponding plain voiced stop when another voiced aspirate followed. However, two voiced aspirates were allowed in Old Indie when one was part of an ending. In Greek, the first voiceless aspirate was changed into the corresponding plain voiceless stop when another voiceless aspirate followed. I follow Gamkrelidze (1976:404 and 1981:607-08) in his reinterpretation of Grassmann's Law as a rule of allophonic alternation between aspirates and non-aspirates dating to the period of contact between the 34 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC ancestors of Indo-Iranian and Greek and not a parallel development arising independently in Indo-Iranian on the one side and in Greek on the other. Correspondences: Proto­Indo­European *gw *g h Sanskrit bh dh Avestan b d z Albanian b d dh z dh d Armenian b w d J Old Ch. S1. b d Lithuanian b d z z Gothic b d g Old Irish b d Latin f b f d Greek % Tocharían t c ts Hittite P P 1 t Z gh h g Y J z z g gj z g j z g z dz g w g f Oscan 2.7. *d *b h f h g f f v gu X ! cp & X k c i ku k ç k i kw/u THE RESONANTS The résonants could function as syllabi cs or non-syllabics depending upon their environment. They were non-syllabic (1) when between vowels or initially before vowels, (2) when preceded by a vowel and followed by a consonant, and (3) when preceded by a consonant and followed by a vowel. The résonants became syllabic when the stress-conditioned loss of former contiguous vowels left them between two non-syllabics: THE PIE CONSONANT SYSTEM 35 For a f u l l e r discussion of the patterning of the resonants, c f . Edger­ ton 1943 and 1962, Horowitz 1974, Lehmann 1952:10­14, and Szemerényi 1970:100­03. See also sections 3.6 and 3.9. Correspondences: 2.8. Proto­Indo­European *m *n Sanskrit m n r 1 r Avestan m n r r Albanian m n Armenian m n i *l *r r 1 î r r Old Ch. SI. m n r Lithuanian m n r Gothic m ­n n r Old Irish m n r Oscan m n r Latin m n Greek y ­v V r Tocharian m m n ñ m « 1 ly P r Hittite m ­n n r X CONCLUDING REMARKS On the basis of the points discussed in t h i s chapter, we are now in a position to delineate the Proto­Indo­European phonemic inventory. Since we have discussed several periods of development w i t h i n Proto­ Indo­European, we could represent the phonemic inventory in any one of a number of d i f f e r e n t ways, each r e f l e c t i n g a d i f f e r e n t epoch in the p r e h i s t o r i c development of the Indo­European parent language. However, we shall r e s t r i c t ourselves here to a single period, namely, early post­Anatolian Indo­European. This stage may be described as the per­ iod of development j u s t a f t e r the separation of the Anatolian languages from the main speech community and before the emergence of "Disintegrat­ 36 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC ing Indo­European". The Proto­Indo­European phonological system of t h i s stage of development may be reconstructed as follows: Stops: Voiced: Glottalized: O. Voiceless: t k kw b d gw V g k5 s X (p') k'w ? Fricatives: Voiceless: Voiced: Glides: hh h Y w y Résonants: Nasals: m/m n/n Rolled: r/r Lateral: l/i I t may be noted that a phonological system with l a b i a l , dental, v e l a r , and labiovelar points of a r t i c u l a t i o n exists in Classical Ethiopie (Geez), which, in this respect, provides a neat typological p a r a l l e l to the Proto­Indo­European system posited above. 3 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF THE PROTO­INDO­EUROPEAN VOWEL SYSTEM 3.1. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND The f i r s t attempt to reconstruct the Proto­Indo­European vowel system was made by August Schleicher. Schleicher's system was as f o l ­ lows (1876:11): Original Vowel A. a­grade a First Increment Second Increment a + a = aa a + aa = äa B. i­grade i a + i = ai a + ai = āi C. u­grade u a + u = au a + au = ecu Even though Schleicher's system, which was patterned after that of Old Indic, was able to account for many of the developments found in the daughter languages, there remained many unsolved problems, and his system did not endure the onslaughts of a series of brilliant discoveries made in the seventies of the last century by a new generation of scholars, the so-called "Neogrammarians". Perhaps the most important discovery of the Neogrammarian period was the "Law of Palatals", according to which an original *k, for example, developed into c in Old Indic under the influence of a following *I, *!, or *y. This discovery firmly established the primacy of the vowel systems found in the European daughter languages and proved that 38 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC the Indo-Ira.iian system had resulted from an innovation in which original , and had merged i n t o . Also important was the demon- stration that the Indo-European parent language had syllabic liquids and nasals. According to the Neogrammarians (see especially Brugmann 1970:6690 and Hübschmann 1885), Proto-Indo-European had the following vowel system: A. Vowels: B. Diphthongs: C. Syllabic Liquids and Nasals: During the past h a l f century or so, the Neogrammarian view has been steadily attacked. I t was dealt i t s f i r s t major blow in 1927 with Kurylowicz's demonstration that one of de Saussure's " c o e f f i c i e n t s so­ nantiques" was preserved in H i t t i t e . In one f e l l swoop, the so­called " o r i g i n a l " long vowels (as well as the long s y l l a b i c l i q u i d s and nasals) were eliminated as were * a , which was taken to r e s u l t from *e when next to an "a­coloring" laryngeal, and non­apophonic *o9 which was taken to r e s u l t from *e when next to an "o­coloring" laryngeal. The next to go were the diphthongs, which were reanalyzed as clusters of vowel plus resonant and resonant plus vowel ( c f . Lehmann 1952:10­14). pendent status of *i The inde­ and *u had early been questioned by Mei 1 l e t (1964: 118­22), who regarded them as the s y l l a b i c forms of *y and *w respec­ tively. F i n a l l y , a s t r i c t adherence to H i r t ' s ablaut and accentuation theories made i t possible to eliminate apophonic * o , which was taken to r e s u l t from an e a r l i e r *e when the accent was s h i f t e d from the *e to another s y l l a b l e ( c f . Burrow 1973:112­13; H i r t 1921:173­79; Lehmann THE PIE VOWEL SYSTEM 39 1952:109-10). By applying all of these theories, it became possible to reduce the Proto-Indo-European vowel system to a single member: *e. It should be made clear that this extreme view was never universally adopted. In fact, it was vigorously attacked by several scholars, including Roman Jakobson (1971[1957]:528), who soberly noted: "The onevowel picture of Proto-Indo-European finds no support in the recorded languages of the world". See also Trubetzkoy 1969:96. In 1967, Szemerényi, relying heavily on typological data to support his arguments, reinstated all of the vowels reconstructed by the Neogrammarians: a e o i u ä ź 5 T ū ә Szemerényi (1967:97, fn. 91), however, ignores the diphthongs, "whose phonemic status is disputed". I fully support Szemerényi's views on the vowels and would reconstruct an identical system for the ProtoIndo-European antecedent of the non-Anatolian daughter languages (cf. Bomhard 1979a:72). The following correspondences provide the basis for this reconstruction (cf. Brugmann 1970:67; Meillet 1964:98-126): A. Short Vowels: Proto­Indo­European *e *o Gothic i Old Irish e o Latin e o Greek Tocharian B e ya­ *î *u *ә i ai u au a j a î u o a j a î u a t u a e o î u ā a î u i a ! *a a o ä a e i j a i ? ā a i Indo­Iranian Albanian a e Old Ch. SI. e Lithuanian e i u a e î u a o B B o a î u a ,ë je i e Armenian o j a i o 40 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC B. Long Vowels: Proto­Indo­European Gothic Old Irish i *ź *ō ë ō \ Greek Tocharian B á í ë n Latin *āi ō ā ω ye­ e ā o a ā ai Albanian o e Armenian i u Old Ch. Sl. ě Lithuanian é *ū ei ū í ú T ī ū i u o ī a Indo­Iranian *ī o a a i uo ō ū i Y i u i y y ū ō 3.2. VOWEL GRADATION Proto­Indo­European, as a l s o , f o r example, Proto­Kartvelian, North­ west Caucasian, and Proto­Semitic, was characterized by an interchange of vocalic elements that could occur in any s y l l a b l e . This interchange, which i s commonly called "ablaut" or "vowel gradation", was p a r t i a l l y correlated with the position of the accent and with d i s t i n c t i o n s be­ tween grammatical categories ( c f . Burrow 1973:108­17). Several grada­ t i o n series are t r a d i t i o n a l l y distinguished, and the general scheme may be represented as follows ( c f . Brugmann 1970:138­50; M e i l l e t 1967:153­ 68): I. Short Vowel Gradation: Lengthened­Grade A. B. ē ~ō Normal­Grade e ^ o Reduced­Grade 0 ēï ^ ÖM eî i» oí i eu V ' i 5u eu ^ ou u ėr ^ ör e r *\> or r THE PIE VOWEL SYSTEM 41 Short Vowel Gradation (continued): Lengthened­Grade Normal­Grade ēl ~ ōl el ~ ol ēm ~ ōm em ~ om ēn ~ ōn en ~ on C. a ~ o D. II. Reduced­Grade ų a| i au u Loug Vowel Gradation: E. F. G. ē ō ~ ə ō ə a ~ ō ə The most common vowel was *e, and the most common gradation pattern was the *e ~ *o contrast. The vowel *a was of relatively low statistical frequency and, at least according to Meillet (1964:154), did not take part in the regular gradation patterning. It should be pointed out, however, that several rare examples of an *a ~ *o contrast are attested in the non-Anatolian daughter languages, one probable example being: Gk. ayw "to lead, carry, convey, bring" oyuos "any straight line: path, etc." 3.3. a furrow, CRITIQUE OF THE TRADITIONAL RECONSTRUCTION Colarusso (1981:499) has astutely observed: "...the PIE vowel system *e ~ *o is typologically utterly bizarre. Even adding *a to this system does not change this fact". Perhaps the most typologically 42 TOWARD PROTO-NOSTRATIC unusual thing about the Proto­Indo­European vowel system as t r a d i t i o n ­ a l l y reconstructed is the great importance of the *e ~ *o ablaut and the concomitant marginal i t y of * a . Adding laryngeal s only makes the system even more unusual since *a then becomes mostly (but not in every case!) a positional variant of * e . tionship to be reversed. Rather, we would expect the r e l a ­ A l l languages surveyed by Crothers (1978:93­ 152) have the vowel / a / , and this vowel is consistently characterized by a high frequency of occurrence ( c f . , f o r example, the frequency counts given in Greenberg 1966a:18­19). Moreover, in the Kartvelian languages, Semitic languages, and Northwest Caucasian languages, which also e x h i b i t ablaut e i t h e r as an active process or as a r e l i c of an e a r l i e r , f u l l y functioning ablaut process, the vowel / a / i s an integral part of the ablaut system ( c f . Gamkrelidze 1966:80­81 f o r K a r t v e l i a n , Kurylowicz 1962 f o r Semitic, and Colarusso 1981:499­502 f o r Northwest Caucasian). Clearly, i f typological evidence is to have any meaning, there is something wrong with the t r a d i t i o n a l reconstruction of the Proto­Indo­European vowel system. Yet, i f the Comparative Method is to have any v a l i d i t y , there must be some t r u t h to that reconstruction. This seeming c o n f l i c t can be resolved quite e a s i l y , I believe. We can consider the t r a d i t i o n a l reconstruction to be mainly correct but only for that form of Proto­Indo­European spoken immediately p r i o r to the emergence of the non­Anatolian daughter languages, that i s , "Disintegrating Indo­European". The vowel system of t h i s form of Proto­Indo­European is by no means ancient and is the end product of a long, complicated e v o l u t i o n . 3.4. EARLIEST PROTO­INDO­EUROPEAN VOWEL SYSTEM The e a r l i e s t Proto­Indo­European vowel system may have been as follows: THE PIE VOWEL SYSTEM A l s o the sequences: ə y ə y ə w ə w 43 iy uy iw uw This system is i d e n t i c a l to that proposed by Schmalstieg (1980:22). I follow Pulleyblank (1965:86­101) in r e i n t e r p r e t i n g the *e ~ *o ablaut of t r a d i t i o n a l Proto­Indo­European as a *ə ~ *a ablaut. Pulleyblank mentions that a s i m i l a r ablaut pattern exists in Kabardian. Colarusso (1981:499­501) proposes a s i m i l a r r e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n and also discusses possible p a r a l l e l s with the Northwest Caucasian languages. According to H i r t (1921:172­99) and those who follow his theories (Burrow, Lehmann, and, formerly, the author, f o r example), the oldest ablaut a l t e r n a t i o n was the f u l l ­ g r a d e ~ zero­grade contrast. This a l ­ ternation arose at a time when the Proto­Indo­European phonological system was characterized by the presence of a strong stress accent. This accent caused the weakening and loss of unstressed s y l l a b l e s . This period may be called the Phonemic Stress Stage of Proto­Indo­Euro­ pean ( c f . Lehmann 1952:111­12). At a l a t e r date, stress became non­ d i s t i n c t i v e , and Proto­Indo­European was characterized by an accent system based upon p i t c h . This period may be called the Phonemic Pitch Stage of Proto­Indo­European ( c f . Lehmann 1952:109­10). t h i s period that the *e ~ *o contrast came i n t o being. I t was during *e was changed to *o when the accent was s h i f t e d from the *e to another s y l l a b l e . These theories f i n d support in the f a c t that the position of the accent i s p a r t i a l l y correlated with ablaut patterning in both Greek and Old Indic. Counter­examples are usually explained as due to analogical developments or as l a t e r forms that came i n t o being a f t e r the accent had l o s t i t s a b i l i t y to influence the vowels ( c f . Burrow 1973:112). Though Kurylowicz o r i g i n a l l y adhered to H i r t ' s theories as w e l l , he l a t e r (1956:36­96 and 1964b:52) t r i e d to show that the *e ~ *o con­ t r a s t existed p r i o r to the development of the f u l l ­ g r a d e ~ zero­grade contrast. Kurylowicz argues that the numerous counter­examples with accented *o indicate that q u a l i t a t i v e ablaut was a morphological de­ vice in i t s own r i g h t and only s u p e r f i c i a l l y connected with the posi­ 44 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC t i o n i n g of the accent. Moreover, he notes t h a t , while vowel weakening and loss are closely t i e d to the accent, a change in vowel q u a l i t y is p r i m a r i l y due to the environment ­ ­ in other words, there is no cause­ and­effect r e l a t i o n s h i p between q u a l i t a t i v e ablaut and accentuation. These are convincing arguments and are the basis f o r my inclusion of q u a l i t a t i v e ablaut in the e a r l i e s t reconstructed period of Proto­Indo­ European. Vowel systems s i m i l a r to the one given above ­ ­ a four­vowel sys­ tem with contrasting long and short members ­ ­ are common enough among the languages of the w o r l d , and Crothers (1978:109­10), in his study of vowel system typology, l i s t s and discusses a number of them. One important observation made by Crothers (1978:109) is that such systems "often show considerable sub­phonemic v a r i a t i o n " (he is speaking spe­ c i f i c a l l y about three­vowel systems in the quote given, but, on the next page, he says of four­vowel systems: "As in the three vowel systems, there is considerable v a r i a t i o n , especially in the position of the back vowel, and the general statements made with regard to the s p e c i f i c phonetic character of vowels in a three vowel system apply here t o o " ) . As an example, he cites Greenlandic Eskimo (a three­vowel system): Phoneme Sub­phonemic Variants /a/ [æ], [ a ] /i/ /u/ [ i l , [e], [ə ] [y],[u],[o],[ ] Hockett (1955:85) notes t h a t , i n the f o l l o w i n g vowel system ( f o u n d , f o r example, i n the P h i l i p p i n e languages Ilocano and Dibabaon), " t h e mid vowel / Ə / has f r o n t e d v a r i a n t s , and also h i g h e r v a r i a n t s ( c e n t r a l o r back w i t h o u t r o u n d i n g ) " : i u 9 a THE PIE VOWEL SYSTEM 45 He a l s o says about t h e Potawatomi system (below) t h a t " t h e mid c e n t r a l vowel / e / v a r i e s more w i d e l y from one environment t o t h e o t h e r than the other four...": o i ə e a For Proto­Indo­European, we can t e n t a t i v e l y assume the following sub­phonemic v a r i a n t s : Phoneme /e/ Sub­phonemic Variants / a / when next to " a ­ c o l o r i n g " laryngeals / ε / under stress // before / y / / u / before /w/ / ə / elsewhere /a/ / a / when next to " a ­ c o l o r i n g " laryngeals / o / when next to labiovelars or /w/ / a / elsewhere /i/ / e / when preceded by " a ­ c o l o r i n g " laryngeals or (?) when before / r / / i / elsewhere /u/ / / when preceded by " a ­ c o l o r i n g " laryngeals or (?) when before / r / / u / elsewhere These sub­phonemic variants are posited on the basis of various assump­ tions about the prehistoric deveiopment of the Proto­Indo­European vow­ el system that will be discussed in the remainder of t h i s chapter. 46 3.5. TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC THE LONG VOWELS The origin of the long vowels has always been enigmatic. Many theories have been proposed, none of which has been completely convincing. One thing seems certain, though: the long vowels developed over a long period of time and had many causes. The evidence for the existence of primitive long vowels is meager at best, and there seems little reason to suppose that long vowels existed in pre-Indo-European. Rather, long vowels may be assumed to have arisen solely in Indo-European proper. First, long vowels arose from the contraction of two short vowels. Though probably not frequent in the earlier stages of development, contraction became increasingly important, especially in the later stages of the Indo-European parent language and the early stages of the non-Anatolian daughter languages when the upheavals caused by the loss of whole classes of phonemes -such as the laryngeal s, for example -- often brought two or more previously separated vowels into contact. Long vowels also arose from the monophthongization of diphthongs (see section 3.9 below for details) and from the lengthening of short vowels to compensate for the loss of a following phoneme. The most significant cause of compensatory lengthening was the loss of preconsonantal laryngeals after short vowels in Disintegrating Indo-European. Finally, long vowels arose by means of the analogical process known as "vrddhi" (cf. Burrow 1973:199-201; Kurylowicz 1968:298-307). 3.6. THE VOWELS */i/ AND */u/ In reconstructing the Proto­Indo­European phonological system, the vowels *2 and *u are usually treated as allophones of *y and *w respec­ t i v e l y and are classed together with the resonants *m/m9 *n/n9 *r/r ( c f . Lehmann 1952:10­14; M e i l l e t 1964:105­26). *l//, However, as pointed out by Szemerényi (1967:82), the patterning of these sounds is not en­ tirely parallel. *i and *u should, in f a c t , be considered as indepen­ THE PIE VOWEL SYSTEM 47 dent phonemes and should be classed with the vowels rather than with the resonants. The glides *y and *w should also be considered as inde­ pendent phonemes, at least f o r the early stages of development w i t h i n Proto­Indo­European. At a l a t e r date, however, a f t e r various sound changes had taken place, the patterning had been modified in such a way that were mostly i n complementary d i s t r i b u t i o n . Cf. Schmitt­Brandt 1967:79­91. The t r a d i t i o n a l treatment assumes that the f u l l ­ g r a d e forms . are fundamental and that the s y l l a b i c forms r e s u l t from the weakening of the full ­ grade forms when the accent is s h i f t e d from the f u l l ­ g r a d e forms to another s y l l a b l e . While there is no doubt that such a weakening pro­ cess was d i r e c t l y responsible f o r s y l l a b i c [cf. Bell 1978:161), t h i s explanation runs i n t o serious d i f f i c u l t i e s when applied to *i and *u. In the f i r s t place, we would expect long monophthongs to r e s u l t from such a weakening process and not short monophthongs ( c f . section 3.9 below and Schmitt­Brandt 1967:8­31). are many examples in which and Furthermore, there e x i s t as accented vowels in t h e i r own r i g h t , and there is no indication that these vowels had ever been joined in an ablaut r e l a t i o n s h i p with corresponding f u l l ­ g r a d e forms I t i s thus clear that the t r a d i t i o n a l explanation cannot account f o r the patterning of *i and *u in Proto­Indo­European. The patterning is more e a s i l y understood i f the reduced­grade is taken to be the fun­ damental form and i f the f u l l ­ g r a d e is taken to be derived from the reduced­grade. T h i s , in f a c t , was the position of the ancient Indian grammarians. The vowels and were converted i n t o the corresponding glides *y and *w respectively when d i r e c t l y followed by another vowel: 48 3.7. TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC ANATOLIAN The older Anatolian languages ­ ­ H i t t i t e , Palaic, and Cuneiform and Hieroglyphic Luwian ­ ­ d i r e c t l y a t t e s t the vowel system posited f o r Proto­Indo­European in section 3.4 above. The Proto­Anatolian vowel system may be reconstructed as follows ( c f . Bomhard 1976:202 and 208­13): In Proto­Anatolian, PIE *ә appeared as *e under stress and as *a (1) when next to an " a ­ c o l o r i n g " laryngeal and (2) when unstressed (= reduced­grade or schwa secundum of t r a d i t i o n a l grammar). *e and *a were in an ablaut relationship in Proto­Anatolian, and t h i s was par­ t i a l l y preserved in H i t t i t e . In the other older Anatolian languages, however, the ablaut patterning was mostly eliminated by the l e v e l i n g out of the vocalism in favor of a ( c f . Bomhard 1976:208­09; Puhvel 1966:239­40). For examples, see Chapter 6. 3.8. THE PH0NEMICIZATI0N OF */e/ AND */o/ The phonemicization of *e, which must have occurred fairly early to judge by the Hittite evidence, is relatively easy to explain: *e was the normal allophone of *ә under stress. John Colarusso (personal correspondence) has informed me of a similar development in Ubykh and Circassian, where /ә / + [E]. We may assume that *a had a rounded allophone in certain phonetic environments (cf. Colarusso 1981:500), perhaps when next to labiovelars as well as when next to *w. In late Disintegrating Indo-European, these allophones were reapportioned, and apophonic *a was rephonemicized as *o. That this was an extremely late development is shown by THE P I E VOWEL SYSTEM 49 the widespread tendency of *a and *o to have identical reflexes in sev­ eral of the non­Anatolian daughter languages. F i n a l l y , the phonemici­ zation of apophonic *o may have been f a c i l i t a t e d by the presence of non­apophonic *o in the system (see section 3.10). 3.9. THE DIPHTHONGS According to the t r a d i t i o n a l reconstruction, Proto­Indo­European had the following diphthongs: In the reduced­grade, the semivowels alone appear: i u Szemerényi (1970:132) notes t h a t , while t h i s looks good on paper, i t is d i f f i c u l t to imagine the process that would have led to the reduced­grade. and in He points out that i t most c e r t a i n l y could not have been due to a simple loss of * e , *o, and * a . As a general r u l e , when diphthongs are "reduced", long monophthongs result. This observation led Robert Schmitt­Brandt (1967:8­31) to con­ clude that i t i s necessary to assume a fundamental form in and f o r certain kinds of roots in Proto­Indo­European and to view the f u l l ­ grade forms etc. as secondary. Support f o r t h i s conclusion is to be found in the root­nouns, which appear in the reduced­grade (traditional , e t c . [ I would w r i t e ] ) , t h i s being t h e i r o r i g i n a l form. around, with To have i t the other way e t c . as the o r i g i n a l forms, would lead, in Schmitt­Brandt 1 s opinion, to reduced­grade forms i n etc. and Schmitt­Brandt thus pos­ 50 TOWARD PROTO-NOSTRATIC its and *u as independent vowels in Proto­Indo­European and explains the f u l l ­ g r a d e forms in etc. as due to analogy. Finally, Schmitt­Brandt (1967:79­91) maintains t h a t , in an e a r l i e r period of Proto­Indo­European, and (he writes and were consonants in t h e i r own r i g h t and were not connected with the independent vowels I and . Somewhat s i m i l a r views are expressed by William F. Wyatt, J r . , (1970:58 and f n . 24). The parts of Schmitt­Brandt's theories outlined in the preceding paragraph seem to make a l o t of sense. Other parts of his t h e o r i e s , however, have purposely been l e f t out of the discussion since, at least in my opinion, they are less convincing (see here the review of Schmitt­Brandt's book by Kurylowicz 1969:41­49). On the basis of Schmitt­Brandt's arguments, we can thus consider the t r a d i t i o n a l ex­ planation as being extremely u n l i k e l y : An alternate explanation would be to consider the p o s s i b i l i t y that the development was reversed: The problem is f u r t h e r complicated by the question of what to do with the so­called "long diphthong" stems such as, f o r example: Any theory attempting to explain the o r i g i n and development of the diph­ thongs w i t h i n Proto­Indo­European must take i n t o consideration the ques­ THE P I E VOWEL SYSTEM 51 t i o n of the o r i g i n and development o f the long diphthongs as w e l l . I t has t r a d i t i o n a l l y been assumed that pre­Anatolian Proto­Indo­ European had diphthongs and that they were eliminated i n Proto­Anatol­ ian ( c f . Bomhard 1976:202 and 207­09; Kronasser 1956:35­36; Sturtevant 1951:35­36 and 39): PIE *eį, *oį, *aį, Hitt. PIE *eų, *oų, *aų, Hitt. u e/i Examples: A. B. Hitt. e/i ­ *ei, etc. in the non­Anatolian daughter languages: i. H i t t . 3 sg. mid. ki­it­ta(­ri) " l i e s " ; Pal. 3 sg. mid. ki­i­ta­ar PAn. *kita(r) PIE *kita. But Gk. 3 sg. " l i e s " ; Skt. Site PIE *kèitoi. ii. H i t t . 2 sg. impv. "come!"; Pal. 2 sg. impv. i­u "come here!"; Luw. 3 sg. p r e t . i­i­ta "went" PAn. *i­ "to come, go" PIE *Ei­. But Dor. "goes"; OLith. e i t i ; Skt. éti PIE *Eéi­ti. H i t t . u = *eu, e t c . in the non­Anatolian daughter languages: i. H i t t . 3 sg. pres. lu­uk­zi "kindles"; Luw. lu­u­ha­as k [cf. Bomhard 1976:204, §5.3F]) "light" PAn. *luk­ P I E *luk­. B u t Gk. "white" PIE *leuk­. ii. H i t t . nom. sg. i­û­ga­as "yoked, one year old" PAn. *yukas PIE *yuk'as. But Gk. "yoke, team" PIE *yêuk'os. Furthermore, i t has been assumed that reflexes of e a r l i e r long diphthongs are found in H i t t i t e i n forms such as the following ( c f . Sturtevant 1951:36­37 and 39­40): A. Hitt. nom.­acc. sg. ­ a š ­ t a ­ ( a ­ ) i , sg. ­aš­ti­ya­aš) . B. Hitt. nom. sg. ­ta­(a­)iš nom. pl. ­da­a­e­eš) . "bone, skeleton" (gen. "curse" (gen. sg. ­ti­ya­aš, 52 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC C. Hitt. nom. sg. ar­na­a­us "birth­chair" (gen. sg. ar­na­ a­u­wa­as) . A simpler explanation than the traditional one would be to posit "original" diphthongs and "secondary" diphthongs. The original diph­ thongs existed in pre­Anatolian Proto­Indo­European. The secondary diphthongs, on the other hand, developed mostly in post­Anatolian Proto­ Indo­European, and the Anatolian forms with *i and *u corresponding to diphthongs in the non­Anatolian daughter languages represent the orig­ inal patterning. In forms such as Hitt. a­as­ta­(a­)i and the l i k e , the ­ai­ may represent either an original diphthong or an early secon­ dary diphthong. The most important point is that these stems do not come from e a r l i e r long diphthongs as has been traditionally assumed. We can explain the origin of the long diphthong stems of tradition­ al grammar quite easily if we follow Schmitt­Brandt (1967:79­91) in as­ suming that *y and *w were consonants like any other in early Proto­ Indo­European and were not connected in any way with the independent vowels *i and *u. Early Proto­Indo­European would have had stems such as *C C­ and *c C­ as well as stems such as *Cə y­/*Cay­ and *Cə w­/*Caw­, and these two types were t o t a l l y d i s t i n c t from each other. In post­ Anatolian Proto­Indo­European, the l a t t e r type developed thus when stressed: A. *Cə yC *CīC B. *CayC *CëC C. *Cə yV *CeyV D. *CayV *CayV A. *Cə wC *CüC B. *CawC *CōC C. *Cə wV *CewV D. *CawV *CawV When unstressed, *ə and *a were first neutralized as *ə . The develop­ THE PIE VOWEL SYSTEM 53 merits were then as f o l l o w s : E. *Cə yC/*CayC *Cə yC *CīC F. *Cə yV/*CayV *Cə yV *CiyV E. *Cə wC/*CawC *Cə wC *CūC F. *Cə wV/*CawV *Cə wV *CuwV The change of preconsonantal *ə y to *ī and that of *ə w to *ū have typological parallels with developments i n the Northwest Caucasian lan­ guages ( c f . Colarusso 1981:504­05). In the case of *ə y, the * / ə / was raised and fronted to * / l / , which then combined with the following *y as length, w h i l e , in the case of *ə w, the * / ə / was r a i s e d , backed, and rounded to * / u / , which then combined with the following *w as length. The change of preconsonantal *ay to *ė and that of *aw to *ō also have typological p a r a l l e l s with Northwest Caucasian developments ( c f . Colarusso 1981:504­05) as well as with developments in modern Arabic dialects ( c f . O'Leary 1923:113 and 115) and, w i t h i n Indo­European i t ­ s e l f , i n Slavic (*oy and *ay {*ey, *oy, *ay ě [ c f . M e i l l e t 1965:58]) and Old Indic ë and *ew, *ow, *aw ō [ c f . Mayrhofer 1972:23, § 1 4 ] ) . In l a t e r post­Anatolian Proto­Indo­European, the prevocalic forms (types [C] and [D] i n the chart) were analogously extended to precon­ sonantal positions. Type (A) was then reinterpreted as a reduced­grade. The f a c t that there is a great deal of v a r i a t i o n both among the various non­Anatolian daughter languages as well as w i t h i n each daughter l a n ­ guage seems to indicate that there was some confusion between competing forms i n late Proto­Indo­European ­ ­ the newer, analogical forms had not yet completely succeeded i n ousting the older forms at the time when the individual non­Anatolian daughter languages began to emerge. I t should be clear that there i s no need to reconstruct long diph­ thong stems f o r Proto­Indo­European. Stems such as *dhē(i)­, *dh­ei­, *dhē­, *kleu­, *dhə i­, *dhď­, *dhə ­ "to suckle, suck" and *klō(u)­, * k l u ­ "to wash, cleanse", c i t e d above, go back to *dey­/*day­ and 54 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC *klə w­/*klaw­ respectively (in traditional terms, - and . It should also be clear that laryngeals are not needed. Just because some original long vowels can plausibly be derived from earlier sequences of short vowel plus preconsonantal laryngeal does not necessarily mean that all original long vowels had to have such a source, As we have seen, some original long vowels can convincingly be derived from earlier diphthongs. In addition to the sequences of vowel plus *y and *w, early ProtoIndo-European also had sequences of *y and *w plus vowel. In unstressed positions, *ə and *a were first neutralized as *ə . *ə was then raised and fronted to * / i / after *y, and the preceding *y was lost, while, af­ ter *w, it was raised, backed, and rounded to */u/, and the preceding *w was lost: *yə C/*yaC *yə *yi *i *wə C/*waC *wə *wu *u The *ə ( *e) ~ *a ( *o) ablaut patterning must have assumed an important role in grammatical categorization in the emerging morpholog­ ical system of post­Anatolian Proto­Indo­European ­­ all of the older non­Anatolian daughter languages attest to this (see, for example, the many comments about the role of ablaut in Old Indic mentioned in Burrow 1973). In order to bring stems such as * t ' i k ­ , *wik­, *t'uk­ (tradi­ tional *duk­), and the like into line with the *ə ~ *a ablaut patterning, *ə and *a were inserted before accented and This development was restricted to certain specific grammatical cate­ gories (such as, for example, the singular indicative active verbal and was affected forms) ­­ that is to say, not every accented (cf., for example, forms such as Skt. nom. sg. agni­h "fire" and sünú­h THE PIE VOWEL SYSTEM 55 "son" or Hitt. nom. sg. sal­K­is "glorious" and a­as­su­us and ). which must always have had "good", We cannot rule out the possibility that the creation of secondary diphthongs remained an active process over an extended period of time. This would mean that some secondary diphthongs would have been formed at an earlier period and others at a later period. Moreover, it is entirely possible that some of the older secondary diphthongs might have developed along the same lines as the original diphthongs: Stage I Stage II Stage III Stage IV Indeed, there is evidence that just such a development did take place. In three roots in Old Indie, there is an apparent alternation between -ā- and (these examples are from Burrow 1979:69-80). The following forms are recorded: A. (s) ­ "to apply force to, crush, press" khed­ in various forms, including Ved. khédā "hammer" khād­ "to eat, chew" in the action noun khadana­m "juice", for ex­ ample B. "to order, command, instruct" "to direct, bid, order, command" in the past ptc. ś a s t á ­ h , for example 56 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC C. s dh­ "to attain one's aim, succeed, be successful" sedh­ in conjugation sādh­ "to go straight to any goal or aim; to be suc­ cessful, succeed, prosper" *sīdh­ in Gk. "straight" The relationship between each of the various forms of these three roots becomes clear if we posit original roots of the type *C C­, which were first "incremented" by the insertion of *ə and *a before the * , and which then developed as indicated above. All possible forms are attes­ ted: A. *CÏC­ B. Skt. (s)khïd­, Skt. khed­, s s­, s dh­ sedh­ C. *CīC­ Gk. D. *CēC­ Skt. khād­, sās­, sādh­ Two final notes may be added here: (1) I regard the forms with ­ă­ (Skt. [s]khăd­ and śăts­) to be analogical, and (2) khid­ and its variants may have contained a laryngeal. The picture is still not complete, however, for we must also consider how laryngeals fit into this scheme: The loss of laryngeals in sequences such as *eHiC­, *eHuC­, and the like resulted in short diphthongs when stressed ( etc.) -- the preceding vowel definitely was not lengthened -- but long monophthongs when unstressed ( etc.). x In sequences such as *eHa C­ and the like, the loss of the intervocalic laryngeal first produced a sequence of two short vowels. These vowels were then contracted to form a long vowel (*eHaxC­ *eaxC­ *ēC-, *oHaxC­ *oaxC­ *ōC­, *aHaxC­ *aaxC­ *āC­). There is strong evidence that laryngeals underwent metathesis in several cases. A good example is Hitt. 3 sg. pres. "to pour" from pre-Anatolian PIE *lə Hw­, with laryngeal pre­ ceding the *w, vs. the post­Anatolian PIE *lewH­/*lowH­, with laryngeal THE PIE VOWEL SYSTEM 57 following the *w, that is needed to explain the forms in the non-Anatolian daughter languages: Myc. adj. ve­wo­te­ve­yo "for bathing", Horn. "bath", Att. "to wash, bathe"; Lat. lavō "to wash, bathe"; Arm. loganam ( *lowHye/o­) "to wash". According to Winter (1965c:191-92), the sequences *HiC and *HuC were metathesized to *iHC and *uHC respectively. Winter sets up this metathesis to account for the fact that the reduced-grades of *eHi and *eHu are *ī ( *iH) and *ü ( *UH) respectively. While I agree with the concept of metathesis, I cannot follow Winter's theory that it took place in the reduced-grade forms. Rather, I think that it would have been sequences of the type *eHyV, *eHwV, and the like that would have tended toward metathesis (*eHyV *eyHV, *eHwV *ewHV, etc.). I will close this section by mentioning one last point. The numerous cases of vŗddhied stems in the non-Anatolian daughter languages -- especially Old Indic -- represent a contamination of types *CëC and *CōC with types *CeyV­/*CoyV­ and *CewV­/*CowV­, producing the new types *CëyV­/*CōyV­ and *CēwV­/*CōwV­ (cf. Schmalstieg 1973b:108). 3.10. NON-APOPHONIC */e/ AND */o/ Non-apophonic *e may be defined as an *e that does not alternate with an *o in an ablaut relationship, and non-apophonic *o as an *o that does not alternate with an *e. No doubt some examples of nonapophonic *e and *o are due to the fact that the corresponding ablaut forms, which once existed, have simply not been preserved. In several cases, Hittite even provides the missing ablaut forms for what is found in the non-Anatolian daughter languages. Probable examples are: A. H i t t . ne­ku­uz "bed­time, evening" v s . L a t . nox, noctis " n i g h t " , Goth. nahts, L i t h . naktìs, e t c . (cf. Pokorny 1959:762­63; Walde­Pokorny 1 9 7 3 . I I : 3 3 7 ­ 3 9 ) . B. H i t t . ne­ku­ma­an­za "naked" v s . Goth. naqaps "naked", Skt. nagná­ , e t c . (cf. Pokorny 1959:769; Walde­Pokorny 1973.II:339­40). 58 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC C. Hitt. chre" (cf. "bone's house, sepul­ Hitt. " b o n e " , Luw. [ n o m . ­ a c c . p l . ] " b o n e " ) v s . Gk. " b o n e " , L a t . os, Skt. á s t h i , e t c . ( c f . F r i e d r i c h 1 9 5 2 : 6 3 ­ 6 4 and 6 8 ; L a r o c h e 1 9 5 9 : 43; Pokorny 1959:783; Walde­Pokorny 1 9 7 3 . I : 1 8 5 ­ 8 6 ) . In each case, H i t t i t e preserves the e­grade form that is missing in the non­Anatolian daughter languages. Even a f t e r forms such as these are removed, however, there remain many examples which are unaccounted f o r . At least some examples of non­apophonic *e and *o may have arisen from the influence of a contiguous laryngeal, s p e c i f i c a l l y , a contiguous "a­coloring" laryngeal. The most important point to remember is t h a t a l l "a­coloring" laryngeal s were characterized by the feature [low] ( c f . section 2 . 2 ) . I t was the presence of t h i s feature that was r e ­ sponsible f o r the lowering of *ə to *a ( c f . Colarusso 1981:504­15 for a discussion of typological p a r a l l e l s with Northwest Caucasian develop­ ments). We should also expect *i and *u to be lowered when next to these laryngeals, and indeed there seems to be some evidence that t h i s has in fact taken place. A. B. C. A few possible examples are: *Aink­ *Aenk­ "to reach, come to, arrive at" (Pokorny 1959: 316­18 reconstructs : Hitt. 3 se. ­in­ik­zi "to present, deliver, offer, allot", Gk. "to bear, convey", Skt. asnoti "to reach, come to, arrive at, get, obtain, master, become master of, offer", Lat. naneior "to get, gain, obtain", Toch. A ents­, B ­ "to seize, take". Hitt. ­in­ik­zi may directly attest *Aink­. *Aul­ *Aol­ "to destroy" (Pokorny 1959:777 reconstructs *ol­[e]­): Hitt. 3 sg. ­ul­la­a­i "to smite, destroy", Gk. "to destroy", Lat. ab­oleō "to destroy". Cf. Couvreur 1937:143­44. *Aum­ *Aom­ "all, whole": Hitt. nom. sg. ­u­ma­an­za "all, whole", Lat. omnis "all, every, whole". Cf. Couvreur 1937:144­46. At a later date, secondary e­ or o-grade forms may have developed in accordance with the regular *e ~ *o ablaut patterning (cf. Gk. oyxoc "bulk, size, mass" from the same root as that in "to bear, THE PIE VOWEL SYSTEM 59 convey"). Where secondary e­ or o-grade forms did not develop, we would have examples of non-apophonic *e or *o, as the case may be. As in Gothic, *i and *u may also have been lowered to *e and *o respectively before *r (cf. Colarusso 1975:392-93, Krause 1968:84 and 86-87, and Wright 1954:27 and 29 for a discussion of the Gothic developments). Examples are difficult to come by, and there are even a few good counter-examples (such as, for instance, *dhur­, "door" [Pokorny 1959:278-79]). In spite of the fact that there are several counter-examples, however, the sequences * i r and *ur were extremely rare at best, and this may indicate an early shift of*irto *er and of *ur to *or. Since the resulting *er and *or could quite easily have been absorbed into the regular *e ~ *o ablaut pattern, it may be next to impossible to sort them out from *er and *or derived from earlier *ə r and *ar respectively. Finally, the counter-examples may be later formations, resulting from the stress-conditioned weakening of earlier *yə r *yir * i r and *wə r *wur *ur (cf. section 3.9). Some examples of non-apophonic *o may also owe their origin to the former presence of labialized laryngeals as suggested by Martinet (1970: 212-34 and 1975[1967]: 114-43). 3.11. DISINTEGRATING INDO-EUROPEAN */a/ The vowel *a must be reconstructed as an independent phoneme distinct from *o for Disintegrating Indo-European (cf. Szemerényi 1964a: 2-9 and 1967:83-84). Disintegrating Indo-European *a had several sources: First, it arose from the lowering of earlier *ə when next to a­coloring laryngeals. Next, it was found in a small number of relic forms that somehow escaped conversion to the regular *e ~ *o ablaut patterning. Finally, it was retained in loanwords from other languages.    4 ACCENTUATION IN THE INDO­EUROPEAN LANGUAGES 4.1. OLD INDIC ACCENTUATION Vedic Sanskrit (Old I n d i c ) , l i k e Ancient Greek, had a system of accentuation in which pitch was dominant. Every word, except certain e n c l i t i c s , bore an accent; however, there was only one accented s y l ­ lable per word. The accented s y l l a b l e had high pitch (udātta­ elevated, h i g h " ) . "raised, A l l other syllables had low pitch (anudātta­ "not raised") except (1) the s y l l a b l e d i r e c t l y preceding the udātta­, which was pronounced lower than normal [sannatara­ "lower than anudätta­"), udätta­ "lower" or and (2) the s y l l a b l e d i r e c t l y following the (provided there was no udätta­ or svarita­ in the syllable f o l ­ lowing t h a t ) , which began at the high level of udätta­ f e l l to the level of anudättatara­ anudātta­. the e n c l i t i c (or dependent) and then slowly The accent of t h i s s y l l a b l e was called svarita­. A so­called "independent svarita­' also e x i s t e d , but t h i s was always of secondary d e r i v a t i o n , having arisen from the contraction of two s y l l a b l e s , the f i r s t of which had high pitch and the second low p i t c h , i n t o a single s y l l a b l e . ita­ The independent svar­ was thus a compound intonation s i m i l a r to the Greek circumflex. The e n c l i t i c svarita­ d i f f e r e d from the independent svarita­ in that the former could never appear alone, being t o t a l l y dependent on a pre­ ceding udätta­ f o r i t s existence, while the l a t t e r could appear alone as the main accent of a word. Also, the e n c l i t i c svarita­ i n t o n a t i o n , while the independent svarita­ ling intonation. was a f a l l i n g was a compound, r i s i n g ­ f a l ­ 62 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC Phonemically, Vedic Sanskrit had level pitches, the main contrast being between the high pitch of the accented syllable and the low pitch of the other syllables. However, the voice did not rise abruptly from low pitch to high pitch or fall abruptly from high pitch to low pitch, but, rather, both ascent and descent were characterized by clearly aud­ ible glides. Thus, the pitch of the accented syllable began at the low level of the positionally­conditioned sannatara­ and slowly rosé to the level of udatta­. The pitch was then maintained at a high level until the end of the syllable. Conversely, the pitch of the syllable follow­ ing the accented syllable began at the high level of udatta­ and slowly fell to the level of anudātta., The native grammarians say nothing about stress, and there is nothing to indicate, such as, for example, vowel weakenings or losses, that the language of the Vedas possessed a strong stress accent. Stress replaced pitch in the spoken language (Classical Sanskrit) only when the latter became extinct in the first centuries of the Christian era (cf. Burrow 1973:115). The Vedic Sanskrit accent was free (mobile), that is, not tied to a particular syllable, as, for example, in Czech, with its fixed initial accent, or in Polish, with its fixed penultimate accent, but able to fall on any syllable, initial, medial, or final. The position of the accent was morphologically­conditioned, its place in a word having been used as a means to differentiate grammatical categories. However, the accent was seldom so used alone but, rather, in conjunction with vowel gradation and/or inflectional endings. Take, for example, the declen­ sion of pad­ "foot" in the singular: Strong cases: nom. p t acc. p d­am Weak cases: instr. pad­i dat. pad­é gen.­ab1. pad­ás loc. pad­ķ INDO­EUROPEAN ACCENTUATION 63 Not only are the strong cases differentiated from the weak cases both by the position of the accent and by changes in the vowel grade of the stem, but each case is also characterized by a special ending. The following were used enclitically and had no accent of their own, being dependent upon the words with which they were in combination for accent: (1) certain particles such as iva, u, ca, vā, etc.; (2) the personal pronouns mā, me, nau, nas, tvā, te, vām, and vas', (3) the demonstrative pronouns ena­ and tva­; and (4) the indefinite pronoun sama­. Loss of accent also occurred in verbs in an independent clause, unless they stood at the beginning of the clause, and in nouns in the vocative, unless they stood at the beginning of a sentence. 4.2. GREEK ACCENTUATION Ancient Greek (that is, Literary Attic-Ionic), too, had a system of accentuation based upon variations in pitch. As in Sanskrit, every word bore an intonation except for certain proclitics and enclitics; however, each word normally had only one accented syllable. The accented syllable had either the acute accent , which was one of high pitch (cf. Skt. udātta­) , or the circumflex accent , which was a combination of rising-falling pitch (cf. Skt. independent svarita­). The circumflex could fall only on long vowels and diphthongs, while the acute could fall on any vowel regardless of quantity. All unaccented syllables had the grave accent (ßαρ, which was one of low pitch (cf. Skt. anudätta­), except for the syllable directly following the accented syllable, which had a falling intonation comparable to the enclitic svarita­ in Sanskrit. The grammarian Tyrannion referred to the accent of this syllable as "middle", that is, midway between acute and grave. Unlike the Sanskrit accent, which could fall on any syllable, the position of the Greek accent was restricted to one of the final three syllables of a word. This restriction was a Greek innovation and was not inherited from Proto-Indo-European. Furthermore, the placing of 64 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC the accent within the final three syllables was regulated by the length of the ultima. These developments affected the distribution of the pitch thus: The acute could fall only on one of the last three syllables of a word if the ultima were short or on one of the last two syllables if the ultima were long, while the circumflex could fall on long vowels and diphthongs in the penultimate syllable if the ultima were short or on the ultima itself if it were long. To state things slightly differently, and more accurately, the position of the accent could be no further back from the end of the word than three morae if the ultima contained two morae. However, if the ultima contained only one mora, the position of the accent could be as far back as the last mora of the antepenult. In the latter case, the number of morae in the penult was irrelevant, either one or two being permissible. This means that the following patterns were possible: The grave accent, which was originally considered as the regular intonation of unmarked syllables, was later used in writing as a replacement for the acute on the last syllable of a word when standing before another word in the same sentence. Since the Greek accent could fall only on one of the final three syllables, an accent originally falling on any other syllable was moved back to fall either on the antepenult or on the penult, depending upon the length of the ultima. However, if the accent originally fell on one of the last three syllables, its position was usually maintained, the main exception being the widespread shift of the accent from the ultima to the penult in words ending in a dactyl ( cf. Skt. peśalá­ Even though the ancient ability of the accent to fall on any syllable was restricted in Greek, the ancient function of accentuation was maintained. As in Sanskrit, the position of the accent within a word was used as a means to indicate grammatical relationships. For example, in the declension of "foot" (cf. Skt. "foot"), the accent falls INDO­EUROPEAN ACCENTUATION 65 on the base in the strong cases but on the ending in the weak cases: Singular Dual Plural Greek possessed a certain number of words that had no accent of their own. These words were used in combination with other words. Some of these unaccented words were inherited from Proto-Indo-European, while others arose in Greek itself. They fall into two categories: (1) the proclitics, which were combined with a following word, and (2) the enclitics, which were combined with a preceding word. The proclitics include: (1) the forms of the definite article (2) certain prepositions such as (3) certain conjunctions; and (4) the negative adverbs The enclitics include: (1) certain particles such as etc.; (2) the personal pronouns etc.; (3) the indefinite pronoun (4) certain indefinite adverbs; and (5) certain forms of the verbs "to be" and "to say". 4.3. GERMANIC ACCENTUATION From the e a r l i e s t period of development that can be reconstructed, the Germanic system of word accentuation was characterized by phonemic s t r e s s , there being no i n d i c a t i o n that pitch was relevant. Though the tonal character of the Proto­Indo­European accent was l o s t , the posi­ t i o n of the accent, as established by the correspondence of Sanskrit and Greek, was o r i g i n a l l y preserved in Proto­Germanic. This is con­ firmed by Verner's Law, according to which the position of the accent influenced the development of the voiceless stops. F i r s t , PIE * p , * t , 66 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC *k, *kw became Gmc. * ƒ , * θ , * , * * , * w w ­ , together with * s , became * β , Then, medial (and f i n a l ) * ƒ , * θ , *γ, *γw, and *z except (1) before *s or * t and (2) between vowels when the accent f e l l on the con­ tiguous preceding s y l l a b l e . Thus, i f the accent followed or f e l l on a non­contiguous preceding s y l l a b l e , the f r i c a t i v e s became voiced. Examples: 1. PIE *p A. Gmc. *ƒ: Skt. páñca "five", Gk. PIE *pénkwe Gmc. *'fimfi Goth. fimf "five", OIce. fimm, OE. OS. fif, OHG. finf. B. Skt. nápāt "descendant", Lat. nepōs ­tis "grandson" PIE *népōt Gmc. *'nefō OIce. nefi "nephew", OE. nefa, NHG. Neffe. 2. 3. 4. PIE *t Gmc. *θ: A. Skt. tráyah "three", Gk. Gmc. * ' θ r i y i z Goth. preis thrē. , Lat. tres PIE "three", OIce. prīr, B. Skt. " b r o t h e r " , Dor. *bréAter­ Gmc. *'brōθer Goth. bröpor, OS. brōthar. PIE *k A. S k t . śatcán "hundred", Gk. , L a t . centum, OIr. cét, Lith. Toch. A kӓ nt PIE Gmc. *χun' 6a­ G o t h . OE. OS. hund " h u n d r e d " . B. Skt. pбйu­ " c a t t l e " , L a t . pecū PIE *péku­ Gmc. Goth. faihu " c a t t l e , p r o p e r t y , p o s s e s s i o n s " , OE. OS. fehu, OHG. fihu. OFris. ­ , L a t . frāter PIE brōpar " b r o t h e r " , OE. Gmc. *χ: PIE *k w *'feχu­ feoh, Gmc. *χw: A. Skt. ká­h "who?", Lat. quī, Lith. kдs PIE *k W ό­ Gmc. *'χwa­ Goth. hwas "who?, what?", OIce, hvar, OE. hwā.. B. Gk. *līχwā "to leave", Lith. liekü PIE ' Gmc. Goth. leihwa "to lend", NHG (ich) leihe. INDO­EUROPEAN ACCENTUATION 5. PIE *p Gmc. *β: S k t . saptá " s e v e n " , Gk. έπτά, L a t . septem *si'βun Goth. OHG. sibun " s e v e n " , OS. 6. 67 PIE *t PIE * Gmc. Gmc. *5: Skt. p i t a r ­ "father", Gk. πάτέ ­, Lat. pater PIE * Gmc. *fa'ðer­ Goth. fadar "father", OIce. faðir, OE. fæder. 7. PIE *k Gmc. *γ: Skt. "mother­in­law" PIE *swekrúA + Gmc. *swe'γrü­ OE. sweger "mother­in­law", OHG. swigar, NHG. Schwieger. 8. PIE *kw Gmc. *γw: Goth. siuns siōne, 9. siüne PIE *s "sight", OIce, sjōn, OE. on­sēon, OS. siun, Gmc. * s e y w ' n i ­ z PIE * s e k w n i ­ s . OFris. Gmc. *z: Skt. "daughter­in­law" PIE *snuseA Gmc. *snu'zō OIce, snor "daughter­in­law", OE. snoru, OHG. snur(a). After the sound changes described by Verner's Law had taken place, many Germanic nouns and verbs were characterized by a paradigmatic a l ­ ternation between forms with voiceless fricatives and forms with voiced fricatives. Even though there was a tendency in the Germanic daughter languages to level out the paradigm, numerous traces of the former a l ­ ternation remain, especially in the verbs. Take, for example, the verb *'werθan "to become": Gmc. *'werθd Goth. OIce. OE. OS. OHG. NHG. wairpa verba weorpe wirthu wirdu werde *'werθa *'wurðu'mi warp varb wearp worth ward ward (wurde) waurpum urbom wurdon wurdun wurtum wurden Compare the cognate Sanskrit verb v t­ "to turn": *'wurða'na­z waurpans orbenn worden gi­wordan gi­wortan ge­worden 68 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC vártāmi va­vártā va­v timá v taná­h Toward the end of the Proto­Germanic period, the old mobile accent was l o s t , and the stress became fixed on the i n i t i a l s y l l a b l e . This new fixed i n i t i a l stress characterized (1) simple nominal forms, (2) simple verbal forms, and (3) compound nominal forms. forms were accented d i f f e r e n t l y , however. Compound verbal In compound verbal forms, the stress f e l l on the f i r s t s y l l a b l e of the second member. The verbal compounds, apparently l a t e r formations than the nominal compounds, were not strongly joined together, and, t h e r e f o r e , the accent was not s h i f t e d to the preverb. The independent nature of the two members of the verbal compounds was s t i l l preserved in Gothic, where the e n c l i t i c copula ­uh­ "and" could be placed between the preverb and the verb. I f a nominal compound were composed of two substantives, the i n i t i a l s y l l a b l e of the f i r s t member had primary s t r e s s , and the i n i t i a l s y l l a b l e of the f o l l o w ­ ing member had secondary s t r e s s . The foregoing system of accentuation s t i l l prevails i n the modern West Germanic languages. Both Swedish and Norwegian make considerable use of p i t c h . How­ ever, the use of pitch in these two languages has arisen in h i s t o r i c a l times and does not go back to e i t h e r Proto­Indo­European or Proto­Ger­ manic. 4.4. SLAVIC ACCENTUATION No theory has yet been proposed that can account completely f o r a l l of the data r e l a t i v e to the development of accentuation in the Slavic languages. This is due in part to the f a c t that a l l knowledge concerning accentuation is drawn solely from the modern languages, that is to say, from about the fourteenth century A.D. on, and in part to the f a c t that the older patterns have been greatly disrupted by subse­ quent changes. The following discussion closely follows that of Sheve­ lov 1964:38­80. That pre­Disintegrating Proto­Indo­European had a system of accen­ INDO­EUROPEAN ACCENTUATION 69 tuation characterized by contrasts in pitch is confirmed by the e v i ­ dence of Sanskrit and Greek. i s indicated by Germanic. That there was also a stress component The Proto­Indo­European d i a l e c t from which Proto­Slavic (and Proto­Baltic) descended preserved both the tonal and stress characteristics of the Proto­Indo­European accent. However, the position of the accent underwent a systematic displacement. In pre­Balto­Slavic Proto­Indo­European, the r i s i n g pitch was s h i f t e d to long monophthongs and long diphthongs. The s h i f t of r i s i n g pitch to these positions l e f t f a l l i n g pitch on a l l other syllables ( c f . Shevelov 1964:70). Most l i k e l y , the loss of laryngeals was the cause of both the accent s h i f t and compensatory vowel lengthening. Eventually, long monophthongs and long diphthongs of whatever o r i g i n ­ ­ except when due to contraction ­ ­ received r i s i n g pitch under the influence of the intonation of long monophthongs and long diphthongs r e s u l t i n g from the loss of laryngeals. The intonations were not pho­ nemic at t h i s time, depending solely upon vowel quantity f o r t h e i r distribution. The e a r l i e s t form of Proto­Slavic was probably characterized by a weak f i x e d penultimate stress ( c f . Shevelov 1964:70­71). In addi­ t i o n , Proto­Slavic had r i s i n g pitch and f a l l i n g p i t c h , but these i n t o ­ nations were not phonemic: as noted above, r i s i n g pitch characterized long monophthongs and long diphthongs, and f a l l i n g pitch characterized short diphthongs and contractions. Short monophthongs were apparently t o n a l l y n o n ­ d i s t i n c t i v e ( c f . Bidwell 1963:9; Shevelov 1964:45). How­ ever, Stang (1965:173) maintains t h a t , while short monophthongs were o r i g i n a l l y t o n a l l y n o n ­ d i s t i n c t i v e , they l a t e r had f a l l i n g pitch in i n i t i a l syllables and r i s i n g pitch elsewhere. The intonations became phonemic when, at a l a t e r date, the long diphthongs underwent shorten­ ing and merged with the short diphthongs. Even though the former long diphthongs had been shortened, they retained r i s i n g p i t c h . Thus, o r i ­ ginal short diphthongs had f a l l i n g p i t c h , while short diphthongs from o r i g i n a l long diphthongs had r i s i n g p i t c h . After the shortening of long diphthongs had taken place, stress 70 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC was shifted from a penultimate syllable with falling pitch or short monophthong to a contiguous preceding syllable with rising pitch (cf. Shevelov 1964:71). Later, there was a similar shift of stress to a following syllable with rising pitch (cf. Shevelov 1964:71; Vaillant 1950:246-52). Stress was not shifted in those words that had either rising pitch or falling pitch only on every syllable. Thus, the Proto-Slavic system of accentuation was dominated by pitch. Even though each syllable had its characteristic pitch, however, it was only under stress that pitch became distinctive. The stress usually fell on the penultimate syllable but was shifted to a contiguous preceding syllable with rising pitch or to a following syllable with rising pitch when the penult contained either falling pitch or a short monophthong. A stressed penult could have either rising pitch or falling pitch depending upon the original quantity of the vowel segment. When Proto-Slavic began to split up into dialects, the system of accentuation outlined above was destroyed. Two events caused the disruption of the old accent system: First, there was a widespread shortening of long vowels. In some of the Slavic dialects, new long vowels were created through contraction. Next, there was a series of stress shifts. In the South Slavic dialects, the stress shifts were accompanied by shifts in vowel quantity and pitch. It was in the South Slavic area that the so-called "new rising pitch" and "new falling pitch" arose (cf. Shevelov 1964:563-69). The other Slavic dialects, some of which also underwent shifts in quantity, give no evidence of any pitch mutations. Indeed, phonemic pitch was probably lost in the East and West Slavic languages at the time of the stress shifts (cf. Shevelov 1964:563-69 and 574-78). The various Slavic daughter languages underwent further phonological and morphological developments that affected accentuation. Therefore, none of the modern languages preserve the earlier system of accentuation. Only Serbo-Croatian and Slovene still have phonemic pitch. As for the other daughter languages, the former distribution of the pitch is indicated in Czech by the opposition of long vowels and short INDO-EUROPEAN ACCENTUATION 71 vowels, in Bulgarian, by the position of the stress, and, in East Slavic, by the accentuation of the groups oro, ere, olo, ele. 4.5. CELTIC ACCENTUATION The accentuation of Old Irish was remarkably similar to that of late Proto-Germanic. Old Irish had a stress accent that normally fell on the first syllable of a word, the main exception being, as in Germanic, in compound verbal forms, where the stress fell on the first syllable of the second member except in the imperative. The stress caused the weakening and loss of unaccented vowels. In all of the modern Brythonic languages, with the exception of the Vannetais dialect of Breton, the stress falls on the penult. In Vannetais, the stress falls on the ultima. Old Welsh was also accented on the ultima, and it is probable that this was the original position of the accent in all of the Brythonic languages. 4.6. ITALIC ACCENTUATION In Early Latin, as well as in Oscan and Umbrian, the accent fell on the first syllable. That the accent had a strong stress component is shown by the effect it had on unaccented syllables. The vowel of the initial syllable was never modified, but the vowels of the unaccented syllables were regularly weakened or lost. The syllable directly following the initial syllable underwent the greatest modification, often being completely lost: cf., for example, Lat. aetās *aevitās. Between Early Latin and Classical Latin, the position of the accent was shifted. In Classical Latin, the accent fell on the penult if this were long or on the antepenult if the penult were short. Words with four or more syllables had a secondary accent on the first syllable: for example, tèmpestatem. 4.7. ARMENIAN ACCENTUATION 72 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC In Classical Armenian, the accent fell on what had originally been the penultimate syllable. That the accent was one of stress is shown by the widespread reduction and elimination of unaccented syllables. 4.8. SUMMARY/PROTO-INDO-EUROPEAN The Old Indic system of accentuation remained the most faithful to that of pre-divisional Proto-Indo-European. The accent limitation rule found in Greek is clearly an innovation. Likewise, the development of the circumflex probably arose, at least in part, as the result of contractions in the early prehistory of Greek itself (cf. Kurylowicz 1958:106-13). Baltic and Slavic have innovated even more than Greek. In these daughter languages, the position of the accent has undergone a systematic displacement. The accentuation of pre-divisional Proto-Indo-European and Old Indic was syllable oriented, while that of Greek, Baltic, and Slavic was mora oriented. None of the remaining daughter languages supply any information either about the distribution or about the quality of the accent in the parent language except for Germanic, which supplies some information about the original position of the accent. The developments found in the various daughter languages can best be accounted for by assuming that pre-divisional Proto-Indo-European was a stress-accent language (cf. Bubenik 1979:90-106; Halle and Kiparsky 1977:209-38. For a good general discussion of stress and stressaccent languages, cf. Hyman 1975:204-12, especially p. 207). Correlating with the stress was changing pitch: rising from an unstressed to a stressed syllable and falling from a stressed to an unstressed syllable. Every word, except when used clitically, bore an accent. However, each word had only one accented syllable. The accent could fall on any syllable, initial, medial, or final. The position of the accent was morphologically conditioned, accentuation being one of the means by which Proto-Indo-European distinguished grammatical categories. INDO­EUROPEAN ACCENTUATION 73 Though originally not restricted to a particular syllable, there was a tendency to level out the paradigm and fix the position of the accent throughout. This tendency -- the development of columnar accentuation -- began in Disintegrating Indo-European and continued into the daughter languages. Therefore, the earlier system is only imperfectly preserved in even the most conservative of the daughter languages, Vedic Sanskrit. ¯ ¯ ¯ 5 THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE PIE PHONOLOGICAL SYSTEM IN THE NON­ANATOLIAN DAUGHTER LANGUAGES 5.1. DISINTEGRATING INDO­EUROPEAN We can say with a reasonable amount of c e r t a i n t y that the form of Proto­Indo­European spoken immediately p r i o r to the emergence of the h i s t o r i c a l l y ­ a t t e s t e d non­Anatolian daughter languages was not a u n i ­ tary language but, rather, a speech area composed of several closely­ related d i a l e c t groups ( c f . , f o r example, Burrow 1973:12­18 and Geor­ giev 1966:382­96). The following changes were common to a l l of the Disintegrating Indo­European dialects (except where noted): A. The laryngeals * / ? / , */h/, */x/, and */y/ were lost initially before vowels, while in the same environment. B. Next, all laryngeals merged into */h/. C. */h/ (from earlier see [A] above) was then lost initially before vowels (except in pre­Proto­Armenian) and medially between an immediately preceding vowel and an immediately following non­syllabic. This latter change caused the compensatory lengthening of preceding short vowels. D. The single remaining laryngeal, */h/, was preserved in all other positions. */h/ had a vocalic allophone, . when between two non­syllabics. This vocalic allophone is the traditional schwa primum. 76 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC The vel ars developed p a l a t a l i z e d allophones when contiguous w i t h f r o n t v o w e l s , apophonic * o , and *y. I n a c e n t r a l , i n n o v a t i n g d i a l e c t a r e a , t h e l a b i o v e l a r s were (perhaps o n l y p a r t i a l l y a t f i r s t ) d e l a b i a l ­ i z e d . The n e w l y ­ d e l a b i a l i z e d l a b i o v e l a r s merged w i t h t h e u n p a l a t a l i z e d allophones o f t h e v e l a r s . This change brought about t h e phonemiciza­ t i o n o f t h e p a l a t a l s s i n c e both p a l a t a l i z e d v e l a r s ( f r o m e a r l i e r p l a i n v e l a r s ) and u n p a l a t a l i z e d v e l a r s ( f r o m e a r l i e r l a b i o v e l a r s ) were now found i n t h e v i c i n i t y o f f r o n t vowels, apophonic *o, and *y . The p h o n o l o g i c a l system o f t h e D i s i n t e g r a t i n g Indo­European a n t e ­ cedent o f t h e satem daughter languages may be r e c o n s t r u c t e d as f o l l o w s : Stops: Voiceless: p t Voiced: b d Glottalized: (p') gY t' Fricatives: Glides: ky k' Y k (kw) g (gw) k' (k'w) s h/ w y Resonants: Nasals: m/ n/ Rolled: r/ L a t e r a l : l/ Vowels: e o a i u ēōāīū The most s i g n i f i c a n t difference between the phonological systems of the Disintegrating Indo­European antecedents of the satem dialects and centum dialects was i n the treatment of the g u t t u r a l s . In the centum d i a l e c t s , the labiovelars did not become d e l a b i a l i z e d , and the palatals remained sub­phonemic. THE NON­ANATOLIAN DAUGHTER LANGUAGES The p h o n o l o g i c a l system o f t h e D i s i n t e g r a t i n g Indo­European 77 ante­ cedent o f the centum daughter languages may be r e c o n s t r u c t e d as f o l l o w s : Stops: Voiceless: p t k kw Voiced: b d g gw Glottalized: (p') Fricatives: t' k' w k' s h/ Glides: w y Resonants: m/ Nasals: Rolled: n/ r/ L a t e r a l : l/ Vowels: e o a i u ēōāīū 5.2. INDO­IRANIAN In the Disintegrating Indo­European antecedent of Indo­Iranian, the voiceless aspirates became phonemic, the plain voiced stops became voiced aspirates, and the ejectives f i r s t became implosives and then plain voiced stops. When two voiced aspirates cooccurred i n a r o o t , the f i r s t was deaspirated. While Indo­Iranian was s t i l l i n contact with the ancestor of S l a v i c , *s was changed i n t o *š a f t e r *k, *r, and *u. A s i m i l a r change i s also found in Slavic. became *š only a f t e r *k and *r and, in Armenian, only a f t e r *r. y y palatals * k , * g , and * g hy were affricated to spectively (cf. Burrow 1973:74). h and *g y were palatalized to * k , *g , and *g hy The re­ Following that, the velars *k, y *i, In Lithuanian, *s *g, respectively before 78 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC and *y ( c f . Mayrhofer 1972:24). The consonantal system of the Indo­ Iranian parent language may be reconstructed as follows (Kent 1953:29): After the p a l a t a l i z a t i o n of the velars had taken place, the short vowels merged i n t o * ă , and the long vowels merged i n t o * ă . *o became *ä in open syllables (Brugmann's Law). Original The s y l l a b i c nasals became * a , and the s y l l a b i c laryngeal p a r t i a l l y merged with was then l o s t a f t e r *a *i. with compensatory lengthening. *h *r and *l merged i n t o * r , and In Avestan and Old Persian, the plain and aspirated voiced stops merged. The voiceless aspirates became f r i c a t i v e s except a f t e r a s i b ­ i l a n t , where they were deaspirated. The plain voiceless stops devel­ oped i n t o f r i c a t i v e s when immediately followed by a consonant unless a s i b i l a n t preceded. Development of the Indo­Iranian consonants in Old Persian, Avestan, and Old Indic ( c f . Burrow 1973:67­102; Johnson 1917:69­89; Kent 1953: 29­42; Thumb 1958.I/1:276­315): Indo­ Iranian Old Persian Gathic Avestan Later Avestan Old Indic * f f f h f f f h *b b b b w b *bh b b b w bh *t t θ t θ t θ t th *th e e 0 *d d d d S d d d d 5 dh *d h THE NON-ANATOLIAN DAUGHTER LANGUAGES IndoIranian Old Persian Gathic Avestan 79 Later Avestan Old Indic θ s s s S d z z z d z z z j h h s *s h s h s *ky c š čš čš *gy j j jž *ghy j *s š š j ž š k x j s c j h s *k k x k x *kh X X *g *gh g g g Y g g g g Y | gh k kh x and *ghy merged In Old Indic, into h. Old Indic phonological system (cf. Mayrhofer 1972:17): Vowels: a î e o ū ai au k kh g gh c ch j jh ñ (palatal) h n (cerebral) ā u ī Consonants: th t ! (velar) t th d dh n (dental) p ph b bh m (labial) Semivowels: y r l Sibilants: s s s Aspirate: h Visarga: h Anusvâra: m v 80 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC Once the preceding system was established, it remained surprisingly stable for well over three thousand years — the phonological systems of the modern Indo-Aryan languages remain to this day similar in structure to the phonological system of Old Indic (cf. Bloch 1965:96-97). This fact raises an interesting question about the Proto-Indo-European phonological system as reconstructed by the Neogrammarians: The Neogrammarian system is extremely close to the phonological system of Old Indic (see section 2.1). If the Neogrammarian system were in fact an accurate representation of what existed in the Indo-European parent language, one may legitimately ask why it, too, did not remain stable in the Indo-European daughter languages. It thus seems to be a fair conclusion that the Proto-Indo-European phonological system was not in fact similar to that of Old Indic and that the Old Indic system was an innovation. 5.3. SLAVIC The ejectives merged with the plain voiced stops at an early date. *k became x. After *k, *r, *i, and *u, *s became x ( š before front vowels). A similar change is found in Indo-Iranian. *ky and*gybecame s and z respectively. *k and *g were palatalized to č and ž respectively before front vowels and j. developed into i (or u) plus h m, n, l, r. *ӑ and * merged into o, and *ā and *ō merged into a. *ey and *ī both became i, and *oy ( *ay, *oy) and *ē both became ě. *ü became y, *i became o, and *u became v. *e plus a nasal became ę, and *o plus a nasal became q. *ow ( *aw, *ow) became u. k and g were palatalized to c and dz respectively before ě ( *oy). t, d, n, l, r plus the semivowel j became ty, d y , n y , ly, ry respectively, while s became š and z became z under the same conditions. p, b, m, v plus j became ply, bly, mly, vly respectively. Only the major developments have been presented in this brief summary. For details on the Slavic developments, cf. Bidwell 1963, Meillet 1965:20-157, Shevelov 1964, and Vaillant 1950:23-220. THE NON­ANATOLIAN DAUGHTER LANGUAGES 81 Common Slavic phonological system (after Bidwell 1963:12): Stops: p t k b d g Fricatives: ( v ) s š Vowels: i b x 5.4. m b ę e Semivowels: Nasals: u o ěa ž z Affricates: y c dz tY dY n nY Liquids: j č r (v) l rY lY BALTIC The B a l t i c developments were f a i r l y s i m i l a r to the early Slavic developments. As in S l a v i c , the ejectives merged completely with the plain voiced stops. Lithuanian shows the change of *s to s a f t e r *k and *r but not a f t e r *i and *u as in Slavic and Indo­Iranian. developed i n t o i (or u) plus m, n, l, r. Except f o r the merger of *a and *o i n t o a, *ay and *oy i n t o ai, and *aw and *ow i n t o au, the vowel system remained reasonably f a i t h f u l to that of Disintegrating Indo­European. Unlike Slavic and Germanic, B a l t i c did not merge Disintegrating IE *ō and * ä . In Lithuanian, t plus j and d plus j become či and dži l y ; i plus I and d plus I become kl and gl respective­ respectively. For d e t a i l s on the B a l t i c developments, c f . Endzelins 1971:25­76 and Stang 1966:22­120. 5.5. ARMENIAN Armenian is particularly important because it is a relic area in which many important features of the Disintegrating Indo-European phonological system have been preserved. are Germanic, Thracian, and Phrygian. The only other such relic areas However, both Thracian and Phryg- ian are too poorly attested to be of significant value. 82 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC In the Disintegrating Indo­European ancestor of Armenian, the voice­ less aspirates f i r s t became phonemic. voiced aspirates. Then, the voiced stops became The ejectives remained unchanged. The voiced aspirates remained except f o r the following changes: medially between vowels, b became w, j became z, and g became ž. g re­ mained i n i t i a l l y before back vowels but was changed to j before f r o n t vowels. The development of the Disintegrating Indo­European consonant sys­ tem in Armenian may be summarized thus: p, t , k y , k h h h (w, 0 ) , t ' , h p , t , k s, k' p', t ' , x t', y k' , k' bh, dh g y h , gh t , c, k b (w), d, J ( z ) , g ( j , ž) The short vowels remained unchanged, but *ë became i, *ö became u, and *ā became a. *i/*ī and *u/*ü lost any distinction of length. *ew and *ow became oy, *ay became ay, *aw became aw, and *ey and *oy became ë. developed into a plus m, n, ł, r ( before n ) . *l became ł before consonants. *w became g or v. *s became h or ř i n i t i a l l y before vowels. S l a v i c , and Lithuanian, *s became š a f t e r r. As in Indo­Iranian, *sk and *ks became c. Armenian is the only non­Anatolian daughter language that has pre­ served a trace of a consonantal laryngeal. Kurylowicz's (Sturte­ vant's *x [see section 2.2]) appears as h i n i t i a l l y before f u l l ­ g r a d e vowels in a small number of words ( c f . Austin 1942:22­25; Bomhard 1976: 231­32 and 1979a:87­88; Greppin 1981:120­22; Polomé 1980:17­33; Sturte­ vant 1942:29­30; Winter 1965b:102). The following examples have cog­ nates in the Anatolian languages: A. Arm. hav "grandfather" ( pre­Arm. *hawho­s) : Hitt. u aš "grandfather"; Hier. huhas "grandfather"; Lyc. χuga­ "grand­ father". Cf. Lat. avus "grandfather". THE NON­ANATOLIAN DAUGHTER LANGUAGES 83 B. Arm. hoviw "shepherd" ( pre­Arm. *howi­pā­) : Luw. a ­ a ­ ú ­ i ­ i š "sheep": Hier. hawis "sheep". Cf. Skt. àvi­h "sheep"; Gk. "sheep"; Lat. ovis "sheep". C. Arm. haravunk' "arable land" ( pre­Arm. *har­ "to plow"): Hitt. harašzi "to plow". Cf. Gk. ά ów) "to plow, till"; Lat. arō "to plow, till"; Goth. arjan "to plow"; Lith. ariù "to plow, till"; Toch. B are "plow". But note Arm. arawr "plow" without initial h. D. Arm. hogi "wind, spirit" ( pre­Arm. *howyo­) , hov "wind", hovem "to let air in": Hitt. huwanza "wind". Cf. Skt. "to blow"; Gk. ημ i "to blow, breathe"; Lat. ventus "wind"; Goth. winds "wind"; Toch. A want "wind"; Lith. vejas "wind". E. Arm. han "grandmother" ( pre­Arm. *hano­s) : Hitt. hannas "grandmother"; Lyc. χρna­ "grandmother". Cf. Lat. anus "old woman". F. Arm. harkanem "to split, fell" ( pre­Arm. *hark'­): Hitt. harakzi "to be destroyed". Cf. OIr. orgaim "to strike, de­ stroy" . G. Arm. haci "ash­tree" ( pre­Arm. *haskyyo­) : Hitt. G I Š h a š š i ­ kka­ "a tree and its fruit (?)". Cf. OIce. askr "ash­tree", OHG. ask "ash­tree" ( Gmc. *aski­z) . H. Arm. Hay "Armenian": Hitt. Hayasa the name of a region (cf. Meillet 1936:9). No doubt this term has been borrowed by Armenian. The following examples have no known Anatolian cognates: A. Arm. hav "bird" ( pre­Arm. *hawi­s) : Lat. avis vν­h "bird". B. Arm. hot "smell" ( pre­Arm. *hot'os­): Gk. "to smell". "bird"; Skt. Lat. odor "smell"; C . A r m . hum "raw" ( pre­Arm. *homo­s) : Skt. äma­h "raw"; Gk. "raw". The Armenian material is not without problems, however. Both Meillet (1936:38) and Winter (1965b:102) point out that initial h is unstable. The same word sometimes has two alternates, one with h and 84 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC one without ­ ­ M e i l l e t ' s example is hogi beside ogi. Furthermore, an h­ is sometimes missing where the H i t t i t e cognate unequivocally points to o r i g i n a l such as in Arm. arcat' " s i l v e r " beside H i t t . harkis "white" (other cognates include Gk. ά góç " b r i g h t , white" and Lat. gentum " s i l v e r " ) . ar­ Therefore, the Armenian m a t e r i a l , though extremely valuable, must be used with caution. The Neogrammarians and t h e i r followers ­ ­ with the exception of Ferdinand de Saussure ­ ­ did not reconstruct laryngeals as part of the Proto­Indo­European sound system. t h e i r disposal to do so. However, they had a l l the tools at F i r s t of a l l , as early as 1878, de Saussure had posited his now famous " c o e f f i c i e n t s sonantiques" solely on the basis of an analysis of the patterns of vowel gradation. Secondly, Armenian has a clear r e f l e x of one of de Saussure's " c o e f f i c i e n t s " . Unfortunately, the Armenian evidence escaped detection u n t i l a f t e r the discovery in 1927 by Kurylowicz that one of de Saussure's " c o e f f i c i e n t s " was preserved in H i t t i t e . I t was only then that the Armenian material was re­examined by Austin (1942:22­25) and the laryngeal r e f l e x found. For details on the Armenian developments, c f . Godel 1975:9­25 and 61­91, Hübschmann 1962:399­504, Kortlandt 1980a:97­106, M e i l l e t 1936: 23­58, and Winter 1965b:100­15. 5.6. GERMANIC Germanic, like Armenian, is extremely conservative. The Disinte- grating Indo-European consonant system is preserved better in these two branches than in any of the other daughter languages. Unlike Armenian, though, Germanic preserves the older contrast between velars and labiovelars. Armenian, on the other hand, belongs to the satem group of languages and is, therefore, descended from that form of Disintegrating Indo-European in which this contrast was replaced by a contrast between palatals and velars. Furthermore, the voiceless aspirates did not be- come phonemic in Germanic. The ejectives were deglottalized in Ger- manic, but they were retained in Armenian. THE NON­ANATOLIAN DAUGHTER LANGUAGES 85 In Germanic, the plain voiceless stops first became voiceless aspirates and then voiceless fricatives (cf. Meillet 1967:118-19): *p became ƒ, *t became e, *k became and *kw became w. Later, the voiceless fricatives were voiced except (1) initially and (2) medially between vowels when the accent fell on the contiguous preceding syllable (Verner's Law). s was also changed to z under the same conditions. *b remained initially, in gemination, and after nasals; *g only in gemination and after nasals; and *d initially, in gemination, and after nasals, *l, *z and *g. In other positions, however, *b, *d, and *g were changed into the voiced fricatives *ß, *3, and *y respectively (cf. Moulton 1972:173). *gw seems to have become *w. *a and * merged into a, and *ä and *5 merged into o. *e became i (1) before a' nasal plus consonant and (2) when i, l, or y followed. *ey became ī. *i was changed to e and *u to o when a, o, or e appeared in the following syllable except when a nasal plus consonant intervened. In the sequences *an , *in , and *un , the n was lost, and the vowels were lengthened. developed into u plus m, n, l, r. The consonantal resonants remained unchanged except that final *m became n. This change is also found in Anatolian, Greek, Celtic, and probably Balto-Slavic. The development of the Disintegrating Indo-European consonants in Germanic may be summarized thus: p t b d (p') t' k g k' kw gw k'w w f θ ' b/ß d/š g/y gw/yw (p) t k kw For details on the Germanic developments, cf. Antonsen 1972:117-40, Hirt 1931.I:79-143, Krahe 1966.I:50-135, Meillet 1970:15-49, Moulton 1972:141-73, Prokosch 1938:35-118, Streitberg 1963:31-153, and Wright and Wright 1925:19-172. 5.7. CELTIC 86 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC The discussion will be confined to Old Irish; only the major developments will be followed. For details about developments in the other Celtic languages, cf. Lewis and Pedersen 1961:1-157 and Morris Jones 1913:9-191. For a discussion of the Old Irish developments, cf. Thurneysen 1946:27-153. See also Lehmann and Lehmann 1975. The dental and velar ejectives merged completely with the plain voiced stops in Proto-Celtic: *t' and *d d, and *k' and *g g. The labiovelars developed along slightly different lines. First, *gw was delabialized. The resulting sound then merged with g. Following that, *k'w developed (1) into b initially and medially after consonants and (2) into g initially before u and medially between vowels and before consonants. Original *p was lost in all of the Celtic languages. However, p has been reintroduced into Old Irish through loanwords. The remaining voiceless stops developed into voiceless aspirates. The voiced stops were preserved. The Celtic developments may be summarized as follows: The consonants developed positional allophones under various conditions: Palatal allophones developed in the vicinity of original i, i, e, e, and velar allophones developed in the vicinity of original u, ü. Neutral allophones were found in the vicinity of original o. ō, a, 5. In Old Irish, the palatal and velar allophones were indicated as such in writing by surrounding vowels. Unpronounced vowels were often introduced to indicate the quality of the following consonant, p , t, c, b, d, g became the fricatives /f, θ, χ v, š, y/ (written ph, th, ch, b, d, g) respectively initially after words that end or that formerly ended in a vowel and medially between vowels. m, n, l, r became /μ , v, X, p/ (written m, n, l, r) respectively, and s became /h/ under the THE NON­ANATOLIAN DAUGHTER LANGUAGES 87 same conditions. /μ / was probably a nasalized v, while /v, A, p/ were lax variants of n, l, r. Consonants were changed as follows initially when the preceding word ended or formerly ended in a nasal: (1) p, t, o became /b, d, g/ (written p, t, a) respectively, (2) b, d first became mb, nd and then mm, nn, (3) ƒ became /v/ (written b) , (4) n was written before vowels, and (5) s, r, l, m, n were doubled when they followed a proclitic vowel. Old Irish thus had the following system of consonants (the written form is given first followed by the allophones in slashes): p ph f b m /p, b/ /f/ /f/ /b, v/ /m, y/ t /t, d/ th /e/ s /s/ d /d, š/ n /n, v/ 1 h /l, X/ /h/ c /k, g/ ch /χ/ g /g, Y/ [n] / Η / r /r, p/ Except for the merger of ō and ā into į and of ī and ē into i, the long and short vowels were mostly preserved in accented syllables. In unaccented syllables, vowels were either lost or subject to various mod­ ifications governed by a complicated set of rules. i and u became e and o respectively under the influence of a or o in the following syllable. ew and ow merged into ó/śa, aw became įu/ó, ey became é/ķa, oy became ¿e/oi, and ay became ai/ae in accented syllables. The Old Irish vowel system was as follows: Vowels: î u e o a \ 6 e o a 88 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC Diphthongs: íu ía éu/éo áu úa uí oí/óe áí/áe *y was lost. *w became ƒ initially and b /v/ after r, l, d,. *M, *n, *l, *r were preserved except that final *m became n. In the se­ quences *Vnt, *Vnc(h), and *Vne, the *n was lost, and the preceding vowel was lengthened. The developments of the syllabic nasals and li­ quids were complicated, though, in general, became am, an, al, ar respectively before vowels and em, en, li ( l e ) , r i (re) re­ spectively elsewhere. 5.8. ITALIC In the Disintegrating Indo­European ancestor of Italic, the voice­ less aspirates first became phonemic. Next, the voiced stops became voiced aspirates. Later, the voiced aspirates were devoiced, and the resulting sounds merged completely with the previously­existing voice­ less aspirates. At the same time, the ejectives became implosives. Finally, the voiceless aspirates became voiceless fricatives, while the implosives became plain voiced stops. The plain voiceless stops remained unchanged: In Oscan and Umbrian, *ƒ, *θ, and *χ w merged into ƒ, while *χ be­ came h. In Latin, the merger of *ƒ, *e, and *χw into ƒ only took place initially. *ƒ became b medially; *e became (1) d medially but (2) b before or after r, before I, or after u; and *χ w became (1) v between vowels, (2) gu after n, but (3) g before consonants or u. *χ became THE NON­ANATOLIAN DAUGHTER LANGUAGES 89 (1) h i n i t i a l l y in Latin but (2) g when before or a f t e r consonants and (3) ƒ when before u. The vowels generally remained in accented syllables but were weak­ ened or l o s t in unaccented s y l l a b l e s . The vowels underwent the f o l l o w ­ ing modifications in Latin ( c f . Buck 1955a:78­117): e became i before ng, gn. no, and nqu. and before l. Final i became e. e became o before or a f t e r w o became u (1) before nc, ngu, mb, and before I plus a consonant, (2) in f i n a l syllables ending in a consonant, and (3) medi­ a l l y before I or before two consonants. vo became ve before r plus a consonant, before s plus a consonant, and before t. ov became av. The diphthongs were preserved in Oscan but underwent various changes in Umbrian and Latin. ei became l, and oi, eu, and ou became ü in L a t i n . m, n , l, r were preserved. y remained i n i t i a l l y in Latin ( w r i t t e n i) but was l o s t between vowels, while w ( w r i t t e n v) was unchanged. developed i n t o a plus m, n, l, r respectively before vowels. Elsewhere, became ol and ov respectively, and be­ came em and en respectively. s generally remained, though i t was voiced to z between vowels. The z was retained in Oscan but was changed to r in Umbrian and L a t i n . For d e t a i l s on the Oscan and Umbrian developments, c f . Buck 1928: 28­101 and Poultney 1959:25­84. For d e t a i l s on the Latin developments, c f . Buck 1955a:78­161, Leumann 1963:55­180, Lindsay 1894:219­315, Mei­ l l e t and Vendryes 1968:69­93 and 108­22, and Palmer 1955:211­32. 5.9. GREEK In the Disintegrating Indo­European ancestor of Greek, the voice­ less aspirates became phonemic. The plain voiced stops then became voiced aspirates, and the ejectives became implosives. When two voiced aspirates cooccurred in a r o o t , the f i r s t was deaspirated. voiced aspirates were devoiced: Later, the the aspirated allophones then merged with the previously­existing voiceless aspirates, and the unaspirated 90 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC allophones merged with the previously­existing plain voiceless stops. Finally, the implosives became plain voiced stops. The original plain voiceless stops were retained unchanged: The labiovelars were eliminated in Greek in historic times. The process of elimination probably occurred in several stages. Since the labiovelars mostly remain in Mycenaean, their elimination can reason­ ably be placed between the Mycenaean period and the beginning of the alphabetic period, that is, between about 1400­900 B.C. (cf. Lejeune 1972:43­53). Before or after u, kw, gw, and kwh were delabialized and merged with k, g, and kh (written x, y, and x) respectively. Next, kw, gw, and kwh were palatalized before The resulting sounds then h merged with t, d, and t (written T , , and ) respectively in the maj­ ority of the dialects. Finally, all remaining labiovelars became lab­ ials: kw, gw,.kwh p, b, ph (written π ß, Φ). The vowels and diphthongs were well­preserved in all of the Greek dialects. The most important change was that of a to n in Attic­Ionic. Additional changes worth mentioning include the compensatory lengthen­ ing of short vowels, the shortening of long vowels, and the development of new long vowels and diphthongs through contraction. For details about these developments, cf. Lejeune 1972:187­263. m, n, l, r generally remained in Greek except that final *m became ­n (written ­v) as in Anatolian, Germanic, Celtic, and probably Baltic and Slavic. developed into ay, av, aλ, ap respectively before vowels. Before consonants, merged into a, while and became aX/Xa and ap/pa respectively. *s, *y, and *w were lost medially between vowels. Initially be­ fore vowels, *s became h (written ' ) , *y became either h or z (written THE NON­ANATOLIAN DAUGHTER LANGUAGES 91 and ζ r e s p e c t i v e l y ) , while *w was l o s t in A t t i c ­ I o n i c . *s remained when f i n a l and when before or a f t e r voiceless stops. For details on the Greek developments, cf. Buck 1955a:78­161 and 1955b:17­84, Grammont 1948, Lejeune 1972, M e i l l e t and Vendryes 1968: 40­68 and 94­107, and Schwyzer 1953:169­371. 5.10. TOCHARIAN In Tocharian, the d i s t i n c t i o n between voiced, voiceless, and g l o t ­ t a l i z e d stops was eliminated. the older contrast. However, Tocharian o r i g i n a l l y preserved While this contrast s t i l l e x i s t e d , *t' was l o s t before the non­syllabic resonants ( c f . Van Windekens 1976:82­83). and *d were not l o s t , however. *t The elimination of the older contrast must, therefore, have taken place a f t e r the loss of f i r s t step involved the d e g l o t t a l i z a t i o n of * t ' , *t'. *k' No doubt, the and *k'w and t h e i r merger with the plain voiceless stops *t, *k, and *kw respectively. This is proved by the f a c t that *mp remained mp, while *mb became m ( c f . Van Windekens 1976:79), and by the f a c t that *t and * t ' had the same treatment before f r o n t vowels ­ ­ p a l a t a l i z a t i o n to c ­ ­ while *d went i t s own way under the same conditions ­ ­ p a l a t a l i z a t i o n to *dz ts ( c f . Van Windekens 1976:83­84). F i n a l l y , the voiced stops were de­ voiced and merged with the plain voiceless stops: p b (p') p (w) t d t' k kw g gw k' k'w t (c, ts) k (ç) kw/u (k, *s usually remained but was palatalized to ç) before f r o n t vowels. The non­syllabic resonants generally remained. The Disintegrating Indo­European vowels and diphthongs were great­ ly modified. For details about t h e i r development, c f . Krause­Thomas 1960:47­59 and Van Windekens 1976:15­37. 92 5.11. TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC ALBANIAN Though the Albanian developments are s t i l l not completely under­ stood, some tentative conclusions are possible. seem to have merged with the voiced stops. F i r s t , the ejectives In general, t h e i r develop­ ments are i d e n t i c a l , though i n i t i a l *gy appears as d, while i n i t i a l *k'y appears as dh ( c f . Mann 1977:33). Next, Albanian provides the strongest evidence for the existence of three guttural series in i t s Disintegrating Indo­European ancestor: the labiovelars are d i s t i n ­ guished from the plain velars by the f a c t that the former are p a l a t a l ­ ized to s i b i l a n t s before f r o n t vowels while the l a t t e r are not ( c f . Mann 1977:24­25 and 34­35): p b t k (p') d y t' y y g k g kw gw k' k' k'w p b (b) t d d th d dh dh k q g gj g gj k q s g gj z g gj z For details on the Albanian developments, c f . Mann 1977:24­41. Albanian is also discussed in Brugmann 1 9 6 7 . I / 1 , • • • I/2. 6 THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE PIE PHONOLOGICAL SYSTEM IN THE ANATOLIAN DAUGHTER LANGUAGES 6.1. INTRODUCTION The Anatolian daughter languages differ sufficiently enough in their general structure from the non­Anatolian daughter languages as a group to make it seem extremely likely that they are descended from a different form of Proto­Indo­European than the non­Anatolian daugh­ ter languages. This fact has long been recognized and has generated a great deal of controversy as an ever­expanding number of scholars have tried to determine the exact relationship of the Anatolian daugh­ ter languages to the non­Anatolian daughter languages. The following is a summary of the thoughts of several leading scholars on this sub­ ject: A. Edgar H. Sturtevant (1942:23­29), developing an idea of Emil Forrer, held that Proto­Anatolian and Proto­Indo­European were sister languages, whose common ancestor he called "Indo­Hittite". In the second edition (1951) of his Com­ parative Grammar of the Hittite Language, Sturtevant details the evidence upon which the "Indo­Hittite" Theory is based. This theory has now been mostly abandoned (cf. Puhvel 1966: 235­36), though recently Warren Cowgill (1975.2:557­70 and 1979:25­39) has advanced new evidence in its favor. In my opinion, Cowgill's arguments are extremely persuasive, and they become even more convincing when combined with Sturte­ vant 1 s arguments. See here too Adrados 1982:1­35. B. Thomas Burrow (1973:17­18) has proposed that two separate stages of Indo­European be recognized: (1) "Early" Indo­ 94 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC European and (2) "Late" Indo­European. He would derive the Anatolian daughter languages from Early Indo­European and the non­Anatolian daughter languages from Late Indo­European. C. Vladimir Georgiev (1966:347­48 and 382­95) maintains that the Anatolian languages belonged to one of many Indo­European dia­ lect groups situated in Eastern Europe and Western Turkey in the 6th­4th millennia B.C. As a result of their isolated geo­ graphical location in Western Turkey, the Anatolian languages had undergone a long period of relatively independent develop­ ment by the time they entered into recorded history in the 20th century B.C. According to Georgiev, it is this period of isolation that accounts both for the preservation of ar­ chaisms and for the many innovations found in the Anatolian languages. In my a r t i c l e (1975) e n t i t l e d "An Outline of the Historical Phono­ logy of Indo­European", I t r i e d to establish a r e l a t i v e chronology f o r various developments w i t h i n the prehistory of the Indo­European parent language. That chronology was derived from my i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of H i r t ' s ablaut and accentuation theories as well as from the chronology pro­ posed by Lehmann (1952:109­14). Since, however, I no longer adhere to these theories (see section 3 . 4 ) , a revised r e l a t i v e chronology should be posited. I would now set up two major stages of development w i t h i n Proto­Indo­European proper: (1) pre­Anatolian Proto­Indo­European and (2) post­Anatolian Proto­Indo­European. The l a t t e r stage may be sub­ divided i n t o "Late" Indo­European and "Disintegrating" Indo­European. Late Indo­European may be defined as the period e x i s t i n g from immedi­ ately a f t e r the separation of the Anatolian languages from the main speech community up to the beginnings of the d i v i s i o n of the parent language i n t o the dialects that eventually became the non­Anatolian daughter languages. I t is the f i n a l period of increasing d i f f e r e n t i a ­ t i o n that I would c a l l "Disintegrating" Indo­European. This should not be taken to imply that Late Indo­European, or, f o r that matter, any other period of Proto­Indo­European, did not have d i a l e c t s . Unfortun­ a t e l y , however, a l l information regarding d i a l e c t a l d i v e r s i t y in the e a r l i e r stages of development has been i r r e t r i e v a b l y l o s t , and i t is only the evidence of the h i s t o r i c a l l y ­ a t t e s t e d non­Anatolian daughter THE ANATOLIAN DAUGHTER LANGUAGES 95 languages that allows us to i n f e r what the s i t u a t i o n regarding d i a l e c t a l d i v e r s i t y may have been l i k e in t h e i r immediate Proto­Indo­European an­ cestor. The pre­Anatolian Proto­Indo­European phonological system may be reconstructed as follows: Stops: Voiceless: p t k kw Voiced: b d g gw k' k'w Glottalized: (p') t' ? Fricatives: Voiceless: s x Voiced: h y Glides: w y Resonants: Nasals: m/ n/ Rolled: L a t e r a l : l/ r/ Vowels: ə (ə a i u ā ī ū) Notes: 6.2. A. * p , * t , *k, * k w had non­phonemic a s p i r a t e d v a r i a n t s ( c f . section 2 . 3 ) . B. *ə * e when s t r e s s e d ( c f . s e c t i o n 3 . 8 ) . PROTO­ANATOLIAN In Proto­Anatolian, the voiced stops were devoiced, and the ejec­ 96 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC tives were d e g l o t t a l i z e d . The s y l l a b i c resonants am, an, al, ar respectively. Final *m became n as in Greek, Germanic, C e l t i c , and probably Balto­Slavic. while became and *Y were devoiced. The laryngeals *? and *h were l o s t , F i n a l l y , the labiovelars became clus­ ters of k plus w/u: The Proto­Anatolian phonological system may be reconstructed as follows: Vowels: e a i u y w r ē ā ī ū Glides: Nasals and Liquids: m n l Stops: p t k Sibilant: s Laryngeals: 6.3. x DEVELOPMENT OF THE PROTO­ANATOLIAN PHONOLOGICAL SYSTEM PAn. Hittite Written Form Palaic Luwian Lycian *e e; i e; i e; a a e *a a a a a a; *ē e; i e; i i i *ā a a a a i ? *i i i i i *u u ķ, e u, ú u u u *ī i i ? ? ? *ü u u, ú ? ? ? e; e; a THE ANATOLIAN DAUGHTER LANGUAGES 97 PAn. Hittite Written Form Palaic Luwian Lycian *y *w y w i, y, iy, yy u, ú, w, uw, úw y w y w y w; b *m m m(m) m m m *n n n(n) n n n; ­a; ­ë; ­n *l l Kl) l l l *r r r(r) r V V *P *t V t; p(p) , b(b) d(d); z(z) V t V t p; b t(t), *k k k(k), g(g), q(q) *kw/u kw/u k(k)u *s s; š(š); *x X z(z) t; d k; x k; x; kw/u kw/u ø­ t; k s s; s; h X x ? k; g; ø­ x; g; q Notes on Hittite (cf. Kronasser 1956:35­96; Sturtevant 1951:29­66): A. Originally, PAn. *e Hitt. e. However, in the form of Hit­ tite spoken about 1300 B.C., e seems to have become i. B. The cuneiform syllabary does not indicate vowel length. C. The clusters mn and run become m(m). D. The cluster tn becomes E. t (written z[z]) before i or ė except after s. F. s (written z) after n. G. ty­ n(n). s­ (written š­) initially (cf. Benveniste 1962:8­9). Notes on Palaic (cf. Carruba 1970:39­41): A. Palaic a corresponds to Hittite e/i as well as to Hittite a. 98 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC B. Medial k x (written C. The cluster tn ) in a number of words. n(n). Notes on Luwian (cf. Laroche 1959:132­35): A. Luw. a corresponds to Hitt. e/i as well as to Hitt. a. Palaic and Hieroglyphic Luwian also have a where Hittite has e/i, B. A Luwian word can only end in one of the following: ­u, ­s, ­n, ­l, ­r. C. n is often dropped before t and D. s E. Hitt. initial ke­/ki­ F. Medial k x (written also found in Palaic. G. There are several examples of the loss of ­a, ­i, (written z). (written z) after 1 and n. corresponds to Luw. i­ in several words. ) in a number of words. This change is before ­u­ and ­w­. Notes on Lycian (cf. Benveniste 1952:206; Georgiev 1966:229­34; Neumann 1969:373­79): A. Lycian had the following sounds: a, e, i, u; д, e (nasalized vowels); y, w; m, n, l, r; p, b; t, d, θ; k, g, q; s, z; h; x; (β, τ, ) . B. b, d, g were probably the voiced fricatives [ß], [ð], [y] re­ spectively. C. m, n, and r could be used both as syllabics and non­syllabics. When m and n were syllabic, they were written m and ñ respec­ tively . D. Luw. a E. p, t, k, and χ sometimes have voiced fricative allophones. F. Labiovelars are delabialized. G. The cluster tw­ kb­ in Lycian A and tb­ Lyc. A kbi­ "two", B Ubi­ "two". Lyc. e. in Lycian B: cf. THE ANATOLIAN DAUGHTER LANGUAGES 6.4. 99 EXAMPLES OF THE VOWELS 6.4.1. When stressed, PIE *ə PAn. *e (cf. section 3.7) e/i; Pal. e, a; Luw. a; Hier. a; Lyc. e: Hitt. A. Hitt. 3 sg. pres. eszi "is"; Pal. 3 sg. pret. e­es­ta "was" (probably a Hittitism, cf. Carruba 1970: 52), 3 sg. impv. a­aš­du (= Hitt. esdu /estu/); Luw. 3 sg. pret. a­aš­ta "was" (= Hitt. esta /esta/); Hier. 3 sg. pres. asti "is" (= Hitt. eszi OHitt. esti /esti/); Lyc. 3 sg. pres. essti "is", 3 sg. pret. esste "was" (cf. Luw. 3 sg. pret. a­aš­ta) PAn. 3 sg. pres. *esti "is", 3 sg. pret. *esta, 3 sg. impv. *estu pre­ An. PIE Late IE 3 sg. pres. *?ésti "is" Common Disintegrating IE *ésti Skt. ásti "is"; Gk. "is"; Lat. est "is"; OLith. esti "is". Cf. Carruba 1970:52; Friedrich 1952:42; Georgiev 1966: 231; Kronasser 1956:§24; Laroche 1959:32­33; Meriggi 1962:34­35; Pokorny 1959:340­42 *es­ "to be"; Sturtevant 1951:§56 IH *'esty; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:160­61. B. Hitt. 3 sg. pres. weriyazi "calls, names"; Pal. 3 sg. pres. û­e­er­ti "says, calls" PAn. *wer­ "to call, name, say" pre­An. PIE *wer Late and Com­ mon Disintegrating IE *wér­ Gk. "I say, speak". Cf. Bomhard 1973:§3; Carruba 1970:76; Friedrich 1952: 252; Pokorny 1959:1162­63 "to speak, say"; Walde­ Pokorny 1973.I:283­84. C. Hitt. 1 sg. pres. edmi /etmî/ "I eat" PAn. *etmi "I eat" pre­An. PIE Late IE *?ét'mi Disin­ tegrating IE *ét'mi Skt. ádmi "I eat". Cf. also Gk. "I eat"; edō "I eat"; OE. etan "to eat". Cf. Friedrich 1952:44; Pokorny 1959:287­89 *ed­ "to eat"; Sturtevant 1951:§56 IH *'ed­; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I: 118­21. D. Hitt. nom.­acc. sg. eš ar, is ar "blood"; Pal. nom.­acc. sg. (­)eš­ u­ur, (­)e­eš­ a(r?) "blood" (?) ; Luw. ptc. nom. pl. a­as­ ar­nu­um­ma­in­z[i] "covered with blood" (cf. Hitt. 3 sg. pres. is arnumaizzi / "makes bloody"); Hier. asharmis "bloody"; Lyc. esede­ ( *ašhata[r]) in esedeρnewe "race, kind" PAn. "blood" pre­An. PIE Common Disintegrating IE Skt. ásrk "blood"; Arm. ariwn "blood"; Gk. "blood"; Lat. assyr "blood"; Toch. A yεār "blood". Cf. Carruba 1970:53; Friedrich 1952:43; 100 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC Laroche 1959:33 and 1960:§350; Meriggi 1962:35; Pokorny 1959:343 "blood"; S t u r t e v a n t 1951:§56; T i s c h ­ l e r 1977.1:112­15; Van Windekens 1976:607; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:162; Winter 1965c:202 *EesAr and 1966:202. 6.4.2. When unstressed, PIE *ə P a l . , Luw., H i e r . , Lyc. a. PAn. *a ( c f . section 3.7) Hitt., This is the reduced­grade or schwa secundum of t r a d i t i o n a l grammar ( c f . H i r t 1921:76­ 102; Sturtevant 1942:31­32 and 1951:33­34). Unstressed *Ə must have been mostly l o s t in post­Anatolian Proto­Indo­ European since there is l i t t l e evidence from the non­Anato­ l i a n daughter languages to support positing a schwa secun­ dum in t h e i r immediate Proto­Indo­European ancestor ( c f . Szemerényi 1970:34): A. H i t t . 3 p l . p r e s . ašanzi "they a r e " ; P a l . 3 p l . impv. a­ša­an­du (= H i t t . ašandu / a s a n t u / ) ; Luw. 3 p l . impv. a­ša­an­du PAn. 3 p l . p r e s . *asanti "they a r e " , 3 p l . impv. *asantu pre­An. PIE * ? ə s á n t i , *?ə sán­ tu; Late IE 3 p l . p r e s . *?(ə )sánti D i s i n t e g r a t i n g IE *sónti ­* Skt. santi "they a r e " ; L a t . sunt "they a r e " ; OCS "they a r e " . P a l . 3 p l . impv. a­se­en­du PAn. 3 p l . impv. *asentu ­ pre­An. PIE Late IE 3 pl. pres. *?(ə )sénti D i s i n t e g r a t i n g IE *sénti Osc. sent "they a r e " ; Goth. sind "they a r e " ; Dor. "they a r e " ; Welsh ynt "they a r e " . Cf. Carruba 1970:52; F r i e d ­ r i c h 1952:42; Laroche 1959:32­33; Pokorny 1959:340­42; S t u r t e v a n t 1951:33 IH *'osonty; Walde­Pokorny 1 9 7 3 . I : 160­61. B. H i t t . 3 p l . p r e s . adanzi , atanzi "they e a t " , p t c . nom. p l . adantes / a t a n t e s / " e a t e n " ; P a l . 3 p l . p r e s . a­ta­a­an­ti, a­da­a­an[­ti?] "they e a t " PAn. 3 p l . p r e s . *atanti "they e a t " pre­An. PIE * ? ə t ' á n t i ; Late IE * ? ( ə ) t ' á n t ­ s " t o o t h " D i s i n t e g r a t i n g IE *t'ónt­s Skt. nom. s g . dán, a c c . s g . dántam " t o o t h " ; L i t h . dantis " t o o t h " ; OIce. s g . tönn ( Gmc. *tandu­) , p l . tenn ( Gmc. *tanθi­z), tennr, teðr " t o o t h " ; secondary i n i t i a l vowel i n Gk. ( a s s i m i l a t e d from " t o o t h " , Arm. atamm " t o o t h " ; reduced­grade i n L a t . dens, dentis ( " t o o t h " , Goth. tunpus " t o o t h " . Cf. Beekes 1969: 55; Buck 1949:§4.27; Carruba 1970:52; De Vries 1962:604; THE ANATOLIAN DAUGHTER LANGUAGES 101 Feist 1939:483­84; Friedrich 1952:44; Pokorny 1959:287­ 89 *ed­ "to eat", *edont­, *dont­, *dnt­ "tooth"; Stur­ tevant 1951:33 IH *' òdontes; Walde­Hofmann 1972.I:340­41; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:118­21. 6.4.3. PIE *a PAn. *a Hitt., Pal., Luw., Hier., Lyc. a: A. Hitt. nom. sg. "grandfather"; Hayasa hugga­ "grandfather"; Hier. huhas "grandfather"; Lyc. ' "grandfather" yuga­ "grandfather" PAn. pre­An. PIE *AuAas Late IE pre­Arm. *haw(h)os Arm. hav "grandfather"; pre­ítalic *aw(h)os Lat. avus "grandfather". Cf. Friedrich 1952:71; Georgiev 1966:230; Jahukyan 1961:400; Laroche 1960:§331; Meriggi 1962:60; Pokorny 1959:89 *auos "grandfather"; Sturtevant 1951:§74 IH *xewxos; Tischler 1978.2:260­62. B. Hitt. nom.­acc sg. yukan, yugan /yukan/ "yoke" PAn. *yukan "yoke" pre­An. PIE *yuk'ám Late IE *yuk'ám Common Disintegrating IE *yuk'óm Skt. yugám "yoke"; Gk. "yoke"; Lat. iugum "yoke"; Goth.juk "yoke". Cf. Friedrich 1952:93; Pokorny 1959:508­09 "yoke"; Sturtevant 1951:§58; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:201­02. C. H i t t . 3 sg. pres. sipanti / s p a n † i / pours a l i b a t i o n " PAn. *spante "pours a l i b a t i o n " pre­An. PIE * spant'e Late IE * spant' é Disintegrating IE *spont'e Lat. spondeö " t o promise solemnly"; Disintegrating IE *'spent'­ Gk. " t o pour out a d r i n k ­ o f f e r i n g " . Cf. Fried­ r i c h 1952:193­94; Pokorny 1959:989 *spend­ " t o pour out a d r i n k ­ o f f e r i n g " ; Sturtevant 1951:§58; Walde­Pokonry 1973.II:665. D. H i t t . gen. sg. "grandmother"; Lyc. Xñna­ "grandmother" PAn. "grandmother" pre­An. PIE Late IE *hános (A) pre­Arm. *hcmos Arm. han "grandmother"; (B) *ános L a t . anus "old woman". Cf. F r i e d r i c h 1952:50; Georgiev 1966:230; Pok­ orny 1959:36­37 *an­ "old woman, ancestor"; Sturtevant 1951:§66 IH *xenos; Tischler 1977.1:145­46; Walde­Pokor­ ny 1973.I:55­56; Winter 1965b:102. E. H i t t . ta / t a / " t h e n , next"; Hier. tas " t h i s , that" PAn. * t a ­ pre­An. IE *tá­ Late IE * t á ­ Common Dis­ i n t e g r a t i n g IE *t ó Skt. fád " t h a t " ; Gk. TO' " t h a t , the"; Goth. pata " t h a t , t h i s , t h e " ; OE. pat " t h a t " ; L i t h . tás " t h i s , t h a t " . Cf. F r i e d r i c h 1952:201; Meriggi 1962: 102 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC 125; Pokorny 1959:1086­87 *to­ "this, that"; Sturtevant 1951:§187; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:742­43. 6.4.4. PAn. *ē Hitt. e/i; Pal., Luw., Hier. i : A. Secondary lengthening (cf. Brugmann 1970:145, note 4; Sturtevant 1942:§68g [plus §471 and §69g]) in Hitt. nom. sg. zik "you"; Pal. nom. sg. ti­i "you"; Hier. nom. sg. ti "you" PAn. *t ē "you" pre­An. PIE *t (normal­grade form *t [cf. Dor. T , OIee, pi­k, etc.]) Late and Disintegrating IE *te Lat. acc. sg. tē "you"; Umbr. acc. sg. tiu "you". Cf. Carruba 1970:74; Friedrich 1952:260; Hawkins­Davies­Neumann 1974:46; Kronasser 1956:§46; Sturtevant 1951:§170h IH *tē. B. Lengthened­grade in Hitt. 3 sg. pres. ešzi "sits"; Hier. is(a)­ "to sit" PAn. *ēs­ "to sit" pre­An. PIE (normal­grade form [unattested, but cf. Winter 1965c:202]) Late IE Disinte­ grating IE Skt. "sits"; Gk. "sits, is seated". Cf. Friedrich 1952:42; Hawkins­Davies­ Neumann 1974:45­46; Kronasser 1956:§32; Pokorny 1959: 342­43 * "to sit"; Sturtevant 1951:§77; Walde­Pokor­ ny 1973.II:486. C. PAn. suffix *­tēl­ ( pre­An. PIE ?) in Hitt. tayazzil "theft"; cf. Lat. tū­tēl­a "protec­ tion, guard". Cf. Benveniste 1935:42­43; Friedrich 1952:203; Puhvel 1966:240; Sturtevant 1951:§57 and §108. 6.4.5. PAn. *ā Hitt., Pal., Luw., Hier. a: Hitt. dat. sg. ending ­a in "to the campaign"; Pal. dat. sg. ending ­ai in ta­ba­av­na­i "to the sovereign"; Hier. dat. sg. ending ­a in huha "to the grandfather" PAn. dat. sg. ending *­ä(i) pre­An. PIE *­a + ­By Late IE *­ā(i) Common Disintegrating IE *­ ō(i) Av. dat. sg. end­ ing ­āi; Gk. dat. sg. ending Lat. dat. sg. ending ­ō. Cf. Brugmann 1970:383; Carruba 1970:73; Kronasser 1956:§117; Meillet 1964:323; Meriggi 1962:60; Sturtevant 1951:§133a; Szemerényi 1970:169. THE ANATOLIAN DAUGHTER LANGUAGES 103 6.4.6. PIE *i PAn. *i Hitt., Pal., Luw., Hier., Lyc. i: Hitt. kuis /kwîs/ "who?", kuit /kwît/ "what?"; Pal. kuis "who?"; Luw. ku­is "who?"; Lyc. ti­ in ti­ke "anyone" (= Hitt. kuiski, kuiska, kuisku /kwis­k/ "anyone", Lyd. qis­k "anyone"); Lyd. qis "who?", qid "what?" PAn. *kwis "who?", *kwit "what?" pre­An. PIE *kwis, *kwit' Late IE *Kwis, w *k it' pre­satem Disintegrating IE *kis, *Kit' Skt. ki­h "who?"; pre­centum Disintegrating IE *kwis, *kwit' Gk. Tus "who?", Tu "what?"; Lat. quis "who?", quid "what?"; Osc. pis "who?", pid "what?". Cf. Carruba 1970:60; Friedrich 1952:114; Georgiev 1966:231 and 236; Gusmani 1964:185­86; Laroche 1959:55; Pokorny 1959:646­48 Sturtevant 1951:§79; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:521­22. 6.4.7. PIE *u + PAn. *u Hitt. u: Hitt. nom.­acc. sg. genu, ginu /kenu/ "knee" PAn. *kenu "knee" pre­An. PIE *k'enu Late IE *k'énu pre­satem Disintegrating IE *k'vénu (with o­grade in the first syl­ lable) Skt. jānu "knee"; pre­centum Disintegrating IE *k'enu Lat. genū "knee" and (with o­grade in the first syllable) Gk. yóvu "knee". Gothic has kniu "knee". Cf. Friedrich 1952:107; Pokorny 1959:380­81 *genu, *gneu­ "knee"; Sturte­ vant 1951:§62b; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:586­87. 6.4.8. PAn. *ī Hitt. i : Hitt. "shaft" PAn. pre­An. PIE Late IE Disintegrating IE *ls­ Skt. "pole, shaft of a carriage or plow". Cf. Benveniste 1962: 13­14; Friedrich 1952:70; Mayrhofer 1956.I:97. 6.4.9. PAn. *ü Hitt. u: Hitt. nom.­acc. sg. kuššan /kusan/ "pay, fee, wages, price", 3 sg. pres. kuššaniyazi "hires", 1 sg. pret. /kusAat/ "I paid, repaid" PAn. *küs­ pre­An. PIE *KuHs­ Late IE *kuHs­ Disintegrating IE *küs­ Gmc. *Xüzya­ OE. h y r i a n "to hire", hyr "hire, payment". Cf. Bomhard 1973:§9; Friedrich 1952:120; Klein 1971:348; Onions 1966:442. 104 6.5. TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC NOTES ON THE VOWELS In a l l of the older Anatolian languages except H i t t i t e , the ear­ l i e r patterns of vowel gradation have been nearly completely eliminated by the leveling out of the vocal ism in favor of a. The d i s t i n c t i o n be­ tween PAn. *e and *a is preserved only in H i t t i t e with any r e g u l a r i t y . However, the d i s t r i b u t i o n of these vowels does not always agree with what one would expect when compared with the non­Anatolian Indo­Euro­ pean daughter languages ( c f . Cowgill 1965:169; Kerns­Schwartz 1968:718). This is as i t should be. F i r s t of a l l , the Anatolian languages and the non­Anatolian daughter languages had d i f f e r e n t s t a r t i n g points: Proto­ Anatolian became separated from the main speech community at a very early date, while the non­Anatolian daughter languages developed from a much l a t e r form of Proto­Indo­European. After separation, the Anato­ l i a n branch continued to develop, slowly becoming more and more d i f f e r ­ ent from the rest of the Indo­European speech community ( c f . Georgiev 1966:347­48; Sturtevant 1942:23­29). In l i k e manner, the non­Anatolian dialects developed t h e i r own p e c u l i a r i t i e s . Moreover, since they r e ­ mained in close geographical proximity, a certain amount of p a r a l l e l development must have taken place in them even a f t e r they had begun to be mutually u n i n t e l l i g i b l e ( c f . M e i l l e t 1964:423­27). Therefore, though individual differences e x i s t , the non­Anatolian daughter languages share many s i m i l a r i t i e s as a group. None of the known daughter languages pre­ serves the o r i g i n a l system of vowel gradation without m o d i f i c a t i o n . Fortunately, however, enough of the old patterns remain so that that system can be reconstructed with a reasonable amount of c e r t a i n t y . Even though Palaic a corresponds to H i t t i t e e/i in the vast major­ i t y of cases, there are several examples where Palaic has e as in H i t ­ tite. Among these are: A. P a l . 3 s g . p r e t . e­eš­ta "was": H i t t . 3 s g . p r e t . ešta "was" PAn. 3 s g . p r e t . *esta "was", but Luw. 3 s g . p r e t . a­aš­ta ''was" and H i e r . 3 s g . p r e t . asta "was". THE ANATOLIAN DAUGHTER LANGUAGES B. Pal. nom.­acc. sg. nom.­acc. sg. "blood" PAn. but Luw. ptc. nom. p l . " c o v with blood" and Hier. asharmis"blo dy"."bloody". C. Pal. 3 sg. pres. û­e­er­ti weriyazi "calls, names" 105 "blood": Hitt. "blood", e r e d "says, calls": Hitt. 3 sg. pres. PAn. *wer­ "to call, name". Pal. e­eë­ta "was" has been explained as a Hittitism (cf. Carruba 1970: 52). However, the other Palaic forms in which e corresponds to e in the Hittite cognates may be archaisms, pointing to a time when PAn. *e was still preserved. The almost universal appearance of a in Palaic, as well as in Luwian and Hieroglyphic Luwian, would then be an innova­ tion in which alternating forms with a replaced those with e (cf. Puh­ vel 1966:239­40). Lycian has mostly e where Luwian has a. It appears, thus, that Lycian has undergone a further modification of the vowel system by sub­ stituting e for earlier a (cf. Puhvel 1966:240). In the following examples, Palaic, Luwian, and Hieroglyphic Luwian have i (or e) as in Hittite. We are most likely dealing here with leng­ thened­grade forms (cf. Watkins 1975:19­21): A. Luw. dat. sg. û­i­ti "to the water": Hitt. dat.­loc. sg. weteni "in the water" PAn. *wët­ "water". B. Pal. nom. sg. ti­i "you" and Hier. nom. sg. ti "you": Hitt. nom. sg. zik "you" PAn. *të "you". C. Hier. 3 pl. Hitt. "they D. Luw. nom. sg. ( i ­ ) i š ­ š a ­ r i ­ i š "hand", Hier. dat. sg. is tri (with epenthetic t) "hand", and Lyc. izri­ "hand": Hitt. nom.­acc. sg. kessar "hand" PAn. *kësar "hand". The ini­ tial k­ has been lost in Luwian, Hieroglyphic Luwian, and Lycian. E. Luw. 3 pl. impv. û­i­da­a­in­du: Hitt. 3 sg. pres. widaizzi "brings" PAn. *wët­aye­ "to bring". The meaning of the Luwian verb is unknown. "sits (?)", i s ( a ) ­ "to sit" and Luw. 3 sg. pres. eš­ti pres. eš­ša­an­ti "they sit (?)" (cf. Laroche 1959:37): 3 sg. pres. ešzi "sits", 3 pl. pres. ešanzi, ašanzi sit" PAn. *ës­ "to sit". 106 6.6. TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC EXAMPLES OF THE GLIDES 6.6.1. PIE *y PAn. *y Hitt., Pal., Luw., Hier., Lyc. y: Hitt. 3 sg. mid. iyattoœi /yatari/ "goes" PAn. *yä­ "to go" pre­An. PIE Late IE *?yeh­ Disintegrating IE *(h)yä­ Skt. yati "goes"; Toch. A ya "went". Cf. Friedrich 1952:80; Pokorny 1959:296 Sturtevant 1942:§74 and 1951: §61a IH *'yehty; Van Windekens 1976:589; Walde­Pokorny 1973. I:104. Note: I assume that pre­An. PIE PAn. *­eC­ and pre­An. PIE PAn. *­ac­. 6.6.2. PIE *w PAn. *w Hitt., Pal., Luw., Hier. w; Lyc. w, b: Hitt. 2 pl. impv. weštin /westin/ "clothe yourself!"; Luw. 3 pl. pres. wa­aš­ša­an­ti "they clothe" PAn. *wes­ "to put on, wear, clothe" pre­An. PIE Late IE *wes­ Disintegrating IE *(h)wes­ Skt. vaste "puts on, wears"; Lat. vestís "garment"; Toch. B wastsi (= inf.) "garment". Cf. Friedrich 1952:248; Laroche 1959:108; Pokorny 1959:1172­ 73 "to clothe, dress"; Sturtevant 1942:§74 and 1951: §62a; Van Windekens 1976:564; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:309. 6.7. EXAMPLES OF THE RESONANTS 6.7.1. PIE PAn. *am Hitt., Pal., Luw., Hier. am: Hitt. dat. sg. siptamiya /siptamya/ "seventh" PAn. *septam­ "seventh" pre­An. PIE Late IE *séptm Common Dis­ integrating IE *septm (cf. Burrow 1973:260) Skt. sapta "seven"; Gk. "seven"; Lat. Septem "seven". Cf. Fried­ rich 1952:194; Pokorny 1959:909 "seven"; Sturtevant 1951:§56; Walde­Pokorny 1973.II:487. 6.7.2. PIE *m PAn. *m Hitt., Pal., Luw., Hier., Lyc. m: Hitt. nom.­acc. sg. milit /milit/ "honey"; Pal. ma­li­ta­an­ na­as "containing honey"; Luw. nom. sg. ma­al­li "honey" PAn. nom.­ace. sg. *melit "honey" pre­An. PIE Late and Common Disintegrating IE *mêlit Gk. "honey"; THE ANATOLIAN DAUGHTER LANGUAGES 107 Lat. mel "honey"; Goth, milip "honey". Cf. Carruba 1970:63; Friedrich 1952:143; Laroche 1959:66; Pokorny 1959:723­24 *meli­t "honey"; Sturtevant 1951:§68; Walde­Pokorny 1973.II: 296. 6.7.3. PIE final *m PAn. *n Hitt., Pal., Luw., Hier. n: A. Hitt. nom.­ace. sg. pedan /petan/ "place" PAn. *petan "place" pre­An. PIE Late IE *pêt'am Common Disintegrating IE *pêt'om Skt. padam "step"; Gk. "ground". Cf. Friedrich 1952:168; Pokorny 1959:791­92 *pedo­m; Sturtevant 1951:§70; Walde­Pokorny 1973.II:24. B. Hitt. acc. sg. ending ­n in attan /atan/ "father"; Pal. acc. sg. ending ­n in t]a­ba­ar­na­an "sovereign"; Luw. ace. sg. ending ­n in ta­a­ti­in "father"; Hier. acc. sg. ending ­n in hawin "sheep"; Lyc. acc. sg. ending ­д (= Luw. ­an); Lyd. acc. sg. ending ­v PAn. acc. sg. end­ ing *­n pre­An. PIE *­m Late and Common Disintegrat­ ing IE *­m Skt. acc. sg. vrkam "wolf"; Gk. acc. sg. "wolf"; Lat. ace. sg. lupvm "wolf". Cf. Brugmann 1970:378 acc. sg. ending *­m; Carruba 1970:73; Georgiev 1966:232 and 235; Kronasser 1956:99, §114; Laroche 1959: 95; Meriggi 1962:58; Sturtevant 1951:§130; Szemerenyi 1970:146. 6.7.4. PIE PAn. *an Hitt., Pal., Luw., Hier, an: Hitt. dat.­acc. p1. anzas "us" (cf. section 6.3, Notes on Hittite, F) PAn. *ans­ "us" pre­An. PIE Late IE Common Disintegrating IE Goth. uns "us". Cf. Friedrich 1952:24; Pokorny 1959:758 "us"; Sturtevant 1959:§170g; Walde­Pokorny 1973.II:320­21. 6.7.5. PIE *n PAn. *n Hitt., Pal., Luw., Hier. n: Hitt. nom. sg. nekuz /nekuts/ "evening" PAn. *nekuts "even­ ing" pre­An. PIE Late IE *nakwt­ pre­satem Dis­ integrating IE *nókt­ Skt. nak "night"; Lith. naktis "night"; OCS. "night"; pre­centum Disintegrating IE *nokwt­ Gk. "night"; Lat. nox, noctis "night"; Goth, nahts "night". Cf. Friedrich 1952:150; Pokorny 1959:762 "night"; Sturtevant 1951:§66; Walde­Pokorny 1973.II:337­39. 108 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC 6.7.6. PIE PAn. *al Hitt., Pal., Luw., Hier. al: Hitt. nom. sg. "broad" PAn. "broad" pre­An. PIE ' Related to Skt. prthú­h "wide"; Gk. "wide,"broad". Cf. Friedrich 1952:156; Pokorny 1959:833­34 "broad"; Sturtevant 1951:§65; Walde­Pokorny 1973.II:99­101. 6.7.7. PIE *l PAn. *l Hitt., Pal., Luw., Hier. l: Hitt. 3 p1. pres. lippanzi "they smear" PAn. *Zip­ "to smear" pre­An. PIE *lip­ Late and Common Dis­ integrating IE *lip­ Skt. liptá­h "smeared, anointed"; Gk. "greasy", "fat, oil". Cf. Friedrich 1952: 129; Pokorny 1959:670­71 *leip­ "to smear, anoint"; Sturte­ vant 1951:§73; Walde­Pokorny 1973.II:403­04. 6.7.8. PIE PAn. *ar Hitt., Pal., Luw., Hier. ar: Hitt. 3 sg. pres. araskizzi /arskitsi/ "is arriving" PAn. 3 sg. pres. *arsketi "is arriving""«­ pre­An. PIE Late IE pre­satem Disintegrating IE Skt. rccháti "goes, reaches". Cf. Anttila 1969:71; Fried­ rich 1952:27; Pokorny 1959:326­32 *r­sko­; Sturtevant 1951: §65; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:136­42. 6.7.9. PIE *r PAn. *r Hitt., Pal., Luw., Hier. r: Hitt. para /pra/ "forth, forward" PAn. *pra "forth, for­ ward" pre­An. PIE *prá Late and Common Disintegrating IE *pr6 Skt. prá "before, forward, in front, forth"; Gk. "before, in front of"; Lat. pro "before, in front of"; 0CS. preverb pro­. Cf. Friedrich 1952:158­59; Pokorny 1959: 813­14 *pro, *pro; Sturtevant 1951:§72; Walde­Pokorny 1973. II:35­36. 6.8. NOTES ON THE RESONANTS In the Indo­European parent language, the resonants had two allo­ phones: (1) syllabic when between two non­syllabics and (2) non­syl­ THE ANATOLIAN DAUGHTER LANGUAGES 109 Tabic when contiguous with vowels ( c f . section 2 . 7 ) . The non­syllabic allophones remained unchanged in the Anatolian languages except that f i n a l *m became n. This is a common development and is also found in Greek, C e l t i c , Germanic, and probably Balto­Slavic ( c f . Brugmann 1970: 109­16). The s y l l a b i c resonants quences am, an, al, 6.9. developed i n t o the se­ ar respectively ( c f . Kronasser 1956:52­54). EXAMPLES OF THE CONSONANTS 6.9.1. PIE *b PAn. *p H i t t . , P a l . , Luw., Hier. p: A. Hitt. nom. sg. parkus /parkus/ "high" PAn. *parkus "high" pre­An. PIE Late IE pre­ satem Disintegrating IE Arm. barjr "high". Cf. also Skt. "great"; OHG. berg "mountain". Cf. Friedrich 1952:161; Pokorny 1959:140­41 "high"; Sturtevant 1951:§86; Walde­Pokorny 1973.II: 172­74. B. Hitt. nom. sg. parkuis /parkwis/ "pure, clean"; Pal. 3 sg. pres. pa­ar­ku­i­ti "cleans, purifies"; Luw. ptc. nom. p1. par­ku­wa­i­mi,­in­zi "cleaned" PAn. nom. sg. *parkwis "pure, clean" pre­An. PIE Related to Goth, bairhts "shining"; Welsh berth "beautiful". Cf. Carruba 1970:62; Friedrich 1952:161; Laroche 1959: 79; Pokorny 1959:139­40 *bherә ĝ­ "to shine, be bright" and 141­42; Sturtevant 1951:§86; Walde­Pokorny 1973.II: 169 and 170­71. 6.9.2. A. PIE *p PAn. *p Hitt'., Pal., Luw., Hier. p : Hitt. nom.­acc. sg. "fire"; Luw. nom. sg. "fire" "fire" pre­An. PIE Late IE Disintegrating IE Toch. A por "fire" and (with long monophthong in the reduced­ grade: Gk. "fire", Arm. hur "fire", Umbr. pir "fire", OIce, fúrr "fire", Toch. B pvwar "fire". Cf. Bomhard 1975:§5.8; Cowgill 1965:159; Friedrich 1952:154; Laroche 1959:77; Pokorny 1959:828 "fire"; Sturtevant 1942:§36f and 1951:§74 IH *péxwr; Van Windekens 1976:382­83; Walde­Pokorny 1973. II:14­15; Winter 1965c:192­93 *peXwr. 110 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC B. Hitt. gen. pl. patan /patan/ "feet"; Luw. nom. (?) sg. pa­ta­a­as "foot"; Hier. dat. sg. pati "foot"; Lyc. pede­ PAn. *pat­ "foot" pre­An. PIE *pat'­ Late IE *pat'­ Common Disintegrating IE *pot'­ Skt. gen. sg. padás "foot"; Gk. gen. sg. "foot". Cf. also Lat. pes, pedis "foot"; Goth, fdtus "foot". Cf. Friedrich 1952: 165; Laroche 1959:81 and 1960:§90; Meriggi 1962:96; Pokorny 1959:790­92 "foot"; Walde­Pokorny 1973.II:23­25. 6.9.3. PIE *d PAn. *t Hitt., Pal., Luw., Hier. t: A. Hitt. nom.­acc. sg. tekan /tekan/ "earth", adv. dagan /takan/ "to the ground"; Hier. takami­ "earth, land" PAn. *tekam­, *takam­ "earth, ground" pre­An. PIE *dә gam­, *dagam­, *dgam­ ; Late IE *dgam­ pre­satem Y Disintegrating IE *{d)g om­ Skt. ksam­ "earth"; pre­centum Disintegrating IE *(d)gom­ Gk. (with metathesis of *d and *g) "earth, ground"; Toch. A tkam "earth, ground"; Lat. (with loss of initial *d) humus "earth, ground, soil". Cf. Buck 1949:§1.21; Burrow 1973:82­83; Friedrich 1952:204 and 220; Georgiev 1966:228; Laroche 1960:§201; Meriggi 1962:116; Pokorny 1959:414­16 "earth, ground"; Sturtevant 1951:§84; Van Windekens 1976:506­07 Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:662­64. B. Luw. titai­ "to suckle, nurse", nom. sg. ti­ta­i­(im­) me—is "nursling, infant"; Lyc. tideimi "son" PAn. re­ dup. verbal stem *ti­tay­ "to suckle, nurse" pre­An. PIE *dey­/*day­ Late IE *di­/*dey­/*dл­/*day­ (cf. section 3.9) Disintegrating IE *dп­/*dey­/*dл­/*doy­ Skt. dhаyati "to suck", pp. dhītá­h "sucked"; OCS. dojiti "to suckle", deti "children". Cf. Georgiev 1966:230; Laroche 1959:98; Pokorny 1959:241­42 *dhл(i)­ "to suck, suckle"; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:829­31. 6.9.4. A. PIE *t PAn. *t Hitt., Pal., Luw., Hier. t: Hitt. 3 sg. pres. "is powerful, con­ trols"; Luw. nom.­voc. sg. name of the storm­god; Hier. god name Tarhunt­; Lyc. nom. sg. trqqas PAn. "to be powerful, control" pre­An. PIE Dis­ integrating IE *ter{h)­/*tor{h) " "' Skt. tárati THE ANATOLIAN DAUGHTER LANGUAGES 111 "crosses, overcomes", tivаti ( [cf. Burrow 1973: 87]) "crosses, overcomes", trāyate "protects, defends". Cf. Friedrich 1952:213; Laroche 1959:127 and 1960:§199 and §389; Meriggi 1962:122; Pokorny 1959:1074­75 *ter­, *terә ­ "to cross over, pass through, overcome"; Puhvel 1965:85; Sturtevant 1951:§74 IH *terx­; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:732­34. B. 6.9.5. Hitt. dat. sg. witi /wîti/ "year" PAn. *wet­ "year" pre­An. PIE *wә t­ Late and Common Disintegrating IE *wet­ Gk. "year"; Lat. vetus "old". Reduced­ grade in Skt. parыt "last year"; Dor. "a year ago, last year". Cf. Friedrich 1952:255; Pokorny 1959: 1175 "year"; Sturtevant 1951:§82; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:251. PIE *t' PAn. *t Hitt., Pal., Luw., Hier., Lyc. t: A. Luw. 3 sg. pret. du­u­wa­at­ta "put, placed"; Hier. 1 sg. pret. tuwaha "I put, placed"; Lyc. tuve­ "to put, place" PAn. *tuwa­ "to put, place" pre­An. PIE *t'әw­/ *t'aw­ Late IE *t' e w ­ / * t ' ь ­ / * t ' aw­/*t> ц­/*t'uw­ Dis­ integrating IE *t'ew­/*t'ь­/*t'ow­/*t>ц­/*t'uw­/*t>цw­ Goth, taujan "to do, make", pret. tawida; OE. teawian, tаwian "to prepare", tōl­ "tool, instrument"; MLG. tawen, touwen, touwen "to taw"; OSax. togean "to make"; OHG. zouwen "to prepare"; OIce, tauiu "I make, prepare", pret. pl. tól "tools". Cf. de Vries 1962:583­84 and 594; Feist 1939:474­75; Laroche 1959:100 and 1960:§65; Meriggi 1962:134­35; Onions 1966:905 and 931. B. Hitt. 3 sg. pres. damaљzi, tamaљzi "oppresses"; Hayasa tama­ "to domesticate"; Luw. 3 sg. pres. da­ma­ aљ­ti "oppresses" PAn. 3 sg. pres. *tamasti "oppresses" pre­An. PIE *t'am­ Late IE *t'am­ Common Disinte­ grating IE *t'om­ Skt. "controls"; Lat. domo "to tame"; Goth. ga­tamjan "to tame". Cf. Friedrich 1952:207; Jahukyan 1961:401; Laroche 1959:90; Pokorny 1959:199­200 *domә ­ "to tame"; Sturtevant 1951:§83; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:788­90. C. Hitt. dat.­loc. sg. siwatti /siwati/ "day", gen. sg. siunas /siunas/ "god" (cf. Benveniste 1962:8­9); Pal. nom. sg. Ti­ya­az(­) name of the sun­god; Luw. nom. sg. Ti­wa­az; Hier. Tiwat­ PAn. *tyлwat­ pre­An. PIE (normal­grade) *t'yә w­/*t'yaw­ Late IE *t'yew­/ t'yaw­ Disintegrating IE *t'yew­/*t'yow­ Skt. dyaus "heaven, 112 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC sky, day"; Gk. "Zeus". Cf. Carruba 1970:75; Fried­ rich 1952:194­95 and 195; Kronasser 1956:62; Laroche 1959:128 and 1960:§191; Meriggi 1962:131; Pokorny 1959: 183­87 "heaven, sky, day"; Schmalstieg 1980:53­ 54; WaIde­Pokorny 1973.I:772­74. 6.9.6. PIE *s PAn. *s Hitt., Pal., Luw., Hier., Lyc. s: A. Hitt. 3 sg. pres. seszi "sleeps"; Luw. 2 sg. impv. sa­as­sa "sleep!" PAn. 3 sg. pres. *sesti "sleeps" pre­An. PIE *sә s­ Late and Common Disintegrating IE *ses­ Skt. sаsti "sleeps". Cf. Burrow 1973:319; Fried­ rich 1952:191; Laroche 1959:87; Sturtevant 1951:§87. B. Pal. nom.­acc. sg. ntr. wa­a­љu "good"; Luw. nom.­acc. sg. wa­a­љu "goodness, well­being"; Hier. wasu "goodness, well­being" PAn. *wesu "goodness, well­being" pre­An. Late and Common Disintegrating IE *wesu PIE *wә su Skt. vdsu "wealth, goods, riches, property", adj. vásu­h "excellent, good"; Old Illyr. proper name Ves­cleves; Gaul. proper names Bello­vesus, Sigo­vesus, Vesu­avus. Cf. Carruba 1970:78; Laroche 1959:110 and 1960:§165; Meriggi 1962:152; Pokorny 1959:1174­75 "good"; Walde­Pokomy 1973.I:310. 6.9.7. PIE *g PAn. *k Hitt., Pal. k; Luw., Hier., Lyc. k9 0­: A. Hitt. nom. sg. gimmanza /kimants/ "winter", dat.­loc. sg. gimmi, gemi /kimi/ "in winter" PAn. nom. sg. *kimant­s "winter" pre­An. PIE *gim­ Late IE *gim­ pre­satem Disintegrating IE Skt. hemantá­h "winter", himá­h "snow"; Arm. ¿iwn "snow"; Lith. ziema "winter"; OCS. zima "winter"; pre­centum Disintegrating IE Lat. hiems "winter"; Gk. " "snow", "winter, frost, cold". Cf. Friedrich 1952:109; Kronasser 1956:§149; Pokorny 1959:425­26 *ghei­men­, *ghei­mn­ "winter, snow"; Sturtevant 1951:§81; Walde­ Pokomy 1973.I:546­48. B. Hitt. nom.­acc. sg. keљљar /kesar/ "hand"; Luw. nom. sg. ( i ­ ) i љ ­ љ a ­ r i ­ i љ "hand"; Hier. dat. sg. istri "hand"; Lyc. izvi­ "hand" PAn. (lengthened­grade) *kлsar pre­An. Late IE *ges­ pre­satem Disintegrating PIE stem *gә s­ IE *gyes­ Skt. hásta­h "hand"; OPers. dasta­ "hand"; THE ANATOLIAN DAUGHTER LANGUAGES 113 Av. zasta­ "hand"; pre­centum Disintegrating IE *ges­ Lat. p r a e s t ō ( *prae­hestōd) "at hand, ready". Cf. section 6.5; Friedrich 1952:108; Georgiev 1966:223; Laroche 1959:52­53; Pokorny 1959:447 *ĝhesor­, *ĝhesr­ "hand" and *ĝhesto­ "hand, arm"; Sturtevant 1951:§81; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:541. The Hieroglyphic Luwian form contains an epenthetic t (cf. Hawkins­Davies­Neumann 1974:46). Toch. A tsar, B sar "hand" are not related to the above (cf. Van Windekens 1976:521). 6.9.8. PIE *k PAn. *k Hitt., Pal., Luw., Hier., Lyc. k: A. Hitt. 3 sg. mid. kitta(ri) /kîta[rî]/ "lies"; Pal. 3 sg. mid. ki­i­ta­ar "lies" PAn. 3 sg. mid. *kita(r) "lies" pre­An. PIE *ki­ Late IE ­ pre­ satem Disintegrating IE Skt. 3 sg. mid. impf, a­seta "lay", 3 sg. mid. pres. sète "lies"; Av. saēte "lies"; pre­centum Disintegrating IE Gk. 3 sg. impf. "lay", 3 sg. pres. "lies". Cf. Carruba 1970:59; Friedrich 1952:109; Pokorny 1959:539­40 *kei­ "to lie"; Sturte­ vant 1951:§79; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:358­60. B. Hitt. nom. sg. kunnas /kunas/ "favorable, good, right", "to make right" PAn. nom. sg. *kunas "favorable, good, right" pre­An. PIE *kun­ Late IE *kwen­ pre­satem Disintegrating IE *kywen­ Av. spә nta­ "holy"; Lith. sveρtas "holy"; OCS. "holy"; Latv. svinet "to celebrate". Cf. Bombard 1973:§8; Friedrich 1952:116; Pokorny 1959:630 "to celebrate", to­ "holy". For the semantic development, cf. Skt. pъn­ ya­h "fortunate, good, right, pure, holy, sacred". 6.9.9. A. PIE *k' PAn. *k H i t t . , P a l . , Luw., H i e r . , Lyc. k: H i t t . nom. s g . "white" PAn. "white" pre­An. PIE Late IE ­ pre­ satem D i s i n t e g r a t i n g IE *rk'y­ Skt. rjrä­h "radiant"; pre­centum D i s i n t e g r a t i n g IE Gk. " b r i g h t , w h i t e " . F u l l ­ g r a d e in Skt. árjuna­h " s h i n i n g , white" and L a t . argentum " s i l v e r " . Cf. Fried­ r i c h 1952:57; Pokorny 1959:64­65 *ar(e)g­ "shining, w h i t e " ; S t u r t e v a n t 1951:§80 IH *xergys; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:82­83. 114 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC B. Hitt. nom. sg. kutruwaљ /kutruwas/ "witness" PAn. *kutru­ "witness" pre­An. PIE *k'udru­ Late and Disintegrating IE *k'udru­ Lith. gudrùs "clever". Cf. Friedrich 1952:121; Kronasser 1956:§77; Sturtevant 1951:§80. 6.9.10. PIE *gw PAn. *kw/u Hitt., Pal., Luw., Hier. kw/u: Hitt. 3 sg. pres. kuenzi "strikes, kills", 3 pl. pres. kunanzi "they strike" PAn. 3 sg. pres. Late *kwenti "strikes" pre­An. PIE *gwә n­Z*gwan­Z*gwn­ IE *gwen­/*gwan­/*gwn­ pre­satem Disintegrating IE *gen­/ *gon­/*gn­ Skt. 3 sg. pres. hánti "strikes", 3 pl. pres. ghnánti "they strike"; Lith. genù "to drive (cattle to pas­ ture)"; pre­centum Disintegrating IE *gwen­/*gwan­/*gwn­ Gk. "to beat, strike, hit"; Lat. dл­fendц "to repel, defend"; OIr. gonim "to wound, slay". Cf. Friedrich 1952: 112­13; Kronasser 1956:§84; Pokorny 1959:491­93 "to strike"; Sturtevant 1951:§81; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:679­ 81. 6.9.11. PIE *kw PAn. *kw/u Hitt., Pal., Luw., Hier. kw/u: A. Hitt. 3 sg. pres. kuerzi "cuts", 3 p1. pres. kuranzi "they cut"; Pal. ku­wa­ar[­; Luw. 3 sg. pres. ku­wa­ar­ti "cuts" (?), dat. sg. ku­ra­a[n]­ni (= [?] Hitt. acc. sg. kurannan /kuranan/ "section, seg­ ment") PAn. *kwer­, *kur­ "to cut" pre­An. PIE Late IE pre­satem Disintegrating IE Skt. ...time(s)" in "once"; pre­centum Disin­ tegrating IE Osc. ­pert "... time(s)" in petivo­pert "four times"; Welsh pryd ( "time". Cf. Carruba 1970:61: Friedrich 1952: 113 and 117; Kronasser 1956:§81 Sturtevant 1951: §79. B. H i t t . nom. p 1 . sakuwa /sakwa/ " e y e s " , 3 p 1 . p r e s . лakuwanzi "they s e e " ; Luw. (?) sakuwa "eyes" PAn. nom. p 1 . *sakwa "eyes" pre­An. PIE *sakw­; Late and D i s i n t e g r a t i n g IE *sekw­ Gmc. *sexwan Goth. saihwan " t o s e e " ; OS., OHG. sehan " t o s e e " . Cf. F e i s t 1939:404­05; F r i e d r i c h 1952:177; Kronasser 1956:§81; Pokorny 1959:897­98 "to p e r c e i v e , n o t i c e , s e e " ; Walde­Pokorny 1 9 7 3 . I I : 4 7 7 ­ 8 0 . THE ANATOLIAN DAUGHTER LANGUAGES 115 C. Hitt. 1 sg. pres. tekkussami /tekusami/ "I show " PAn. *tekus­ "to show" pre­An. PIE * t ' ә k w s ­ / * t ' a k w s ­ Late IE *t'ekws­/*t'akws­ pre­satem Disintegrating IE *t'eks­/ *t'oks­ Av. daxs­ "to teach", daxsta­ "sign, character­ istic". Cf. Friedrich 1952:220; Puhvel 1974:292. I agree with Puhvel that the traditional comparison of tekkussami with Skt. disáti "shows", Gk. "to show, point out", Lat. dīcō "to say", etc. should be abandoned. D. Hitt. 3 sg. pres. tarkuzi "dances"; Luw. tarwai­ "to dance" PAn. *tarkw/u­ "to dance" pre­An. PIE Late and pre­centum Disintegrating IE Lat. torqueō "to twist"; Toch. B *tдrk­ "to turn" in f. p1. pret. ptc. tetarkuwa. Cf. Benveniste 1962:125; Friedrich 1952:214; Puhvel 1974:292 *terkw­ . The gut­ tural has been lost in Luwian. 6.9.12. PIE *k'w PAn. *kw/u Hitt., Pal., Luw., Hier. k w / u : A. Hitt. nom.­acc. sg. /xekur/ "summit, peak" PAn. nom.­acc. sg. xekur summit, peak" pre­An. PIE Late IE pre­satem Disintegrating IE *ek'r­o­ Skt. ágra­m "foremost point or part, tip, summit". Cf. Friedrich 1952:68; Mayrhofer 1956.I:18; Pokorny 1959:8­9 *agro­ (*egro­ ?) "tip, beginning"; Sturtevant 1951:§75 IH *yégr; Winter 1965c:197 *Oeg w r. Not related to the following: B. Hitt. acc. sg. gurtan /kurtan/ "citadel" PAn. *kurta­ "citadel" pre­An. PIE Late IE pre­satem Disintegrating IE Skt. giri­h "mountain, hill, elevation, rising­ground"; Av. gairi­л "mountain"; OCS. gora ( *k'or­) "mountain"; Lith. giria "forest"; pre­Gk. * k ' w e r ­ y o ­ Gk. "ridge". Cf. Friedrich 1952:119: Mayrhofer 1956.I:335; Pokorny 1959:477­78 "mountain"; Sturtevant 1942:§47d; Walde­ Pokorny 1973.I:682. C. Hitt. nom. sg. dankuis /tankwis/ "black, dark" PAn. *tankwis "black, dark" pre­An. PIE Related to Welsh dew ( *denk'wo­s) "fog, gloom, dusk"; Olce. dØkkr ( Gmc. *dankwia­z) "dark"; OFris. diunk ( Gmc. *denkwa­z) "dark"; Latv. danga ( *donk'ä) "morass, mire". Cf. Benveniste 1962:70 Friedrich 1952:210; Kro­ nasser 1956:§25.3; Pokorny 1959:248 "foggy, misty"; Puhvel 1974:294. 116 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC 6.10. D. Hitt. 3 p1. pres. arkuwanzi "they plead" PAn. *arkw/u­ "to plead" pre­An. PIE *hә rk'w­ w Late IE *herk' ­ pre­centum Disintegrating IE *ark'w­ Lat. arguō "to declare, assert, prove". Cf. Friedrich 1952:31; Puhvel 1974:293 *arg w ­. E. Hitt. nom. sg. nekumanza /nekumants/ "naked" PAn. nom. sg. *nekumant­s "naked" pre­An. PIE *nә k'w­ ; Late IE *nak'w­ pre­satem Disintegrating IE *nok'­ Skt. nagná­h ( *nok'­no­s) "naked"; Lith. nuogas ( *nōk'­o­s) "naked' pre­centum Disintegrating IE *nok'w­ Lat. nüdus ( *nok'wedo­s) "naked"; Gmc. Goth, naqaps "naked", OE. nacod "naked", OHG. nackut "naked". Cf. Feist 1939:370; Friedrich 1952:150; Kronasser 1956:§25.6; Pokorny 1959:769 "naked"; Sturtevant 1951:§81; Walde­Pokorny 1973.II:339­40. NOTES ON THE CONSONANTS As far as I can see, there is no evidence that any of the older Anatolian languages had a contrast between voiced and voiceless stops. The theory that the intervocalic double writing of stops in Hittite was used as a means to indicate voicelessness (cf. Sturtevant 1951:§53) is not convincing for the following reasons: A. There are several words that are written with double stops whose non­Anatolian cognates have a voiced stop rather than a voiceless stop. Among these are: (1) Hitt. ugga "I" vs. Lat. ego "I", Gk. "I"; (2) Hitt. 2 p1. pret. ending ­dduma in, for example, iyadduma "you went" vs. Skt. 2 p1. mid. sec. ending ­dhvam; and (3) Hitt. acc.­dat. sg. ammugga, ammuqqa (also ammuk, amuga) "to me" vs. Gk. acc. sg. "me". Cf. Kronasser 1966:§11. B. Not only were the stops written double, so were the vowels, nasals, and liquids. Double writing of the latter three had no phonemic significance (cf. Sturtevant 1951:§29, §39, §47, and §53). Hittite words often have several variant spellings, some of which contain double writing of stops and some of which do not. A good example is beside "I know". Since the variant spellings cannot pos­ sibly indicate any difference in pronunciation, we can only conclude that the double writing of stops had no more sig­ nificance than the double writing of vowels, nasals, and liquids. Note here the comments of Smith 1972:181­221. THE ANATOLIAN DAUGHTER LANGUAGES 117 The independent evidence of Hieroglyphic Luwian fully supports the contention that the older Anatolian languages lacked a contrast between voiced and voiceless stops. In the first place, the hieroglyphic writ­ ing conventions totally ignore the intervocalic double writing of stops (cf. Kammenhuber 1969:178). Next, the same signs are used regardless of whether there are voiced or voiceless stops in cognates from the non­ Anatolian daughter languages. Finally, there is the important clue pro­ vided by the mysterious random alternation between r­signs and t­signs found in various Hieroglyphic Luwian inscriptions (cf. Arbeitman and Ayala 1981:25­28). Examples of this alternation include the nominal ablative ending, the verbal 3rd singular ending, and the enclitic par­ ticle ­ta. In each of these cases, the evidence from the non­Anatolian branches points to an original voiceless dental. Now, the Luwoid Lycian is characterized by the intervocalic voicing of etymologically voiceless stops (see below), and examples can be cited for precisely the ablative ending and the verbal 3rd singular ending mentioned above. Therefore, we may conclude that this same tendency to voice intervocalic voiceless stops existed in at least Late Hieroglyphic Luwian, and that, since . there previously existed no voiced ~ voiceless contrast in the language, this being manifested in the lack of specific signs to indicate voiced stops as distinct from voiceless stops, the Hieroglyphic Luwian scribes chose the closest phonetic equivalent ­­ the signs for r ­­ to indicate the newly­developed voiced dental. Should one of the languages of the Minoan Linear A inscriptions in fact turn out to belong to the Anatolian branch of Indo­European as some have maintained (cf. Georgiev 1966:98­107), additional evidence would be provided that the older Anatolian languages lacked a contrast between voiced and voiceless stops since the Linear A syllabary does not appear to mark such a contrast (cf. Packard 1974:115­17). However, until the affinity of the languages of these inscriptions is more definitely es­ tablished, it is better to leave the Linear A material out of considera­ tion. Finally, there is the evidence of Lycian. This language is parti­ cularly important because it is written in an alphabet of Greek origin 118 TOWARD PROTO-NOSTRATTC (cf. Benveniste 1952:206; Neumann 1969:§7). This alphabet contains sounds that are traditionally transliterated as b, d, and g. That they cannot have been stops is shown by the writing of nt for [d] in (gen.) ñtariyeusehe "of Darius" (cf. Gk. OPers. Dārayavaus "Darius"). According to Benveniste (1952:206), these sounds were the voiced frica­ and respectively. These sounds are always of secon­ tives /ß/, dary origin and are not inherited from Proto­Indo­European, being de­ rived from the corresponding voiceless stops /p/, /t/, and /k/ respec­ tively. This is clear from the variation in the 3rd sg. pres. ending between ­ti and ­di ( PIE * ­ t i ) in aiti9 adi, edi "does", for example. Initially, Lycian has voiceless stops where the non­Anatolian cognates have voiced stops: Lyc. 3rd sg. pres. t a t i "puts, places" : Skt. dįdhāti "puts, places"; Lyc. kbatra *tbatra "daughter" : Skt. duhitįr­ "daughter", Goth. dauhtar "daughter". The cumulative evidence seems to indicate that the Proto­Indo­Euro­ pean distinction between voiced, voiceless, and glottalized stops was lost in the Anatolian languages. It is probable that the older Anatolian languages replaced the labiovelars of Proto­Indo­European with clusters of gutturals plus w/u. This is the position taken by Pedersen (1938:174) and Sturtevant (1942: §30 and 1951:§62a and §78). In the examples cited above in sections 6.9.10, 6.9.11, and 6.9.12, the patterning of the labial element is clearly no different after gutturals than in any other environment: w appears before vowels but u before consonants. The conclusion that we are dealing with clusters and not unit phonemes is confirmed by the fact that the guttural part of the cluster is treated like any other guttural in Luwian (and Palaic) and is subject both to weakening to /x/ (written and loss (as in Luw. tarwai­ "to dance" beside Hitt. tarkuzi "dances" PAn. *tarkw/u­ [cf. §6.9. 11D]). Loss of the second labial element through dissimilation is found in Hitt. "swears" (cf. Skt. vįkti "speaks", vįcas­ [cf. Schmitt­ "word"; Gk. "word, saying, speech" Late IE Brandt 1967:87]) and Hitt. kuiški, kuiška, kuišku /kwis­k/ "anyone" THE ANATOLIAN DAUGHTER LANGUAGES (cf. Lat. quisque [ pre­centum Disintegrating IE *kwis­kwe] and Lyd. qis­k "anyone" [cf. Kronasser 1956:§48.1]). 6.11. 119 "everyone" THE LARYNGEALS The Anatolian languages are characterized by the preservation of two of the Proto­Indo­European laryngeals. Though there have been attempts to discover possible evidence for the preservation of a third laryngeal, none of the arguments advanced thus far has been convincing. In all of the non­Anatolian daughter languages except Armenian, the laryngeals have been lost as independent phonemes. Armenian has pre­ served a trace of one of the laryngeals initially before full­grade vowels in a small number of words (cf. section 5.5 for details). The two laryngeals preserved in the older Anatolian languages were (cf. section 2.2). However, these laryngeals were not retained without modification. In the first place, it is probable that there was no longer a voiced ~ voiceless contrast and that and had merged into and that *x and had merged into *x. As with the stops, it is necessary to assume that intervocalic double writing has no phonemic significance in Hittite. Next, even these two laryngeals were lost in certain circumstances. Since our knowledge of the laryngeals is defective, the following cover symbols will be used: H = Any laryngeal. E = Any "e­coloring" laryngeal: A = Any "a­coloring" laryngeal: = Any laryngeal preserved in the Anatolian languages. = Any "e­coloring" laryngeal preserved in the Anato­ lian languages: = Any "a­coloring" laryngeal preserved in the Anato­ lian languages: 120 6.12. TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC EXAMPLES OF THE LARYNGEALS 6.12.1. A. PIE and Hitt. nom.­acc. sg. . initially before vowels: "abomination, horror, loathsome act"; Luw. "crime", adj. acc. p1. hur­ ki­la­as­si­in­za "criminal, unlawful" PAn. nom.­acc. sg. "crime" pre­An. PIE Late IE  pre­centum Disintegrating IE *(h)werg­/ *(h)worg­/*(h)wrg­ Goth. ga­wargjan "to condemn", war­ gipa "condemnation"; OHG. warg "villain, criminal", wur­ gen "to choke, throttle"; OE. wearg "outlaw, felon", wiergan "to curse, revile"; OIce. vargr "thief, robber, outlaw". Cf. Bombard 1973:§3 *H2werĝh­, *H2urĝh­; de Vries 1962:645­46; Feist 1939:210 and 551; Friedrich 1952:76; Laroche 1959:48; Tischler 1978:302. B. Luw. nom. sg. "sheep"; Hier. nom. sg. hawis "sheep" PAn. nom. sg. "sheep" pre­An. PIE Late IE " Common Disintegrating IE *{n)owi­s Arm. hoviw ( *howi­pä­) "shepherd"; Skt. ávi­h "sheep"; Gk. "sheep"; Lat. ovis "sheep". Cf. Hawkins­Davies­Neumann 1974:26; Laroche 1959:44­45 and 1960:§111; Meriggi 1962:58­59; Pokorny 1959:784 "sheep"; Tischler 1978:230­31; Walde­Pokorny 1973. I:167; Winter 1965b:102. C. H i t t . nom. s g . "front", " i n f r o n t of, b e f o r e " , nom. s g . " f i r s t " ; Pal. " f i r s t " ; Luw. a c c . s g . " "commanding", nom. s g . " f i r s t " ; Lyc. Xñtawata " l e a d e r " , 3 s g . p r e t . Xñtewete " l e d " PAn. "front; in f r o n t of, before" pre­An. PIE " Late IE Common D i s i n t e g r a t i n g IE *(h)ant­ Skt. anta­ "end", a n t i " b e f o r e " ; Gk. " o p p o s i t e , a g a i n s t " ; L a t . ante " b e f o r e " ; Goth. andeis "end". Cf. Carruba 1970:54; F e i s t 1939:49; F r i e d r i c h 1952:51 and 53; Georgiev 1966: 231; Laroche 1959:40; Pokorny 1959:48­50 *ants " f r o n t " , *anti "in front of, b e f o r e " ; S t u r t e v a n t 1951:§74 IH *xents, *xenty; T i s c h l e r 1977:149­53; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:65­67. D. H i t t . dat. sg. " r i v e r , stream"; P a l . nom. sg. "river,stream" PAn. "river, stream" pre­An. PIE Late IE Common D i s i n t e g r a t i n g IE *(h)ap­ Skt. āpas­ "water"; L a t . THE ANATOLIAN DAUGHTER LANGUAGES 121 amnis ( *ab­ni­s) "river, stream"; OPruss. ape "river, stream"; Toch. B āp "water, river, stream". Cf. Carruba 1970:54; Mayrhofer 1956.I:74­75; Pokorny 1959:51­52 "water, river"; Tischler 1977:159­60; Van Windekens 1976: 166; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:46­47. E . H i t t . 3 sg. pres. "plows" PAn. "to plow" pre­An. Late IE Common Disintegrating IE *(h)ar­ Gk. "to plow, till"; Arm. arawr "plow" (without initial h, but cf. haravunkķ "arable land", which has h); Lat. aro "to plow, till"; Goth. arjan "to plow"; Lith. a r i ù "to plow, till"; Toch. B āre "plow". Cf. Feist 1939:56­67; Fried­ "to plow, till"; rich 1952:59; Pokorny 1959:62­63 *ar(ә )­ Sturtevant 1942:§37f IH *xara'.­; Tischler 1977:182­83; Van Windekens 1976:167; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:78­79 *arā­. "has", 3 p1. pres. "they have"; Pal. 3 p1. impv. "to have" pre­An. PIE pre­centum Disintegrating IE *(h)ark­ Gk. "to keep, ward off"; Lat. arced "to shut in". Cf. Carruba 1970:55; Friedrich 1952:56; Pokorny 1959:65­66 *areq­ "to protect"; Sturtevant 1942: §37d and 1951:§74 IH *xerk­; Tischler 1977:173­74; Walde­ Pokorny 1973.I:80­81 *ark­. F. Hitt. 3 sg. pres. G. Hitt. 3 p1. pres. "they sprinkle", nom. sg. "spray"; Pal. 3 sg. pres. "sprinkles, sprays" PAn. "to sprinkle, spray" pre­An. PIE Late IE Disintegrating IE Skt. "water"; Av. vairi­ "lake", var­ "to rain"; Toch. A war "water"; Gk. "urine"; Lat. ūrīna "urine"; OIr. feraim "to pour"; OE. ear "sea", "spray"; OIce, aurr "moist earth, clay, mud", ver "sea". Cf. Carruba 1970:56; de Vries 1962:20 and 654; Friedrich 1952:76; Pokorny 1959:80­81 "water, rain, river"; Sturtevant 1942:§37h IH *xwer­, Tischler 1978: 305­06; Van Windekens 1976:557­58; Walde­Pokorny 1973. I:268 I think it extremely unlikely that Hitt. nom.­acc. sg. watar /watar/ "water" and its cognates (cf. Pokorny 1959:78­80; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:252­54 are related to the above. Rather, two distinct Late IE stems should be recognized: (1) etc. "to rain, sprinkle" and (2) *wet'­ "to be wet". Several of the derivatives of these two stems overlap semantically. Cf. Anttila 1969:104. 122 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC H. Hitt. dat. sg. "hearth"; Luw. nom. sg. "hearth" PAn. "hearth" pre­An. PIE " Late IE Disintegrating IE Skt. "ashes, dust"; Lat. āra "altar"; Osc. aasai "altar"; Gk. "to be dry"; OIce. aska "ashes". Cf. Boisacq 1950:16; de Vries 1962:15; Fried­ rich 1952:62; Frisk 1973.I:25­26; Laroche 1959:43; Mayrhofer 1956.I:83; Pokorny 1959:68­69 "to bum, glow"; Sturtevant 1951:§74 IH (?) ; Tischler 1978:196­97. I. Hitt. 3 sg. pres. "is destroyed" PAn. 3 sg. pres. * " "is destroyed" pre­An. PIE Late I E " Disintegrating IE *(h)ark'­ Arm. harkanem "to split, fell"; OIr. ovgaim "to stike, destroy". Cf. Bomhard 1973:§3 *H2arg­; Friedrich 1952: 57; Sturtevant 1951:§80 IH *xorg­; Tischler 1977:175­76. J. Hitt. 3 sg. pres. "to be abundant", "rich"; Luw. nom. sg. "rich" PAn. "to be abundant" pre­An. PIE Late IE Common Disintegrating IE *(h) ap­/*(h) op­ Skt. аpnas­ "possession, property"; Lat. opes "resources, means, wealth", Ops the goddess of abundance, opulens ( *open­ont­ [cf. Szemerényi 1964b: 147]) "rich, wealthy". Cf. Friedrich 1952:55; Laroche 1959:41; Pokorny 1959:780 *op­ "to work"; Tischler 1977:157­58; Walde­Pokorny 1973. I:175­76. For additional examples, cf. sections 6.4.3A, 6.4.3D, 6.9.9A. 6.12.2. A. PIE and PAn. initially before *w: Hitt. nom. sg. "wind" PAn. "wind" pre­An. PIE Late IE Disin­ tegrating IE *(h)wлnt­ Lat. ventus "wind"; Goth, winds "wind"; Toch. A want, want "wind". Late IE Disintegrating IE *(h)wē Skt. vati "to blow"; Gk. "to blow, breathe"; Lith. "wind". Disinte­ grating IE *howyo­ Arm. hogi "wind, spirit" (cf. sec­ Cf. Feist 1939:565; Friedrich 1952:79; tion 5.5). Pokorny 1959:81­84 "to blow", "wind"; Sturtevant 1942:§37j IH *xwe'ti, and 1951:§74; Tischler 1978:328­31; Walde­ Pokorny 1973.I:220­23; Winter 1965b:102. THE ANATOLIAN DAUGHTER LANGUAGES B. 6.12.3. 123 Hitt. 3 sg. pres. "lives" PAn. 3 sg. pres. "lives" pre­An. PIE Late IE Common Disintegrating IE *(h)wes­ Skt. vásati "to dwell"; Goth. wisan "to be, remain"; OE. wescan "to be, exist". Cf. Friedrich 1952:71­72; Pokorny 1959:1170­ 71 "to stay, remain"; Sturtevant 1942:§37k and 1951:§74; Tischler 1978:264­68; Walde­Pokomy 1973.I: 306­07. The following belong here too: Hitt. nom.­acc. sg. "fauna, animals"; Pal. nom.­acc. p1. ntr. "life"; Luw. adj. nom. sg. du­wa­li­is "alive" and dat. sg. "life". These forms indicate that Proto­Anatolian must have had two separate stems: and How­ ever, PAn. seems to have no cognates in the non­ Anatolian daughter languages. Cf. Carruba 1970:56; Friedrich 1952:72; Laroche 1959:47; Polomé 1965:20, fn. 71; Tischler 1978:269­71. PIE and PAn. medially: A. Hitt. 3 sg. pres. "pours"; Luw. 1 sg. pret. "I poured (?)" PAn. "to pour" pre­An. PIE Late IE (with metathesis of and *w [cf. section 3.9]) Disintegrating IE *lew(h)­/*low(h)­ Myc. adj. re­wo­ te­re­yo (cf. Vilborg 1960:40) "for bathing", Hom. "bath", Att. "to wash, bathe"; Lat. lavo ­are "to wash, bathe"; Arm. loganam ( *lowHye/o­ [cf. Cowgill 1965:159]). Cf. Beekes 1969:232; Friedrich 1952:125; Keiler 1970:20, fn. 54; Laroche 1959:61; Pokor­ ny 1959:682 "to wash"; Sturtevant 1942:§36c and 1951:§74 IH *léxwty; Walde­Pokorny 1973.II:441; Win­ ter 1965b:108. Benveniste (1962:14­15) has cleared up the semantics of the various cognates by considering the Hittite meaning to be original and by regarding the mean­ ing "to bathe" to be a later specialization. B. Hitt. denominative 3 p1. pret. " they renewed" PAn. denominative from PAn. *newas "new" (cf. Hitt. instr. sg. newit /newit/ "new") pre­An. PIE Late IE Disintegrating IE *newā­ Gk. "to plow up (fallow land)" from "new"; Lat. novo ­āre "to renew" from novus "new". Cf. Friedrich 1952:151; Pokorny 1959:769 "new"; Puhvel 1965:89; Sturtevant 1942:§36m and 1951: §74 IH *newax­ty; Walde­Pokorny 1973.II:324. 124 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC C . H i t t . 1 sg. p r e s . " I fear", nom. sg. ' "fear", 3 sg. pret. sarnut/ "was frightened" PAn. "to tear" pre­An. PIE Late IE Disintegrating IE *nā{sro­s) OIr. nār "bashful". Cf. Friedrich 1952:146; Pokorny 1959:754 *nā­ "to be afraid"; Stur­ tevant 1942:§36d and 1951:§74 IH *néxty; Vendryes 1960:N3. D . H i t t . 3 sg. p r e s . ­ "to drive" pre­An. PIE Late IE Disintegrating IE "drives" PAn. Gk. "to drive right through, pass across or through, pass over, cross, traverse". Cf. Friedrich 1952:159; Frisk 1970.II: 510­11; Jonsson 1978:73; Pokorny 1959:816­17 *per­, *perә ­ "to bring over"; Sturtevant 1942:§36g and 1951: §74 IH *perx­; Walde­Pokomy 1973.II:39­40. In Luw. 3 sg. impv. pa­ra­ad­du "drive!" and Hier. (arha) parnutu (cf. Hitt. "drives out"), the laryngeal has been lost. Cf. Laroche 1959:77 and 134 and 1960:§248; Meriggi 1962:95; Puhvel 1965:84. E. Hitt. 3 sg. pres. "asks for, tries, approaches, attacks" PAn. "to approach, ask for, try" pre­An. PIE Late IE Disintegrating IE Skt. sanóti "to win", pp. Gk. "to achieve". Cf. Chantraine 1968.I:93­94; Friedrich 1952:182; Frisk 1973.I:115; Jonsson 1978:73­74; Pokorny 1959:906 *sen­, *senә ­ "to gain, achieve"; Sturtevant 1942: §36h and 1951: §74 IH *senx­ ; Walde­Pokomy 1973.II: 493­94. F . H i t t . 1 sg. p r e s . " "I protect"; "to defend, protect" PAn. "to protect" pre­An. PIE Late, IE Common Disintegrating IE *pā­ Skt. pati "to protect"; Toch. B pāsk­ "to protect". Cf. Friedrich 1952:153; Jahukyan 1961:401; Pokorny 1959:787 *pä­ "to feed, protect" and 839 *pō­ "to graze cattle, cover, protect"; Sturtevant 1942:§36e and 1951:§74 IH *pêx­s­; Van Win­ dekens 1976:353 Walde­Pokomy 1973.II:72­73. G. Hitt. nom. sg. "smoke" PAn. "smoke" pre­An. PIE Late IE Common Disintegrating IE *dь­{mo­s) Skt. dhūmá­h "smoke"; Gk. "soul, spirit"; Lat. fūmus "smoke"; Lith. THE ANATOLIAN DAUGHTER LANGUAGES 125 "smoke"; OCS. "smoke". Cf. also Gk. "smoke". Cf. Friedrich 1952:227; Pokorny 1959:261­67 *dhū­mo­ "smoke"; Sturtevant 1942:§36j IH *dhux­mós; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:835­43. H. Hitt. "when, as, if" PAn. "when, as, if" pre­An. PIE Late IE pre­Gk. *mām Dor. truly, surely". Cf. Fried­ rich 1952:132; Sturtevant 1942:§36n and 1951:§68 IH I. Hitt. 1 sg. mid. ending (cf., for example, "I protected"); Pal. 1 sg. pret. ending (cf., for example, Luw. 1 sg. pret. ending (cf., for example, "I made"); Hier. 1 sg. pret. ending ­ha (cf., for example, tuwaha "I put, placed"); Lyc. 1 sg. pret. endings ­xa (cf., for example, prñnawaxa "I built") and ­ga (cf., for example, aga "I made") PAn. 1 sg. pret. ending pre­An. PIE Late IE Disintegrating IE *­(h)a Skt. 1 sg. perf. ending ­a (cf., for example, véda "I know"); Gk. 1 sg. perf. end­ ing ­a (cf., for example, "I know"). Cf. Brugmann 1970:589­90, §771; Buck 1955a:285­86, §402; Carruba 1970:45; Laroche 1959:24 and 142 and 1960:§65; Meriggi 1962:134­35; Pisani 1961:197­98, §116; Puhvel 1965:84; Sturtevant 1951:§284; Szemerényi 1970:225­26. For additional examples, cf. sections 6.4.ID, 6.4.3A, 6.7.6, 6.9.2A, 6.9.4A. 6.12.4. A. PIE *x and PAn. *x initially before vowels: Hitt. nom.­acc. p1. "branches" PAn. nom.­acc. p1. *xa­st­wлr "branches" pre­An. PIE Late IE Disintegrating IE *o­st'­o­s Gk. "branch, twig"; Goth, asts "branch, bough, twig"; Arm. ost "branch". Cf. Friedrich 1952:64; Winter 1965b: 102. Sturtevant (1951:§75) posits an IH In the preceding paragraph, he derives Hitt. from the IH prefix Pokorny (1959:785­86) supports this etymology by setting up a hypothetical *ozdo­s "branch", which is then analyzed as containing the pre­ fix plus the reduced­grade of *sed­ "to sit". Cf. also Feist 1939:60; Frisk 1970.II:353; Hübschmann 1962:482; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:186. 126 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC B. Hitt. nom.­acc. sg. "fate, death, pestilence, plague" PAn. nom.­acc. sg. *xenkan "fate, death, pestilence, plague" pre­An. PIE Late IE pre­Celtic OIr. ecen "necessity"; Welsh angen "necessity, fate, destiny"; Corn. anken "anguish, distress". Cf. Friedrich 1952:68; Sturtevant 1942:§47e and 1951:§75 IH *yénk­, *ynkén­; Tischler 1978:246­50. Both Ben­ veniste (1935:155) and Keiler (1970:24) claim that at least some of the possible cognates point to an ini­ tial a in the proto­form. Pokorny (1959:45) sets up *ank­ "necessity, fate" as the source of Gk. "necessity", OIr. ecen "necessity", OE. oht ( Gmc. *anxtō) "persecution, terror", etc. However, Pokorny's reconstruction is by no means sure. Chantraine (1968. I:83) points out that none of the proposed etymologies of Gk. accounts for its other meanings "force, constraint" and "kindred". He follows Schwyzer (1953. I:734, fn. 8) in considering to be a back­for­ mation from "to force, compel, constrain". The latter is analyzed as containing the prefix àv(a)­ plus the verb "to embrace with the arms" "to constrain, etc." If we follow Chantraine and Schwyzer, we can join the Greek forms with the following: Skt. áñcati "to bend, curve"; Gk. "curve, bend, elbow", "bent arm", "to embrace"; Lat. ancus "a person with a crook­elbow". As for OE. ō h t , it might be better to connect it with Skt. amhas­ "anxiety, distress, trouble" and its cognates (cf. Pokorny 1959: 42­43). Thus, if we remove the Greek and Germanic forms from consideration, we can easily link OIr. ecen with Hitt. as Sturtevant does. C. Hitt. dat.­loc. sg. /xesti/ /xastiyas/) "bone's house, sepulchre", nom.­acc. sg. "bone, skeleton"; Luw. nom. p1. (a­)aš­ša "bones" PAn. *xest­, *xast­ "bone" pre­An. PIE Late IE Common Disintegrating IE *ost­ Skt. ásthi "bone"; Gk. "bone"; Arm. oskr ( *ost­wer) "bone"; Lat. os "bone". Cf. Friedrich 1952:63 and 68; Godel 1975:84; Laroche 1959:43; Lindeman 1970:§27; Meillet 1936:190; Pokorny 1959:783 *ost(h)­ "bone"; Schmitt­ Brandt 1967:107; Sturtevant 1942:§56d IH * y ê s t ' i ­ , *yóst'i­ and 1951:§58; Tischler 1978:202­03; Walde­ Pokorny 1973.I:185­86; Winter 1965b:102. D . H i t t . gen. sg. "eagle" PAn. *xarn­ "eagle"; Pal. nom. sg. "eagle" pre­An. PIE THE ANATOLIAN DAUGHTER LANGUAGES 127 Late IE pre­Greek * ovni­s Gk. "bird". Cf. also Goth. ara "eagle"; Lith. erлlis "eagle". Cf. Carruba 1970:54; Friedrich 1952:56; Frisk 1970.II: 421­22; Sturtevant 1942:§56b and 1951:§58 IH *yorn­; Tischler 1970:170­71. On the basis of the Lithuanian form, Pokorny (1959:325­26) reconstructs *er­ beside *or­, but Cowgill (1965:146, fn. 5) questions the validity of *er­ since he interprets ev lis as being assimilated from the dialectal form arлlis. E. Hitt. nom. sg. "bear" PAn. nom. sg. *xartka­s "bear" pre­An. PIE Late IE (1) Skt. "bear"; (with metathesis of *t and *k) Gk. " "bear"; (3) Lat. ursus "bear". Cf. Burrow 1973:82; Friedrich 1952:61; Frisk 1973.I:141­42; Georgiev 1966:15; Pokorny 1959:875 "bear"; Tischler 1977:188­89; Walde­Pokomy 1973.I:322. Hamp (1965:140­41) reconstructs For an additional example, cf. section 6.9.12A. 6.12.5. PIE *x and PAn. *x initially before *w: Hitt. 3 sg. pres. "swears" PAn. *xwek(w/u)­ "to swear" pre­An. PIE Late IE pre­satem Disintegrating IE *wek­ Skt. vákti "to speak", vácas­ "word"; pre­centum Disintegrating IE *wekw­ Gk. "word, speech, saying"; Lat. vōx "voice"; Toch. B wek "voice". Cf. Friedrich 1952:70; Kronasser 1956:§82; Pokorny 1959:1135­36 "to speak"; Schmitt­Brandt 1967:87; Van Windekens 1976:541; Walde­ Pokorny 1973.I:245­46. The second labial element has been lost in Hittite through dissimilation (cf. section 6.10). 6.12.6. PIE *x and PAn. *x medially: A. Hitt. nom.­acc. sg. "urine" PAn. nom.­ acc. sg. *sexur "urine" pre­An. PIE Late IE (stressed) pre­Alb. *seür­ Alb. shur ~ shurr, shurrë "urine"; pre­Gmc. 0Ice. saurr "dirt, filth". Cf. Friedrich 1952:189; Hamp 1965:139­40; Keiler 1970:26; Sturtevant 1942:§46c and 1951:§75 IH B. Hitt. nom.­acc. sg. "time, point of time, 128 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC occasion" PAn. nom.­acc. sg. *mexur "time" pre­An. PIE *mә x­ Late IE *mex­ Common Disintegrating IE *mл­ Skt. "to measure"; Gk. "to meditate, consider"; Lat. mлtior "to measure"; Goth. mēt "time". Cf. Feist 1939:353; Friedrich 1952:139; Pokorny 1959: 703­04 *mē­ "to measure"; Sturtevant 1942:§46b and 1951: §75 IH "to measure"; Walde­Pokorny 1973.II:237­38. This etymology is accepted by Keiler (1970:26), who points out that there has been semantic specialization in each language. 6.13. THE LARYNGEALS /?, h/ The laryngeals *? and *h were l o s t i n the Anatolian languages ( c f . Sturtevant 1942:§39­§43 and §49­§52d and 1951:§76­§77). The former presence of *h is discernible by the f a c t that i t lowered a contiguous *ә to / a / . However, *? disappeared without a trace except that i t , along with *h, probably caused compensatory lengthening of vowels when l o s t between a preceding contiguous short vowel and a following contig­ uous non­syllabic. 6.14. EXAMPLES OF / ? , h/ 6.14.1. PIE *? PAn. 0: A . H i t t . 3 sg. pres. ekuzi "drinks", 3 p1. pres. "they drink"; Pal. 3 p1. pres. "they drink"; Luw. 3 sg. pret. a­ku­ wa­at­ta "drank" PAn. *ekw/u­, *akw/u­ "to drink" pre­An. PIE *?ә kw­/*?akw­ Late IE *?ekw­(/*?akw­) pre­centum Disintegrating IE (with lengthened­grade) *ēkw­ Toch. A inf. yoktsi "to drink"; OIce. "sea, ocean" (also used as the name of the sea­god). Cf. Carruba 1970:49; de Vries 1962:681; Friedrich 1952: 40; Kronasser 1956:§47; Laroche 1959:24; Pokorny 1959: 23 ; Sturtevant 1942:§51a and 1951:§77; Tischler 1977:103­05; Van Windekens 1976:601­02. B. Hitt. 3 sg. pres. pres. ' ' *ap­ "to take, begin" "takes, begins", 3 p1. "they take, begin" PAn. *ep­/ pre­An. PIE *?ә p­/*?ap­ Late THE ANATOLIAN DAUGHTER LANGUAGES 129 IE *?ep­(/*?ap­) Disintegrating IE (with lengthened­ grade) *ēp­ Skt. ā p n ó t i "to reach, overtake"; Lat. co­ēpī "to begin". Reduced­grade in Lat. apīscor "to reach, attain, get, gain, acquire", apiō "to fasten, join, bind, attach, tie to", pp. aptus "fastened, joined". Cf. Ernout­Meillet 1951:69­70; Friedrich 1952:41; Mayr­ hofer 1956.I:76; Pokorny 1959:50­51 *ap­ (better *әp­): *ēp­ "to take"; Sturtevant 1942:§51b and 1951:§77; Tischler 1977:107­08; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:46. C. Hitt. atta­ /ata­/ "father"; Lyd. ata­ "father" PAn. *ata­ "father" pre­An. PIE *?at(t)­ Late IE *?at(t)­ Common Disintegrating IE *at(t)­ (cf. section 3.11) Alb. at "father"; Gk. "father"; Lat. atta "father"; Goth. atta "father". Cf. Friedrich 1952:38; Gusmani 1964:69; Hamp 1965:136 *?át(t)­; Pokorny 1959:71 *atta "father"; Tischler 1977:92­93; Walde­Pokorny 1973. I:44. D. Hitt. nom. sg. "border, boundary", adv. "out, away, again"; Luw. acc. p1. (?) " "series, circle"; Hier. adv. arha "out, away, again", irha­ "border, boundary"; Lyc. preverb eri; Lyd. aara­ "courtyard, property" PAn. "border, boundary", adv. "out, away, again" pre­An. PIE (lengthened­grade) Late IE Disintegrating IE *ēr(h)­/*ōr(h)­ Skt. "from afar", āre "far"; Lat. ōra "border, boundary". Cf. Friedrich 1952:29 and 83; Georgiev 1966: 231; Gusmani 1964:51; Hawkins­Davies­Neumann 1974:45; Laroche 1959:52 and 1960:§216; Meriggi 1962:30­32; Stur­ tevant 1942:§47a and 1951:§75 and §214; Tischler 1977: 55­56 and 1978:365­67. E. Hitt. nom. sg. assus /asus/ "good, kind, dear" PAn. nom. sg. *asu­s "good, kind, dear" pre­An. PIE *?әsú­ Late IE *?(ә)sú­ Common Disintegrating IE *sú­ Skt. prefix sú­ "good, excellent"; Gk. (metrical lengthening in "good, brave, noble" (analogical after neuter *êsu "goodness", cf. adv. "well"), in "sound, healthy"; OIr. prefix su­, so­ "good". Cf. Chantraine 1970.II:388; Friedrich 1952:37; Frisk 1973.I:594­95; Pokorny 1959:342 *esu­s (: *su­) "good" and 1037­38 *su­, *sь­ "well, good"; Sturtevant 1942: §48a and 1951:§75 and §87; Tischler 1977:87­90; Walde­ Pokorny 1973.I:161. F. Hitt. nom. sg. sg. "master" "master" pre­An. PIE PAn. nom. Late IE 130 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC Disintegrating IE *es(h)o­s Lat. erus "mas­ ter": Cf. Friedrich 1952:85; Pokorny 1959:342; Sturte­ vant 1942:§56a IH G. Hitt. 3 sg. pres. "drinks, swallows"; Luw. inf. pa­aš­šu­u­na "to drink," swallow" PAn. 3 sg. pres. *pāsti "drinks, swallows" pre­An. PIE *pa?­ Late IE *pal­ Common Disintegrating IE *pō­ Skt. "to drink, quaff, suck, sip, swallow"; Gk. "drink, draught", Lesb. "to drink"; Lat. pōtō ­āve "to drink"; Lith. puotа "feast, banquet". Late IE *pi­p?­ eti Skt. píbati "drinks"; Lat. bibit "drinks"; OIr. ibid "drinks". Cf. section 2.2; Friedrich 1952:164; Laroche 1959:80; Mayrhofer 1963.II:252 and 286­87; Pokorny 1959:839­40 *pd(i)­ "to drink"; Sturtevant 1942: §48c and 1951:§75; Walde­Pokorny 1973.II:71­72. For additional examples, cf. sections 6.4.1A, 6.4.1C, 6.4.ID, 6.4.2A, 6.4.2B, 6.4.4B, 6.6.1, 6.6.2, 6.7.4, 6.7.8, 6.12.2. 6.14.2. PIE *h PAn. Ø: A. Hitt. appa /apa/ and appan /apan/ "afterwards, back, again"; Luw. a­ap­pa and ap­pa­an "after, back"; Hier. apan "after, back"; Lyc. epñ "after, back" PAn. *apa(n) "after, back" pre­An. PIE *hә pa Late IE *hepa Com­ mon Disintegrating IE *apo Skt. apa "away, from, off"; Gk. "off, away, back"; Lat. ab "from, away from, out of"; Goth, af "of, from, by, away from, out of". Cf. Feist 1939:3; Friedrich 1952:25; Frisk 1973.I:122; Geor­ giev 1966:231; Laroche 1959:29 and 1960:§34; Mayrhofer 1956.I:37; Meriggi 1962:28­29; Pokorny 1959:53­55 *apo "away, back"; Sturtevant 1942:§42b IH and 1951: §76 IH *hép­; Tischler 1977:41­43; Walde­Pokorny 1973. I:47­50. B. Hitt. nom. sg. annas /anas/ "mother"; Pal. an­na­as "mother"; Luw. nom. sg. an­ni­is "mother"; Lyc. ni­ "mother"; Lyd. nom. sg. nas "mother" PAn. *ana/i­ "mother" pre­An. PIE *hәn­ Late IE *hen­ Common Disintegrating IE *an­ Lat. anna "nurse"; OPruss. ane "mother". Cf. Carruba 1970:52; Friedrich 1952:21; Gusmani 1964:106; Pokorny 1959:36­37 *an­; Sturtevant 1933:87; Tischler 1977:24­25; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:55­ 56. C. Hitt. awan /awan/ "apart, off" PAn. *awan "apart, off" THE ANATOLIAN DAUGHTER LANGUAGES 131 pre­An. PIE *hә w)­ Late IE *hew­ Common Disinte­ grating IE *aw­ Skt. ova "down, off"; Av. ava "away, down"; Lat. prefix au­ "away"; Gk. prefix Cf. Friedrich 1952:39; Pokorny 1959:72­73 *au­ "down, away"; Sturtevant 1942:§42d and 1951:§76 IH *hew­; Tischler 1977:98­99; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:13­15. D. Hitt. acc. sg. maklantan /maklantan/ "thin, lean" PAn. *māklant­ "thin, lean" pre­An. PIE *mә hk­ Late IE Gk. *mehk­ pre­centum Disintegrating IE *māk­ (Dor. "length". Reduced­grade in Gk. "long"; Lat. maoer "thin, lean"; OE. męger "thin, lean". Cf. Friedrich 1952:133; Frisk 1970.II:164­65 and 224­25; Kronasser 1956:§29; Pokorny 1959:699 "long, thin, lean"; Sturtevant 1942:§41a and 1951:§76 IH *mehk­, Walde­Pokorny 1973.II:223­24. E. Hitt. 3 sg. pres. tayazzi, dayazzi (also daiezzi and daizzi "steals, robs" PAn. *tāya­ "to steal, rob pre­An. PIE *tә hy­/ *tahy­ Late IE (*tehy­ *teyh­ *tīh­ *tī­) ; *tahy­ *tayh­ *tēh­ *tā­; *tehi­ *tahi­ analogical Skt. stāy ati "to steal", stāyú­h, tāyú­h "thief, robber", stená­h "thief", " "theft, robbery"; Gk. '(Dor. "to be in want, lack, be bereft of", "want"; OCS. t a t o ( *tā­ti­) "thief". Cf. Friedrich 1952:203; Frisk 1970.II:895; Pokorny 1959:1010 *(s)tдi­ "to rob, steal"; Sturtevant 1942:§41d and 1951:§76 IH *tehy­; Walde­Pokorny 1973.II:610. F. Hitt. 1 sg. pres. tittami /titami/ "I set, place", caus. 3 sg. pres. tittanuzi, tittanuzzi "causes to stand, places" PAn. *ti­ta­ "to cause to stand, set, place" pre­An. PIE *(s)tә h­/*(s)tah­ Late IE *(s)teh­/ *(s)tah­ Common Disintegrating IE *(s) tā­/*(s)tō­ Skt. caus. sthāpayati "to cause to stand"; Gk. (Dor. "to cause to stand, set"; Lat. stō ­āre "to stand"; OCS. "to take one's stand", stojq, stojati "to stand". Late IE *(s)ti­sth­eti Skt. ' "stands"; Av. hištaiti "stands". Cf. section 2.3; Friedrich 1952:225; Pokorny 1959:1004­10 *sta­: *stә ­ "to stand, cause to stand, set, place"; Sturtevant 1942:§41e and 1951:§76 IH *(s)teh­; Walde­ Pokorny 1973.II:603­10. For additional examples, cf. sections 6.6.1, 6.9.12D.    7 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF THE PROTO­AFROASIATIC CONSONANT SYSTEM 7.1. INTRODUCTION Unlike the comparative­historical study of the Indo­European Lan­ guage Family, which has a long h i s t o r y , the comparative­historical study of the Afroasiatic Language Family is s t i l l in i t s infancy: the Semitic and Egyptian branches have been s c i e n t i f i c a l l y Even though investigated rather thoroughly, several of the other branches are only now being examined, and there remain many modern A f r o a s i a t i c languages that are scarcely even known. Moreover, while a few of the daughter languages have w r i t t e n records going back many m i l l e n n i a , most of them are only known from modern times. Given t h i s state of a f f a i r s , i t is not yet possible to reconstruct the Proto­Afroasiatic phonological system with absolute c e r t a i n t y , though some preliminary conclusions are possible. A comparison of the most ancient Afroasiatic daughter languages i n d i ­ cates that the phonological system of the A f r o a s i a t i c parent language contained at least the following sounds: Stops and Affricates: 134 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC Fricatives: Voiceless: f s s ħ h ς Voiced: Glides: w y Resonants : Nasals: m n Rolled: r Lateral: l Vowels: ә a , Other sounds have also been posited f o r Proto­Afroasiatic by several scholars ~ these include prenasalized l a b i a l s ( c f . Greenberg 1958:295­ 302 and 1965:88­92), postvelars ( c f . Diakonoff 1974:595), and additional s i b i l a n t s ( c f . Diakonoff 1965:21), to name the most important. Though i t is by no means impossible that some of these sounds may have belonged to the Proto­Afroasiatic phonological system, in my opinion, the argu­ ments advanced so f a r to support t h e i r reconstruction are not convincing. 7.2. THE EMPHATICS In the Semitic branch, the so­called "emphatics" have three d i f ­ ferent r e a l i z a t i o n s : (A) In Arabic, the emphatics have been described as e i t h e r uvularized ( c f . Catford 1977:193) or pharyngeal ized conson­ ants ( c f . Al­Ani 1970:44­58; Catford 1977:193; Chomsky and Halle 1968: 306). (B) In the Modern South Arabian languages ( c f . Johnstone 1975: 6­7, § 2 . 1 . 2 ) , the Semitic languages of Ethiopia ( c f . Moscati 1964:23­ 24, § 8 . 2 ) , and several Eastern Neo­Aramaic dialects (such as, for example, Urmian Nestorian Neo­Aramaic and Kurdistani Jewish Neo­Ara­ maic), the emphatics are g l o t t a l i z e d . The g l o t t a l i z a t i o n is weak in THE PROTO­AFROASIATIC CONSONANT SYSTEM Urmian Nestorian Neo­Aramaic. 135 (C) F i n a l l y , in several other Neo­Ara­ maic dialects (such as, f o r example, Tūr­'Abdīn), the emphatics are realized as unaspirated voiceless stops. Here, the non­emphatic voice­ less stops are distinguished from the emphatics by the presence of the feature of a s p i r a t i o n . Circumstantial evidence indicates that the emphatics were also g l o t t a l i z e d in Akkadian, Ancient Hebrew, and the oldest Aramaic: (A) In Akkadian, when two emphatics cooccurred in a r o o t , one of them was changed into the corresponding voiceless non­emphatic (Geers' Law), thus: ( c f . Ungnad­ Matous 1969:27). Now, in languages having e j e c t i v e s , there is a wide­ spread constraint against the cooccurrence of two ejectives in a root ( c f . Hopper 1973:160­61). I f we take the emphatics of Akkadian to have been e j e c t i v e s , then Geers' Law finds a p e r f e c t l y natural explana­ tion as a manifestation of t h i s constraint. (B) Pharyngealization is not incompatible with v o i c i n g , but g l o t t a l i z a t i o n is ( c f . Greenberg 1970:125­27, §2.2). Thus, Arabic has voiced as well as voiceless em­ phatics ( c f . Al­Ani 1970:44­58; Ambros 1977:8­10, 13­14). In Hebrew and Aramaic, however, the emphatics are never voiced ( c f . Cantineau 1952:93; Moscati 1964:23­24), and the same is most l i k e l y true f o r Akkadian and Ugaritic as w e l l . (C) Pharyngealization is always accom­ panied by the backing of contiguous vowels ( c f . Hyman 1975:49; Lade­ foged 1971:63­64). Similar backing is sometimes also found in conjunc­ t i o n with g l o t t a l i z a t i o n . Indeed, in a l l of the modern Neo­Aramaic dialects mentioned above, vowels are always backed when next to emphat­ i c consonants regardless of how the emphatics are r e a l i z e d . However, while backing of adjacent vowels is a mandatory corollary of pharyn­ g e a l i z a t i o n , i t is optional with g l o t t a l i z a t i o n . Therefore, since the emphatics of Arabic are pharyngeal ized, contiguous vowels are always backed ( c f . Al­Ani 1970:23­24; Cantineau 1952:92; Martinet 1975[1959]: 237). No such backing is observable in e i t h e r Akkadian or Hebrew ( c f . Cantineau 1952:93; Martinet 1975[1959]:237­38; Moscati 1964:23­24). Both Greenberg (1970:127) and Martinet (1975[1953]:251) have point­ ed out that i t is common f o r languages having ejectives to lack the b i ­ 136 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC l a b i a l member ( c f . also section 2.5 and Gamkrelidze 1978:17 and 1981: 587­89). Now, i t is extremely u n l i k e l y that Proto­Semitic possessed a b i l a b i a l emphatic ( c f . Cantineau 1952:80­81; Moscati 1964:25). A gap at t h i s point of a r t i c u l a t i o n would be easy to understand i f the emphatics had been ejectives in Proto­Semitic. According to Cohen (1968:1302) and Martinet (1970:113­14), pharyn­ geal ized consonants can be derived from e a r l i e r e j e c t i v e s , but the con­ verse is not t r u e . I t should be noted, though, that this argument is based more on conjecture than on concrete evidence since pharyngeal ized consonants are rare t y p o l o g i c a l l y , and, therefore, comparative material i s lacking. The cumulative evidence leaves l i t t l e doubt that the emphatics were g l o t t a l i z e d (ejectives) in Proto­Semitic and not pharyngeal ized as in Arabic. This conclusion is also reached by Bergsträsser (1928:5), Cantineau (1952:91­94), Martinet (1975[1959]:238 and 1975[1953]:250­52), and Steiner (1977:155), among others. The pharyngeal ized emphatics of Arabic can be derived from e a r l i e r ejectives through the following steps (according to Aharon Dolgopolsky [ D o l g o p o l ' s k i j ] ) : A. The earliest Arabic inherited the triple contrast voiceless aspirated ~ voiced ~ glottalized from Proto­Semitic. B. First, vowels were backed when next to emphatic consonants. C. Next, the glottalization was weakened and eventually lost. Non­emphatic voiceless consonants were then distinguished from emphatics by the presence of the feature of aspiration. Furthermore, vowels were backed when next to emphatics but not when next to non­emphatics. D. Finally, aspiration was lost, and the emphatics were distin­ guished from the non­emphatic voiceless consonants solely by backing (pharyngealization). The evidence from the other branches tends to support the conten­ t i o n that the emphatics were ejectives not only i n Proto­Semitic but in Proto­Afroasiatic as w e l l . THE PROTO­AFROASIATIC CONSONANT SYSTEM 137 Most of the emphatics were lost in Ancient Egyptian (cf. Vergote 1971:43); only the velar emphatic retained autonomy, becoming the voice­ less postvelar stop /q/. The remaining emphatics seem to have merged with the unaspirated (earlier voiced) consonants. The developments probably went as follows: A. The earliest Egyptian inherited the triple contrast voice­ less aspirated ~ voiced ~ glottalized from Proto­Afroasiatic. B. First, the ejectives other than *k' became voiced consonants thus: glottalized creaky voice full voice. A similar progression is found in several Caucasian languages (cf. Colarusso 1975:82; Gamkrelidze­Ivanov 1973:154) and may also have taken place in the early prehistory of several of the non­Anatolian Indo­European daughter languages (cf. section 2.5). Parallels may also be found in the Modern South Arabian languages, where "the post­glottalized (ejective) consonants have partially voiced and more rarely wholly voiced variants" (cf. Johnstone 1975:§2.1.2). It is not difficult to under­ stand why *k' would have remained since back articulation is the unmarked point of articulation for ejectives (cf. Green­ berg 1970:§2.3). C Next, the voiced consonants became unaspirated voiceless con­ sonants (cf. Vergote 1971:43). D. Finally, *k' became /q/. Even though Ancient Egyptian did not possess emphatics as a class, the internal development of this series in Egyptian can best be explained by positing earlier ejectives. In the modern Berber languages, the emphatics are pharyngeal ized as in Arabic (cf. Cohen 1968:1302; Penchoen 1973:7, §2.3.1[a]). Both voiced and voiceless emphatics exist. We may assume that the pharyn­ geal ized emphatics of Berber are due to secondary developments. No doubt, the Berber emphatics developed in much the same way as did the Arabic emphatics (see above). Of the modern Chadic languages, Angas, Dangaleat, Ga'anda, Higi, Margi, Tera, and Sayanci, for example, have implosives, while Hausa has implosives in the bilabial and dental series but ejectives in the sibi­ 138 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC Tant and velar series corresponding to the Semitic emphatics (cf. Cohen 1968:1302). According to Newman (1977:9, §2.1), a series of implosives is to be reconstructed here for Proto­Chadic. Martinet (1970:113, §4.28) claims that ejectives can develop into implosives through a progressive anticipation of the voice of a following vowel, thus: If we follow Martinet, as I think we must, it is possible to derive the Chadic implosives from earlier ejectives. The Cushitic and Omotic languages provide the strongest evidence in favor of interpreting the emphatics of Proto­Afroasiatic as ejec­ tives. The Cushitic languages Awngi and Galab possess neither implo­ sives nor ejectives and can, therefore, be disregarded since they pro­ bably do not represent the original state. Of the remaining Cushitic languages, Beja has only the retroflex implosive Oromo has the 5 retroflex implosive plus the ejectives /p , t', k V ; Bil in 5 has the ejectives /t', k /; Somali has the retroflex dental (from earlier * and the voiceless postvelar /q/ (from earlier * / k V ) ; and Iraqw has the affricate ejective (plus, marginally, and Of the modern Omotic languages, Kefa has the ejectives It'I and and Walamo has the ejectives /p', t', c', k', s'/. These clearly correspond to the Semitic emphatics. Typologically, it makes sense to interpret the Proto­Afroasiatic emphatics as ejectives. Pharyngeal ized consonants have an extremely limited occurrence among the languages of the world, while ejectives are much more widespread. Ejectives are found in the Caucasian lan­ guages, many American Indian languages, and several sub­Saharan African languages. 129 (19%) of the 693 languages included in Ruhlen's (1976) massive survey contain ejectives. 7.3. THE LABIALS' THE PROTO­AFROASIATIC CONSONANT SYSTEM 139 Semitic correspondences*: Akkadian Ugaritic Hebrew Aramaic Arabic P b P b /p/ /P/ /b/ /f/ f f /b/ /b/ b b m m /m/ /m/ /m/ m m ESA Ethiopic *Each language is given in traditional transcription. There can be no question that Proto­Semitic contained *p, *b, and *m. The ƒ found in Arabic, Epigraphic South Arabian (ESA), and Ethiopic is surely an innovation and can easily be derived from earlier *p (cf. Moscati 1964:§8.6). In Hebrew and Aramaic, /p/ and /b/ have the non­ phonemic allophones /φ/ and /β/ respectively (cf. Moscati 1964:§8.10). It should be noted here that the voiceless stops were probably voiceless aspirates (that is, /p h /, /t h /, /k h /) in Proto­Semitic (cf. Cantineau 1952:90­91; Martinet 1975[1953]:250) as well as in Proto­ Afroasiatic (cf. Cohen 1968:1303). The material from the other Afroasiatic branches supports the assumption that Proto­Afroasiatic had the labials *p, *b9 and *m. Afroasiatic correspondences: Proto­ AA Proto­ Semitic Ancient Egypt.* P b P b p' f m Berber Proto­ ECush. Proto­ SCush. Proto­ Chadic P b f f b b P b P b b b ? ? b P m f f f P5 f m, b m m m m f *Ancient Egyptian is given in traditional transcription. It should be noted, however, that the phonemes traditionally tran­ scribed as b, d, g, q were probably the voiceless unaspirated consonants /p, t, k, q/ respectively, while the phonemes tran­ 140 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC s c r i b e d as p , t, sonants / p h , t h , Vergote 1971:43). k were probably the v o i c e l e s s a s p i r a t e d con­ , k h / r e s p e c t i v e l y (cf. Callender 1 9 7 5 : § 2 . 1 ; Diakonoff (1965:20) reconstructs an emphatic l a b i a l , which he writes * p , f o r Proto­Semitic. However, as he himself admits, the e v i ­ dence f o r t h i s sound is extremely weak. I t is best to agree with Can­ tineau (1952:80­81) and Moscati (1964:§8.7) that an emphatic labial should not be reconstructed f o r Proto­Semitic. There is some evidence, however, that a g l o t t a l i z e d l a b i a l existed i n Proto­Afroasiatic. No doubt, t h i s sound was characterized by an extremely low frequency of occurrence. According to Greenberg (1958:295­302 and 1965:88­92), two addi­ t i o n a l l a b i a l s should be reconstructed f o r Proto­Afroasiatic: m and * / b / . While he has made a strong case f o r * / f / */f/ separate from m * / p / , his theories concerning * / b / are not convincing and have been successfully argued against by I l l i č ­ S v i t y č (1966:9­34); I l l i č ­ S v i t y č considers * / m b / to contain a p r e f i x */m­/. 7.4. EXAMPLES OF THE LABIALS 7.4.1. PAA * p : A. PAA *per­/*par­ " t o f l y , f l e e , jump": Sem.: Ar. farra " t o f l e e , run away, d e s e r t " ; Hebr. pārah " t o f l y " ; E g . : pri " t o go o u t , go f o r t h , go away, f l e e " ; B e r b . : Tarn. afrә w " t o f l y " ; PSC: *pur­ or * p i r ­ " t o f l y " ; PChad.: *pә rә " t o f l y , jump". B. PAA *pә r­/*par­ " t o open, f r e e , u n t i e " : Sem.: Ar. farağa " t o open, f r e e " ; PEC: *fur­ " t o open, f r e e , u n t i e " ; PChad.: *pә rә " t o u n t i e " . C. " t o spew, s p i t " : E g . : ps',g " t o s p i t " ; PAA *pә r­/*pas­ B e r b . : Tarn. ss­ufә s " t o s p i t " ; PChad.: *pә sә " t o spew, spray". D. . PAA *pә š­/*paš­ "to cut, cleave, break": Sem.: Ar. fasaha "to sever, sunder, tear, dislocate, disjoint"; THE PROTO­AFROASIATIC CONSONANT SYSTEM 141 Eg.: pљ, pљs "to divide, cleave, split", pљn "to cleave, divide, split, separate from", pљљ "to spread out the arms, divide"; PChad.: *faљә "to break". E. PAA *pә l­/*pal­ "to split, cleave": Sem.: Ar. falaga "to split, cleave", faloha "to split, cleave, plow, till", fala'a "to split,"cleave", falaka "to split, "to sepa­ cleave; to burst, break (dawn)"; Eth. falata rate", falfala "to break out, burst, gush"; PEC: *faldi­ "log; to split (wood)". F. PAA *pә ?­/*pa?­ "to swell, fatten": Sem.: Ar. fa'ima "to be fat"; Hebr. pīmāh "superabundance, fat"; PSC: *pu?us­ "to swell, rise". G. PAA *pә r­/*par­ "to separate, divide": Sem.: Hebr. pārað "to separate, divide"; Ar. faraka "to separate, part, divide, sever", favağa "to open, part, separate, cleave, split, breach", farata "to separate, part"; Eg.: "to separate", "to divide, separate"; PSC: *parah­ "to pull apart". H. "to open; to be open, wide, spacious": PAA *pә t­/*pat­ Sem.: Hebr. pā ah "to open, untie, loosen", pā ah "to be open, wide, spacious"; Eg.: "to be open". I. "to bear (fruit), bring forth": Sem.: PAA *pә r­/*par­ Phoen. pry "to bear fruit"; Akk. pir'u "issue, off­ spring, descendant"; Eth. fere "fruit"; Eg.: prt "fruit"; Cush.: Oromo firi "fruit". J. PAA *pә t'­/*pat5­ "to hasten": Sem.: Eth. fatana "to be rapid, fast"; Eg.: pd "to run away, flee, hasten; foot, knee". K. PAA *pet­/*pat­ "to rush, hurry, fall": Sem.: Eth. fatata "to break up, crumble"; Ar. ha­fata "to fall down, collapse"; Eg.: pt "to run, flee, pursue"; PChad.: *pә ta "to go out". For the semantic develop­ ment, note Buck's (1949:§10.23) comments: "In words for 'fall' the central notion is that of free, rapid, downward motion, as that of an object falling by its own weight. But in many of them the 'downward' move­ ment is of secondary origin, a specialization from some notion of rapid movement". L. PAA *pel­/*pal­ "to be flat, level, broad": Sem.: palkū "wide"; Ar. filtah "broad, flat"; Phoen. pls "level"; Berb.: OTam'. fliy "wide"; Chad.: Hausa "large, flat rock". Akk. 142 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATTC M. 7.4.2. PAA *pә љ­/*paљ­ "to fart": Sem.: Tna. fäsäwä "to fart"; Cush.: Bilin faљa "to fart"; Berb.: Tuareg fә zz "a fart". PAA *b: A. PAA *bә r­/*bar­ "to swell": Sem.: Hebr. bārā' "to be fat"; Ar. bara'a "to surpass, excel", barada "to sprout, germinate"; Cush.: PSam *barar­ "to swell". B. PAA *bә r­/*bar­ "to cut, carve, bore": Sem.: Hebr. bārē' "to cut down, cut out"; Ar. barä "to trim, shape, sharpen, scratch off, scrape off"; Aram. bә raz "to bore, pierce"; Amh. borabborä "to hollow out, cut a groove"; PSC: *bīr­ "to cut off". C. "to swell, expand, overflow": Sem.: PAA *bә l­/*bal­ OAkk. batāllan "to pour out"; PEC: *bald­/*balläd­ "broad, wide". D. PAA *bә l­/*bal­ "to shine, be bright": Sem.: Ar. balağa "to shine, dawn"; Syr. b a l b i s "to gleam, glitter"; Cush.: PSam *bilig­ "to flash (lightning)". E. PAA *bә r­/*bar­ "to shine, be bright": Sem.: Akk. birku "lightning", baraku "to flash", bararu "to glit­ ter, glisten, glimmer, sparkle", barasu "to sparkle, shine brightly"; Eth. barha "to light"up"; PEC: *bark'­/ *birk'­ "lightning"; PSC: *birik'­ "lightning". F. "to cleave, break": Sem.: Hebr. PAA *bә k'­/*bak'­ baka' "to cleave, break open or through"; Ar. bakara "to split open, rip open, cut open"; PEC: *bak}­ "to crush". G. PAA *bә r­/*bar­ "grain, cereal": Sem.: Akk. burru "a cereal"; Hebr. bar "grain"; Eg.: b',­t "a kind of grain"; Cush.: Somali bur "wheat". H. PAA *bә n­/*ban­ PChad.: *bә n­ I. PAA *bә t­/*bat­ "to cut off, sever, complete, finish": Sem.: Ar. batta "to cut off, sever, complete, finish", batara "to cut off, sever, amputate", batata "to cut off, sever; to make final, close, settle"; PChad.: *(m)bә tә "to extinguish". "to build": Sem.: Ar. bona "to build"; "house, hut". THE PROTO­AFROASIATIC CONSONANT SYSTEM 143 J. PAA *bә r­/*bar­ "time": Sem.: Ar. burha "a while, a time; short time; instant, moment"; PEC: *bar(­r)­ "time"; PSC: *bara "when, if". K. PAA *bә w­/*baw­ "to come, enter": Sem.: Akk. bā'u "to come in, enter"; Eg.: bw, bw', "place"; PEC: *biy­ "earth"; Chad.: N. Bauchi Ch. *buw­ "to come". L. "to extend, stretch out": Sem.: Ar. PAA *bә t'­/*bat'­ "to extend, stretch, stretch out", "flat, level", "plain, level land, flatland, open coun­ try"; PSC: "open country, plains, lowlands". M. PAA "to peel, strip off": Sem.: Ar. basara "to peel, scrape off, shave off, scratch off"; PSC: "to be stripped bare or clean". N. PAA *bah­ "beast, animal": Sem: Ar. bahīma "beast, animal, quadruped"; PEC: *bahal­ "wild animal"; PSC: *bah­ "large wild animal". 0. PAA *bә s?­/*bas?­ or *bә š?­/*baš?­ "to treat amicably, be friendly towards": Sem.: Ar. basa'a "to treat amic­ ably; to be intimate, on familiar terms with"; PSC: *bosol­ or *boљo?­ "friend of the same age, coeval". 7.4.3. PAA *p': A. PAA *tap'­ "mud": Eg.: í b ­ t , tb\­t "mud". B. PAA *sә p'­/*sap'­ "to suck, drink": Sem.: Hebr. sāßā' "to imbibe, drink"; PChad.: "to suck". "brick"; PChad.: 7.4.4. PAA *ƒ: PAA *fat'­ "four": Eg.: fdw "four"; PChad.: "four". 7.4.5. PAA *m: A. PAA *mә n­/*man­ "to stay, remain": Sem.: Ar. mana'a "to stop, detain, hinder, prevent, restrain, hold back"; Eg.: mn "to remain, abide"; PEC: *man­/*min­ "abode"; PSC: *min­ "house". 144 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC B. PAA *ma(V negative particle: Sem.: Ar. mā "not"; Eg.: m "not"; PEC: *ma(V negative particle. C. PAA *mә r­/*mar­ "to be sick": Sem.: Ar. mari a "to fall ill, be sick"; Eg.: mr "to be sick, suffer pain". D. PAA *mel?­/*mal?­ "to fill, be full": Sem.: Ar. mala'a "to fill, become filled, be full"; Eg.: mr',t "fullness". E. PAA *mә t'­/*mat'­ "to be wet, moist": Sem.: Ar. ma ara "to rain"; Berb.: Tam. a­metta "a tear"; PSC: *ma ­ or *mā ­ "rain"; Chad.: N. Bauchi Ch. *mad­ "dew". F. PAA *mә r­/*mar­ "to rub, anoint": Sem.: Ar. "to oil, anoint, rub", mara'a "to rub over, anoint"; Hebr. mаrak "to scour, polish", māra "to make smooth, scour, polish"; Eg.: mr "to anoint, rub with fat or oil"; Berb.: Tarn. mrey "to rub"; PChad.: *mar "oil". G. PAA *mә t­ "man": Sem.: Akk. mutu "husband, man, war­ rior"; Eg.: mt "male", mtw "man as a begetter"; PChad.: *mә tu "person". H. PAA *mә t­/*mat­ "to die": PSem. : *ma­wa­t­ Ar. māta "to die"; Eg.: mwt "to die", m w t , myt, mt "death"; Berb.: Tam, mmә t "to die"; Cush.: PSam *amut "to die"; PChad.: *mә tә "to die". I. PAA *mә ­/*ma­ "who?, which?, what?": Sem.: Hebr. ml "who?", ma "what?"; Eg.: m "who?, what?"; Berb.:. Tarn. m­ay "who?, which?, what?"; PSC: *ma "what?"; PChad.: *mi/*mә "what?". 7.5. THE DENTALS Semitic correspondences: Akkadian Ugaritic t t d d n n Hebrew l\l ld/ /n/ Aramaic /t/ lu/ /n/ Arabic ESA [ Ethiopie /t/ /d/ t t d d n n /t/ /n/ THE PROTO­AFROASIATIC CONSONANT SYSTEM 145 It is quite evident that Proto­Semitic had *t, *d, *t', and *n. In Hebrew and Aramaic, /t/ and /d/ have the non­phonemic allophones / / and /р/ respectively (cf. Moscati 1964:§8.10). In Akkadian, Hebrew, and Epigraphic South Arabian, n becomes m in mimation (cf. Diakonoff 1965:28, note 2, and 61­62; Moscati 1964:96­100). Afroasiatic correspondences: Proto­ Proto­ AA Proto­ Semitic Ancient Egypt. Berber ECush. Proto­ SCush. Proto­ Chadic t t t t t t, t d d d d d d d t' t' d n n n n n n t' n The data from the remaining Afroasiatic branches leave no doubt that Proto­Afroasiatic had the dentals *t, *d, *t, and *n. Secondary palatalization of the dentals before front vowels is a widespread phenomenon, being especially common in the Semitic languages of Ethiopia and Chadic. 7.6. EXAMPLES OF THE DENTALS 7.6.1. PAA *t: A. "to burn, be hot": Eg.: tp "to burn; PAA *tә p­/*tap­ flame, fire"; Chad.: Hausa "to boil, bring to boil". B. PAA *tdr­/*tar­ "to shake, tremble": Sem.: Ar. tartara "to shake, be shaken, tremble"; Eg.: Copt. trre "to become afraid"; PSC: *tarar­ "to tremble, shake". C. PAA *tә l­/*tal­ "to lift, raise, elevate": Sem.: Ar. tall "hill, elevation"; Eg.: tn "to raise, elevate"; Cush.: Oromo tullu "hill, hunch"; PSC: *tol­ "to rise off the ground". 146 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC D. PAA *tә r­/*tar­ "to be dry, arid, dusty": Sem.: Ar. tariba "to become dusty", taraza "to be hard, dry, arid"; PSC: *teri "dust". E. PAA *tә k'­/*tak'­ "to touch, push, strike": Eg.: tq "to touch, "to cut, slay, strike"; PEC: *tak'­/*tuk'­ push, strike". F. PAA *tә m­/*tam­ "to finish, be finished": Sem.: Ar. taruma "to be or become complete, completed, finished, done"; Eg.: tm "to finish, complete, end". 7.6.2. PAA *d: A. "to stick together, join": Sem.: Ar. PAA *dә b­/*dab­ dabala "to unite"; Aram. dә ßak "to stick together, join"; Cush.: PSam *dab­ "to plait". B. PAA *dә y­/*day­ "to look at, consider, examine": Sem.: Hebr. dīn "to judge"; Eg.: dny "to question, interro­ gate"; PEC: *dey­/*doy­ "to look at"; PSC: *dā­ "to look at". C. PAA *dә w­/*daw­ "to sound, make a loud noise": Sem.: Ar. dawā "to sound, resound, echo, drone"; Eg.: dwi dwy "to call, cry out". D. PAA *dә m­/*dam­ "blood; red": Sem.: Ar. dam "blood"; Berb.: Tarn. p1. i­damm­en "blood"; Cush.: Saho duma "red"; PSC: *dima "red"; Chad.: Maha dom "blood". E. PAA *dә b­/*dab­ "back, tail": Sem.: Ar. dubr "rump, backside, buttocks, back, rear part, end, tail"; PEC: *dab­/*dib­/*dub­ "back, tail". 7.6.3. PAA *t': A. PAA *t'ә w­/*t'aw­ "to lengthen, make long": Sem.: Ar. tāla "to become long"; Eg.: dwn "to stretch out, extend, reach out". B. PAA *t'ә y­/*t'ay­ "to fly; bird": Sem.: Ar. tāra "to fly", tair "birds, bird"; PChad.: *dә y­ "bird*. C. PAA *t'ә b­/*t'ab­ "to cover": Sem.: Ar. tabaka "to cover, cover up"; PEC: *dib­ "to cover, bury"! THE PROTO­AFROASIATIC CONSONANT SYSTEM 147 D. PAA *t'ә b­/*t'ab­ "to slay, slaughter": "to slaughter, sacrifice"; Eg.: slay, kill", "slaughter". E. PAA "to thrust into, pierce": Sem.: Ar. ta'ana "to thrust, pierce"; PSC: "to thrust into, penetrate". F. PAA *t'ә ħ­/*t'aħ­ "to grind, crush": Sem.: Ar. "to grind, mill"; PSC: "to grind, crush, wear out, wear down". 7.6.4. Sem.: Akk. "to stab, PÂA *n: A. "to sprinkle": Sem.: Ar. "to PAA *nә t'­/*nat>­ dribble, trickle, drip"; Eg.: ndf "to sprinkle, mois­ ten" . B. PAA *nә k­/*nak­ "to strike, smite": Sem.: Eth. nakaya "to harm, injure"; Eg.: nk "to smite, attack, injure"; Berb.: Tarn. "to kill". C. PAA *nә f­/*naf­ "to breathe, blow": Sem.: Akk. napāšu "to breathe"; Ar. "to blow, breathe, puff up, inflate", nafata "to sneeze", 'anf "nose"; Eg.: nf "air, wind, breath",'nfy "to breathe, blow at"; Berb.: Tarn. ss­unfә s "to breathe"; PEC: *nass­/*ness­ ( *nafs­/ *nefs­) "to breathe, rest". D. PAA *nә g­/*nag­ "to strike, split, pierce": Sem.: Ar. nağala "to strike, split, pierce"; Hebr. "to strike, smite", "to push, thrust, gore"; Eg.: ng, ng', "to strike, smite, cut off, cut open, hew, slay, crush". E. PAA *nә b­/*nab­ "to burn, flame up": Sem.: Akk. nab lu "flame"; Eg.: nbi "to burn, flame up", n b i ­ t "flame, fire". 7.7. THE DENTAL AFFRICATES The Semitic correspondences seem to indicate that a series of s i b i l a n t s should be reconstructed here f o r Proto­Semitic, and, as a matter of f a c t , s i b i l a n t s are posited in the standard handbooks (cf. Bergsträsser 1928:4; Brockelmann 1908:128­36; Gray 1934:8; Moscati 148 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC There is some e v i ­ 1964:33­37; O'Leary 1923:53­62; Wright 1890:57­64). dence, however, that t h i s series was o r i g i n a l l y composed of dental a f f r i ­ cates ( c f . Cohen 1947:141, 143, and 145; Diakonoff 1965:20­21 and 1974: 595; Faber 1981:233­62; Martinet 1975[1953]:253­54): This does not mean that the independent existence of s i b i l a n t s in the Semitic parent language is to be excluded. On the contrary, in addi­ t i o n to the dental a f f r i c a t e s , Proto­Semitic must also have had, at the very l e a s t , the s i b i l a n t s *s and * š . Semitic correspondences: Akkadian Ugaritic s s /s/ /s/ z z /z/ Izl Hebrew 1 Aramaic ESA Ethiopic /s/ s3 s /z/ z z Arabic The primary evidence f o r e a r l i e r dental a f f r i c a t e s comes from Hebrew and Akkadian ( c f . Diakonoff 1965:20­21). sibilant, F i r s t , the emphatic is t r a d i t i o n a l l y pronounced as a dental a f f r i c a t e in Hebrew, and, as noted by Cantineau (1952:83), t h i s pronunciation is not a recent or secondary development. Next, i t is now known that the H i t t i t e cuneiform syllabary was borrowed at the beginning of the second millennium B.C. d i r e c t l y from the form of Old Akkadian then w r i t t e n in Northern Syria ( c f . Gamkrelidze 1968:91­92) and not from Hurrian as previously thought ( c f . Sturtevant 1951 :§5). The H i t t i t e syllabary contains signs that are t r a n s l i t e r a t e d with a z but which, in f a c t , represent the dental a f f r i c a t e ( c f . Sturtevant 1951 :§25). This seems to indicate that the <z> of Old Akkadian was pronounced as an a f f r i c a t e ( c f . Martinet 1975[1953]:254). Also worth noting is the f a c t that H i t t i t e employed the cuneiform signs containing š to repre­ sent / s / ( c f . Sturtevant 1951:§50). Since the Akkadian cuneiform syllabary contained signs t r a d i t i o n a l l y t r a n s l i t e r a t e d with s in addi­ t i o n to those t r a n s l i t e r a t e d with š, we must conclude that the H i t t i t e s THE PROTO­AFROASIATIC CONSONANT SYSTEM 149 chose the latter signs because they were closer to their sibilant than the former. We may venture a guess that the Hittites chose the s­signs because the s­signs represented affricates in Akkadian at the time when they adopted the cuneiform writing system. This conclusion is supported by the Hurrian evidence, where the cuneiform signs with <z> and <s> are used to denote affricates (cf. Diakonoff 1965:21). Additional evidence for affricate pronunciation comes from Egyp­ tian material dating from the second millennium B.C. In transcribing Semitic words and names, Egyptian fairly consistently uses _ for s in the Semitic words and for z and in the Semitic words (for examples, cf. Albright 1934:33­67). Finally, Cantineau (1952:83) and Cohen (1947:145) briefly mention the fact that is mostly pronounced as either an affricate or as a dental stop in the Semitic languages of Ethiopia. In the other branches of Afroasiatic, sibilants, affricates, and dentals correspond to Proto­Semitic (cf. Cohen 1947: 141­47; Diakonoff 1965:26). The developments found in all branches of Afroasiatic can best be accounted for by reconstructing a series of dental affricates for Proto­Afroasiatic (cf. Cohen 1968:1304). It may be noted that this series is well preserved in Southern Cushitic and that it has even endured unaltered to the present day in Dahalo (cf. Ehret 1980:33). Finally, affricates have also arisen through secon­ dary developments in all branches of Afroasiatic. Afroasiatic correspondences: Proto­ AA Proto­ Semitic Ancient Egypt. Berber Proto­ ECush. s s (?) s z z (?) (?) Proto­ SCush. Proto­ Chadic s z z d1 d (?) 150 7.8. TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC EXAMPLES OF THE DENTAL AFFRICATES 7.8.1. PAA PAA ­ "to bend, turn, twist, cover": Sem.: Hebr. sāXaX "to screen, cover, thatch; to plait, interweave", sāXar "to shut up, stop up"; Eg.: sk "to cover, dress"; PSC: "hard shell of an animal", "crab". 7.8.2. PAA A. PAA "to blow, play a wind instrument": Sem.: Ar. zamara "to blow, play (a wind instrument)"; Eg. zb', "to play the flute", zbt "flute". B. PAA "to gush forth": Sem.: Akk. zarāmu "to overwhelm"; Hebr. zāram "to pour forth in floods, flood away"; Eg.: zrm "flood, torrent". C. PAA "to cease to exist, pass on, pass away": Sem.: Ar. zata "to disappear, vanish, cease to exist"; Eg.: zw', "to pass, pass on, pass away, remove". D. PAA kazza E. PAA "to sow seed": Sem.: Ar. zara'a "to sow, spread, scatter", zar' "sowing; seed"; Eg.: zr, zri "grain, barley". 7.8.3. A. "to be or become dry": Sem.: Ar. "to become dry, dry up"; PChad.: *kә zә m "thirst". PAA PAA "to Eg.: "to stretch, extend": Sem.: Hebr. advance, prosper"; Ar. "wide, broad"; "to stretch, extend, draw out, reach out towards", "to reach out towards"; PEC: "to exceed, be long(er)". B. PAA broil, fry"; PEC: C. PAA "to burn": Sem.: Ar. "charcoal". "to roast, "to slap, hit, stun": Sem.: Ar. "to strike down with lightning; destroy, hit, THE PROTO­AFROASIATIC CONSONANT SYSTEM 151 slay; to stun, stupefy"; Eg.: d'd' "to beat, strike"; PSC: ­ "to slap". 7.9. THE PALATALIZED ALVEOLARS Semitic correspondences: Akkadian Ugaritic Hebrew Aramaic Arabic ESA Ethiopië š /š/ τ /z/ v I l n /t/ τ /d/ v /ţ/ /t/ ' ldl // t d s z z s t d ţ Moscati (1964:27­30) reconstructs interdentals (IPA [ e ] , [ ] , and [ e ' ] ) f o r Proto­Semitic on the basis of the Arabic reflexes. (1952:81­82) reconstructs "apicales 'à pointe basse'". Cantineau He notes: "Mais i l est d i f f i c i l e de décider s ' i l s ' a g i s s a i t dès le sémitique de vraies spirantes ou d'affriquées à implosion occlusive e t à dénouement s p i r a n t . " F i n a l l y , Cohen (1968:1304) and Martinet (1975[1953]:257-58) posit palat a l s , which Martinet writes *; ' , * , and * ' . Martinet come the closest to the t r u t h . In my opinion, Cohen and I believe that the developments found in the Semitic daughter languages can best be explained by recons t r u c t i n g a series of palatalized alveolar stops f o r Proto-Semitic: *tv, , and * t ' Y . The oldest Akkadian may have preserved t h i s series. Gelb (1961:35-39), Akk. Š3 corresponds to Hebr. According to and Ar. t, while š4 may correspond to Hebr. z and Ar. d. Š3 and Š4 are d i s t i n c t from š1 and Š2, which represent PSem. *š and 35). respectively ( c f . Gelb 1961: Cf. here also Diakonoff 1965:21, note 25. In the other branches of A f r o a s i a t i c , palato-alveolar a f f r i c a t e s , dentals, and palatalized alveolar stops correspond to Proto-Semitic *dy, and * t ' Y . *ty, The cumulative evidence leaves l i t t l e doubt that a series of palatalized alveolar stops should also be reconstructed f o r Proto-Afroasiatic ( c f . Cohen 1968:1304). 152 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC Afroasiatic correspondences: Proto­ AA Proto­ Semitic Ancient Egypt. Berber Proto­ ECush. Proto­ SCush. Proto­ Chadic ty tv t t t ty c (?) y y d t'Y 7.10. dY d d d d t'Y d d, t d1 t'y (?) (?) EXAMPLES OF THE PALATALIZED ALVEOLARS 7.10.1. PAA *t Y : A. PAA *tyə b­/*tvàb­ "to break, smash, destroy": Sem.: Ar. tabara "to destroy, ruin"; Eg.: tbb "to break in, smash". B. PAA *tvam(a)n­ "eight": Sem.: Ar. tamāniya, tamānin "eight"; Berb.: Tashelhit ttam "eight"; Tuareg ə t t â m "eight"; PEC: *tom(m)an­, *tomn­ "ten". C. "stalk, stem": Sem.: Ar. tumām "a PAA *tyə m­/*tyam­ grass"; PSC: *tyām­ "stalk, stem". 7.10.2. PAA *d y : A. PAA *dyə b­/*dyab­ "to kill, slaughter": Sem.: Ar. dabaha "to kill, slaughter"; Eg.: db "to stab, pierce". B. PAA *dyar ­ "a kind of tree": Eg.: dnw "a kind of tree"; Cush.: Kambata dana "a kind of tree". C. PAA *dyə r­/*dyar­ "to strew, scatter": Sem.: Ar. darra "to strew, scatter, spread", darā "to disperse, scatter"; PEC: *dar ­ "ashes". D. "hand, arm": Sem.: Ar. dirā' "arm, fore­ PAA *dyə r­ arm"; Eg.: dr­t "palm of the hand", dri­t "hand". 7.10.3. PAA *t'Y: THE PROTO­AFROASIATIC CONSONANT SYSTEM 7.11. 153 A. PAA * t ' Y ə r ­ / * t ' y a r ­ " t o be firm, s o l i d " : Sem.: Akk. sarbatu " t r e e " ; Harsüsi darb "wood, p i e c e of wood, peg"; Ar. zurriba " t o become h å r d , s t r o n g ; to be firm, s o l i d " ; E g . : ' dri "hard, firm". B. PAA * t ' y ə Z ­ / * t ' y a Z ­ " t o overshadow, cover over, make dark": Sem.: Ar. zalla " t o shade, overshadow", zalima " t o be or grow dark"; E g . : d',r', " t o cover"; Cush'.: Beja duluma " d a r k n e s s " ; Agaw č'aZaZ " t o give shade", č'alam " t o be dark"; Chad.: N. Bauchi Ch. *dlm "dark­ ness" . C. PAA *t'yə fr­ " f i n g e r n a i l " : Sem.: Ar. zifr, zufr " n a i l , " f i n g e r n a i l " ; Cush.: f i n g e r n a i l " ; B e r b . : Tarn, a­tfə r y Agaw č'iffə r " f i n g e r n a i l " ; PSC: *t' afar­ " n a i l , claw". THE SIBILANTS Semitic correspondences: Akkadian Ugaritic s s š š Hebrew Aramaic /s/ /š/ /s/ /š/ Arabic ESA Ethiopic /s/ s3 s /s/ s1 S The Semitic s i b i l a n t s have been the subject of much discussion in recent l i t e r a t u r e ( c f . especially Beeston 1962:222­31 and Faber 1981: 233­62). Though there are many points of agreement among S e m i t i c i s t s , there is s t i l l no consensus on the number of s i b i l a n t s to be reconstruc­ ted f o r Proto­Semitic. The s i b i l a n t s remain one of the most perplexing problems in Semitic comparative­historical phonology. According to the t r a d i t i o n a l reconstruction, Proto­Semitic is as­ sumed to have had the following s i b i l a n t s ( c f . Moscati 1964:33­37): * s , * z , * s , * š , and * ś , to which Diakonoff (1965:21) adds * s . Now, i t seems f a i r l y certain that the t r a d i t i o n a l *s is to be p a r t i a l l y and *z and *s are to be t o t a l l y reinterpreted as the dental a f f r i c a t e s * t s , *dz, and *ts' respectively at the Proto­Semitic level ( c f . section 7.7). Next, following Martinet (1975[1953]:253), *ś is to be reinterpreted as a voiceless l a t e r a l i z e d a f f r i c a t e ( c f . section 7.13). Finally, 154 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC Diakonoff's proposed *s has received l i t t l e support from fellow Semiti­ cists. Thus, of the t r a d i t i o n a l s i b i l a n t s , only *s and * š c a n have any claim to being o r i g i n a l . Certain correspondences between Semitic and the other branches of A f r o a s i a t i c seem to indicate that both *s and *š are to be reconstructed for Proto­Afroasiatic as w e l l . There are other correspondences, how­ ever, which simply do not f i t the expected patterns. A f r o a s i a t i c correspondences: Proto­ AA Proto­ Semitic Ancient Egypt. Berber Proto­ ECush. Proto­ SCush. Proto­ Chadic s s S s s s s š š š, S s š (?) š (?) š 7.12. EXAMPLES OF THE SIBILANTS 7.12.1. PAA *s: A. "to resemble, be like": Sem.: Hebr. PAA *sə m­/*sam­ semel "image, statue"; Eg.: sm,; sm; "to resemble", smt "form, likeness", sm "form, image". B. PAA *sə gl­/*sagl­ "to get, obtain": Sem.: Ar. sagala "to possess many goods"; Hebr. sə yullāh "possession, property"; Ug. sgl "treasure"; Eg.: sd;wt "treasure". C. PAA *sə w­/*saw­ "to drink": Eg.: sw, swi, swr, swri "to drink"; Berb.: Tam, sə w "to drink"; Cush.: Sidamo so "to drink". D. PAA *sə n­ "two": Eg.: (masc.) sn­wy, (fem.) "two"; Berb.: Tam, sin "two". E. PAA *saf­ "seven": Sem.: Ar. sab' "seven"; Eg.: sfh, "seven"; Berb.: Tashelhit (masc.) sa, (fem.) sat "seven". F. PAA *sə n­/*san­ "to smell": Eg.: sn "to smell, kiss", snsn "to breathe", sns "to smell"; PEC: *san­/*sin­/ *son­/*sun­ "nose"; PChad.: * s u n ə "to smell". sn­ty THE PROTO­AFROASIATIC CONSONANT SYSTEM 7.12.2. 7.13. 155 PAA *š: A. "to be safe, well, sound, healthy": PAA *šə l­/*šal­ Sem.: Akk. šalāmu "to be well"; Eg.: snb ( *šnb /š|m/) "to be sound, healthy". B. PAA *šə l­/*šal­ "to take, seize": Sem.: Hebr. š a l d l "to spoil, plunder"; Ar. salaba "to take away, steal, rob, plunder"; Eg.: šrš "to plunder, carry off". C. PAA *nə š­/*naš­ "to breathe, blow": Sem.: Hebr. nāšaφ "to blow", nāšam "to breathe, inhale, pant, gasp"; Eg.: nšp "to breathe, inhale"; PEC: *nesf­ "breath, soul". D. PAA *šə m­/*šam­ "to be hot": Sem.: Akk. šamšu "sun"; Eg.: šm, šmm "to be hot", šm, šmw "summer". E. PAA *šə m­/*šam­ "to hear": Sem.: Hebr. šāma' "to hear"; PChad. : *šə mi "ear". F. PAA *šə m­ "name": Sem.: Hebr. šēm "name"; Akk. šumu "name"; Berb.: Tam. ism "name"; PChad.: *šə m "name". G. "root": Sem.: Akk. šuršu "root"; PAA *šə r­/*šar­ PChad.: *šar­ "root". H. PAA *šə n­/*šan­ "tooth": Sem.: Akk. šinnu "tooth"; Berb.: Tam. ə s i n "tooth"; PChad.: *šan(­) "tooth". THE LATERALIZED AFFRICATES Semitic correspondences: Akkadian Ugaritic Hebrew Aramaic š š /š/ /s/ / / /'/ Arabic /š/ ESA Ethiopic S2 š // The Modern South Arabian languages contain the fricative laterals /ł/ and / / (cf. Johnstone 1975:§2.1.3; Steiner 1977:20). The voice­ less fricative lateral /ł/ corresponds to sibilants in the other Semitic languages. In Hebrew, however, a special character, adapted from šin 156 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC and t r a n s l i t e r a t e d as ś, appears i n words whose cognates i n the South Arabian languages contain f r i c a t i v e l a t e r a l s ( c f . Moscati 1964: 8.29). The evidence of Hebrew, coupled with that of the South Arabian languages, makes i t seem l i k e l y that Proto­Semitic contained the voice­ less l a t e r a l i z e d a f f r i c a t e ( c f . Martinet 1975[1953]:253). Canti­ neau (1952:84­87) and Steiner (1977:155­56), however, would rather posit a voiceless f r i c a t i v e l a t e r a l * f o r Proto­Semitic. The o r i g i n a l pronunciation of the Arabic sound t r a n s l i t e r a t e d as can be determined by the testimony of the native grammarians ( c f . d Steiner 1977:57­67) and from the evidence of loanwords in other lan­ guages ( c f . Steiner 1977:68­91). In a l l p r o b a b i l i t y , this sound was o r i g i n a l l y a voiced emphatic f r i c a t i v e l a t e r a l ( c f . Steiner 1977:64­65). This sound can be derived from e i t h e r an e a r l i e r g l o t t a l i zed a f f r i c a t e ( c f . Cohen 1968:1304­05; Martinet 1975[1953]:253) or an e a r l i e r g l o t t a l i z e d f r i c a t i v e l a t e r a l * ' ( c f . Steiner 1977:155­56). Either reconstruction can also account for the developments found in the other Semitic daughter languages. According to Cohen (1968:1304­05), voiceless and g l o t t a l i z e d l a t e r ­ alized a f f r i c a t e s should also be reconstructed f o r Proto­Afroasiatic. Afroasiatic correspondences: Proto­ AA 7.14. Proto­ Semitic Ancient Egypt. Berber Proto­ ECush. Proto­ SCush. Proto­ Chadic š, s s l ł ł d ? ď ? EXAMPLES OF THE LATERALIZED AFFRICATES 7.14.1. PAA A. PAA ruler,prince": "to be highborn, noble; chieftan, Sem.: Hebr. śar "chieftan, chief, THE PROTO­AFROASIATIC CONSONANT SYSTEM 157 ruler, prince"; Akk. sarru "king"; Ar. sarufa "to be highborn, noble"; Eg.: sr"prince, chief, ruler, nobleman". B. PAA "to hook up, hang": Sem.: Ar. san­ kala ,"to hook~up", sanaka "to hang"; Chad.: N. Bauchi Ch. *t±ang­ "to hang". C. PAA "to become a youth, grow, mature": Sem.: Ar. saraha "to become a youth, mature, grow up"; Eg.: šri "boy, son", srr "boy, youth, young man". D. PAA : "to harm, injure, destroy": Sem.: Ar. sarra "to* be vicious, bad, evil, wicked"; Eg.: srsk "to destroy". E. PAA burn";'Eg.: s'rf "to burn": Sem.: Hebr. śāraφ "to (*­ *srf) "to be hot; heat, flame, fire". F. PAA "to put, place, be put": Sem.: Hebr. śim "to put, place, set"; Eg.: sym­t "place, house, shrine, building". G. PAA "to be hot, make hot; to be dry, arid": Sem.: Ar. šawā "to broil, grill, roast"; Eg.: sw "fire, heat", swy "to be dry, arid, hot", šwi "drought, heat"; Berb.: Tam, zwu "to be dried by air". H. PAA "to tie, bind": Sem.: Ar. sadda "to fasten, tie, bind; to be or become firm, fast, solid, hard, strong"; Eg.: sd "to tie up in linen, swathe a mummy; cord, bandage". I. PAA "to hasten, flee": Sem.: Hebr. śārað lfto escape"; Ar. sarada "to run away, flee"; Eg.: srs "to hasten, flee". J. PAA "to cut": Sem.: Ar. šataba "to cut into slices", šarada "to halve, divide into two (equal) parts, cut off, sever, cut through"; Eg.: sd "slaughter, killing", šdšd "to kill, overthrow". K. PAA ap­ "lip": Sem.: Hebr. śāφāh "lip"; Ar. safa "lip"; Eg.: spty («­ *špty) "the two lips". L. PAA ə f ­ / * t i a f ­ "to cure, make well, restore to health, heal": Sem.T Ar. šafā "to cure, heal, make well"; PSC: afi "health, breath, life". 158 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC M. PAA ­ "to wash, clean": Sem.: Ar. šatafa "to rinse, clean with water, wash"; PSC: ad­ "to clean up". N. PAA ­/*" ­ "to stab, pierce": Sem.: Ar. šakka "to pierce, impale, prick, stab"; Hebr. śukkāh "barb, spear"; PSC: ­ "to stab, pierce". 7.14.2. PAA : A. am­ "to join together": Sem.: Akk. PAA ­/* 'am­ samadu "to yoke, harness"; Ar. damma "to bring together, samääu join"; Eg.: dmm "to unite with", dm\ dm; "to bind, tie together", dmi dmi "to join, bring together", dmd dmd "to add to, unite with". B. PAA ə w­/ 'aw­ aw­ "to harm, injure": Sem.: Ar. dära "to harm, injure, damage"; Eg.: dw;y­t "death, destruc­ tion"; PEC: *daw­ 'aw­ "to hit, strike". 7.15. THE GUTTURALS Semitic correspondences: Akkadian Ugaritic k k g g ESA Ethiopic /k/ k k /g/ / / g g Hebrew Aramaic Arabic /k/ /k/ /g/ /g/ / / / / Proto­Semitic had only a single guttural s e r i e s , the velars *g, and *k' *k, In Hebrew and Aramaic, / k / and / g / have the non­phonemic allophones / x / and / y / respectively ( c f . Moscati 1964: 8.10). PSem. *g has become g in Classical Arabic ( c f . Moscati 1964: 8.42), though i t is retained unchanged in some dialects ( c f . Martinet 1975[1959]: 243­45). A series of velar stops should also be reconstructed f o r Proto­ A f r o a s i a t i c ( c f . Cohen 1947:111­28). Both secondary p a l a t a l i z a t i o n of THE PROTO­AFROASIATIC CONSONANT SYSTEM 159 the velars as well as a tendency toward fricative pronunciation are widespread developments in the Afroasiatic daughter languages. Afroasiatic correspondences: Proto­ AA Proto­ Semitic Ancient Egypt. Berber Proto­ ECush. Proto­ SCush. Proto­ Chadic k k k, t* k k k k, ky g k' g k' g, d* g, Y Y, g k' g k' g, gY q *In Egyptian, k and g became t_ and d respectively before /i/ and /u/ (cf. Diakonoff 1965:28, note 11). In some cases, gutturals in the Cushitic branch correspond to sibi­ lants in the Semitic languages and to affricates in Egyptian (cf. Ver­ güte 1971:44). These examples can be accounted for by reconstructing a series of palatalized velars for Proto­Afroasiatic: *ky, *g y , and *k' y . In Proto­Semitic, this series first developed into the dental affricates and ' respectively. These newly­formed dental affricates then merged completely with the previously­existing dental affricates (cf. section 7.7), and the subsequent development of these two series was identical. In Egyptian, on the other hand, the palatalized velars merged with the palatalized alveolars (cf. section 7.9). Finally, in Cushitic, the palatalized velars merged with the plain velars. Afroasviatic correspondences: 160 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC In addition to the above correspondences, which make i t seem prob­ able that Proto­Afroasiatic had both plain and palatalized v e l a r s , there are s t i l l other correspondences which point to the existence of a series of labiovelars in Proto­Afroasiatic ( c f . Cohen 1968:1303; Cohen 1947: 129­30): * k w , *gw and *k'w. Although the labiovelars were l o s t in the Semitic branch, having merged with the plain v e l a r s , t h e i r former pres­ ence can be ascertained by the fact t h a t , in primary nominal stems, they, along with the l a b i a l s , caused a following e a r l i e r *ə to be r a i s e d , backed, and rounded to *u ( c f . Diakonoff 1970:456 and 464 and 1975:135 and 141): *k w ə *gwə , * k ' w ə ­> *ku, *gu, *k'u. The labiovelars were preserved in Proto­Southern Cushitic ( c f . Ehret 1980:23­36) and Proto­ Chadic ( c f . Newman 1977:11). Afroasiatic correspondences: Proto­ AA Proto­ Semitic Ancient Egypt. Berber Proto­ ECush. Proto­ SCush. Proto­ Chadic kw k k k k kw kw gw g g g, Y k' q Y, gW k'w gW k' g k' 5W ? 7.16. EXAMPLES OF THE GUTTURALS 7.16.1. PAA *ky: "to lift, raise": Sem.: Hebr. sālal "to PAA *kyə l­/*kyal­ lift up", sālā' "to weigh", sālāh "to weigh, balance"; Eg.: tn "to lift up, raise". 7.16.2. PAA V : A. PAA *wə gy­/*wagY­ "to bear, carry, weigh": Sem.: Ar. wazara "to carry", wazana "to weigh"; Eg.: wdn (<­ *wdn) "to be heavy; weight". THE PROTO­AFROASIATIC CONSONANT SYSTEM 161 B. PAA *hə gyn­/*hagyn­ "to make sad, grieve": Sem.: Ar. hazana "to make sad, sadden, grieve"; Eg.: hdnw "to be overweighted, oppressed, disheartened, vexed, angry". C. "to gird, enclose": Sem.: Ar. zarra PAA *gyə r­/*gyar­ "to button up", "azara "to surround"; Eg.: dri "to con­ strain, enclose, fortify; wall, fort". D. PAA *gyə b­/*gyab­ "to bestow upon, give": Sem.: Ar. zabada "to bestow upon, give"; Eg.: db, db\; "to supply, furnish with, equip, provide". E. PAA *gyə b­/*gyab­ "to grow thick": Sem.: Ar. zibbir "very strong, powerful", zubb, zubr "penis"; PSC: *gab­ "stout, strong, thick". 7.16.3. PAA *k'y: A. PAA *k'yə b­ "finger": Sem.: Ar. subā' "finger, toe"; Eg.: db' "finger"; Berb.: Tam, a'­dad "finger"; Cush.: Beja giba "finger"; Bilin č ' i b i ' "finger"; PEC: *k'ub­ "finger". B. PAA *k*yə l­/*k'yal­ "to be bald; head": sali'a "to be bald"; Eg.: d;d; "head". C. PAA *k'yə n­/*k'yan­ "to bend or fold together, crack, split, divide": Sem.: Hebr. sānaφ "to wrap, wind up, wind together"; Ar. sannafa "separate, sort"; Eg.: dnp "to cut, divide"; PEC: *k'anin­ "to bite". For the semantic development, cf. Buck 1949:§4.58. Sem.: Ar. 7.16.4. PAA *k: A. PAA *kə p­/*kap­ "to take, seize; palm, hand": Sem.: Akk. kappu "hand"; Eg.: kp "to seize; hollow of the hand or foot"; PSC: *klp­ "handle". B. PAA *kə r­/*kar­ "to cut": Sem.: Hebr. kāraθ "to cut off, cut down"; PSC: *kur­ "to mince". C. PAA *ker­/*kar­ "dog": PEC: *ker­ "dog"; PChad.: *kə r­ "dog". D. PAA *kə n­/*kan­ "dog"; PSC: *kari "to make right": Sem.: Hebr. kun "to TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC 162 be correct, right, proper, firm, established, clear"; PChad.: *kə nə "to cure". The Semitic root was origin­ ally biconsonantal: *k­n­ (cf. Diakonoff 1965:33­34). E. 7.16.5. PAA *kə /*ka "you": Sem.: Ar. affixed personal pronouns (masc, sg.) ­ka, (fem, sg.) ­ki "you"; Eg.: (sg.) tw "you"; PEC: *ki/*ku "you"; PSC: (masc, sg.) *ku, (fem, sg.) *ki "your"; Chad.: Hausa (masc, sg.) kai, (fem, sg.) ke, (pl.) ku "you, your". PAA *g: A. PAA *gə b­/*gab­ "highest point, pinnacle": Sem.: Ar. gabln, gabha "forehead, brow", gabal "mountain"; Ug. gb' "hill"; PEC: *gub­ "mountain"; PSC: *gab­ "above, up, on". B. PAA *gor­/*gar­ "to grow old": PEC: *ger ­ "to become old"; PChad.: *garə "to grow old". C. PAA *gə y­/*gay­ "to arrive": Sem.: Ar. gā'a "to come, get, reach, arrive"; PEC: *gay­ "to arrive". D. "to belch, burp": Sem.: Ar. gaša'a PAA *gə ti­/*gati­ "to belch, burp"; Harsüsi geśo "to belch"; PChad.: *g y a±ə "to belch". E. PAA *gə nh­/*ganh­ "wing": dnh "wing". 7.16.6. Sem.: Ar. ganāh "wing"; Eg.: PAA *k': A. "to get, acquire, beget": Sem.: Ar. PAA *kJə n­/*k'an­ kanā "to get, acquire, create"; Eg.: qn, qni "to be strong, make strong, have power over, possess, over­ come" . B. PAA *k' ə n ­ / * k ' a m ­ "to weep, lament": Sem.: Harsüsi ektomeh "to be in despair"; Eg.: qm;t "to lament, groan, moan", qmd, qmd "to weep, wail, lament". C. PAA *k' ə m ­ / * k ' am­ "to cut": Eg.: omit "to cut, wound"; PEC: *k'om­ "to chew, bite, eat". D. PAA *k'ə w­/*k'aw­ "to make a round hole in": Sem.: Ar. THE PROTO­AFROASIATIC CONSONANT SYSTEM 163 kāra "to make a round hole in, gouge, scoop, hollow out"; PEC: *k' ­ "a hole". E. PAA *k'ə b­/*k'ab­ "to seize, take": Sem.: Ar. kabada "to seize, take, grab, grasp, grip"; PEC: *k'ab­ "to catch, have"; PSC: *k'ab­ "to restrain". F. PAA *k'ə b­/*k'ab­ "to be cool, cold": Eg.: qbh "to cool, be cool; coolness"; PEC: *k'ab­ "cold". G. "to be or become little, insignificant, PAA *k'ə l­/*k'al­ scarce": Sem.: Ar. kalla "to be or become little, few, scarce, insignificant"; PEC: *k'all­ "thin, insignifi­ cant" . H. PAA *k'aš­ "bone": Eg.: "bone, body, skele­ ton"; PChad.: *' "bone" (Hausa k ' a s h i "bone"). I. PAA *k'ə r­/*k'ar­ "to cut": Sem.: Ar. karada "to cut, sever, gnaw, nibble, bite, eat", karasa "to gnash, grind (one's teeth), nibble, crunch, chew", kavama "to gnaw, bite"; PEC: *k'er­/*k'ür­ "to cut"; PSC: *k'ēr­ "to cut (meat)", *k'ar­ "circumcized person". 7.16.7. PAA *kw: A. PAA *kwen­ "three". B. PAA *kwə l­/*kwal­ "kidney": Sem.: Ar. kulya PEC: *kal­ "kidney"; PSC: *kwal­ "kidney". "five": PEC: *ken­ "five"; PChad.: *k(w)ə n­ "kidney"; 7.16.8. PAA *gw: PAA *gwə r­/*gwar­ "rat": Sem.: Ar. gurad "large rat"; Berb.: Sous ayə rda "rat"; Cush.: PSam *gir "ral ; PRift *gwara "rat"; Chad.: N. Bauchi Ch. *gw­r­ "rat, bandicoot". 7.16.9. PAA *k'w: A. * PAA Ar. "to "to *k'wə t'­/*k'wat'­ "to cut, carve, shape": Sem.: katta "to carve, cut, trim, clip, pare"; Eg.: qd build, fashion, form, mold, construct"; PEC: cut"; PSC: *k'wat'­ "to shape, mold, fashion". 164 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC B. 7.17. PAA *k' W ə ­/*k'wa ­ "to cure": Sem.: Ar. kaљkaљa "to cure"; PSC: *k'wa ­ "doctor­diviner" (East Cush. cognate: Ororno qalu [cf. Ehret 1980:268]). GLIDES AND LIQUIDS Semitic correspondences: There can be no question that Proto­Semitic had *w, *y, *l, and *r. The l i q u i d s are well preserved in the Semitic daughter languages, but the glides are subject to various modifications: In l a t e r Akkadian, the glides were l o s t i n i t i a l l y ( c f . Moscati 1964:§8.63; O'Leary 1923: 66­67), while in U g a r i t i c , Hebrew, and Aramaic, i n i t i a l *w mostly became y ( c f . Gray 1934:19, §27; Moscati 1964:§8.64; O'Leary 1923:65­67). The glides *w and *y and the l i q u i d s *l and *r are also to be re­ constructed f o r Proto­Afroasiatic. A f r o a s i a t i c correspondences: Proto­ AA Proto­ Semitic Ancient Egyptian Berber Proto­ ECush. Proto­ SCush. Proto­ Chadic w w w u, w w w w y l y l ì, y i, l y l y l y n, r, ; ì r r r r r r r, ; y ? Ancient Egyptian did not have separate signs for /I/. There can THE PROTO­AFROASIATIC CONSONANT SYSTEM 165 be no doubt, however, that /I/ existed as an independent phonemic entity since it occurs as such in the later Coptic. In Egyptian, /I/ was writ­ ten with the signs <n>, <r>, <;>, and <i> , * l u ­ [cf. Diakonoff 1974:595]). Finally, *­r at the end of a syllable became <;> in Egyp­ tian. 7.18. EXAMPLES OF THE GLIDES 7.18.1. PAA *w: A. PAA *way "woe!": Sem.: Ar. wai "woe!, shame!"; Eg.: wy "woe!"; Chad.: Hausa wâi "woe!". B. PAA ' ­ "to call, shout": Sem.: Ar. wa'wa'a "to howl, yelp, bark, bay"; Eg.: w'; "to cry out, con­ jure, curse, blaspheme"; PEC: ­ "to shout, call, invite"; PSC: ­ "to curse, revile"; PChad.: *wa "to call". 7.18.2. PAA *y: A. PAA (y)­ "who?, which?, what?": Sem.: Ar. 'ayy "which?, what?"; PEC: (y)­ "who, which". B. PAA *yə m­/*yam­ "right side": Sem.: Ar. yamin "right side, right hand"; Eg.: imn "right side, western"; Chad.: Hausa yâmmq "west". C PAA *yam­ "sea": Sem.: "sea, river". Ar. yamm "open sea"; Eg.: ym 7.19. EXAMPLES OF THE LIQUIDS 7.19.1. PAA *l: A. PAA *lə s­/*las­ "tongue": Sem.: Akk. lišānu Eg.: ns /Iš/) "tongue"; Copt, las Tam, irs (<­*ils) "tongue". "tongue"; "tongue"; Berb.: 166 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC PAA *lə b­ "heart, middle, interior": Sem.: Ar. lubb "heart, mind"; Eg.: ib "heart, middle, interior, sense, wisdom, mind"; Berb.: Tam, ul "heart"; PSC: *lib­ or *lib­ "heart". B. 7.19.2. PAA *r: PAA *rə k­/*rak­ "to twist, turn, bind": "to bind"; PSC: *rak­ "to turn". 7.20. Sem.: Akk. rakāsu GLOTTAL STOP AND GLOTTAL AND PHARYNGEAL FRICATIVES Semitic correspondences: ESA Ethiopic /'/ ' ' /h/ /h/ h h / / / / / / y /'/ y /'/ ' ' / / / / h h y /'/ y /'/ Akkadian Ugaritic ', ų ', ų ', ų ', ų ' /'/ /'/ h /h/ ', ų ' h Aramaic Hebrew Arabic /'/ /ġ/ ġ ' Even though the above correspondences indicate that Proto­Semitic had * ? , *h, * h , *x, and * ( t r a d i t i o n a l l y w r i t t e n ' , h, h, ' , h, and g r e s p e c t i v e l y ) , i t is doubtful that Proto­Afroasiatic had *x and *y ( c f . Cohen 1968:1306). e a r l i e r *h and In Semitic, these sounds were derived from ized velar f r i c a t i v e ) •> *x and In Akkadian, ' tially. *h ­> *xD (voiceless pharyngeal­ respectively, thus: , *h, * h , ­* * ü ­> * ( c f . Colarusso 1981:545). , and *y (but not *x) merged i n t o ' / ? / i n i ­ The former presence of *h and . and sometimes of *h and *y as well can be determined by the fact that they changed a contiguous a i n t o e ( c f . Moscati 1964:§8.45 and §8.54). These same sounds were com­ p l e t e l y l o s t medially between a preceding vowel and a following non­ syllabic. This change caused the vowel to be lengthened (see section THE PROTO­AFROASIATIC CONSONANT SYSTEM 167 2.2 for examples). A similar phenomenon occurs in Arabic, where, accor­ ding to the native grammarians, ' is weakened and even lost with compen­ satory vowel lengthening when the loss takes place between a preceding short vowel and a following consonant ( . Cantineau 1960:79; Moscati 1964:§9.20). In Hebrew and Aramaic, and * have merged into ' / /, and *h and *x have merged into h /h/. Only , *h, *h, and are to be reconstructed for Proto­Afro­ asiatic. Labialized varieties of these sounds may also have existed Diakonoff 1975:142). These sounds were generally preserved in the earlier stages of the Afroasiatic daughter languages, the main exceptions being Berber, where they were completely lost, and Chadic, where they also seem to have been mostly lost. Afroasiatic correspondences: Proto­ AA Proto­ Semitic ? h ħ ? h ħ, x h ,Y ' 7.21. Ancient Egypt. , ì , , h Berber ø ø ø ø Proto­ ECush. Proto­ SCush. Proto­ Chadic ? h ħ ? h ħ ø ø ? ø EXAMPLES OF THE GLOTTAL STOP AND GLOTTAL AND PHARYNGEAL FRICATIVES 7.21.1. PAA A. PAA ə s ­ / * ? a s ­ "to gather; harvest": Sem.: Hebr. 'āsaφ "to gather, collect, remove", 'āsiφ "harvest"; Eg.: ;sh "to reap; sickle". B. PAA *?ə s­/*?as­ "to seize, grasp": Eg.: ;m "to seize, grasp"; Berb.: Tam, amə z "to take, seize, hold"; Cush.: Beja omit, amid "to seize". C. PAA *?ə ry­/*?ary­ "one who belongs to someone or some­ 168 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC thing": Sem.: Ug. ary "kinsman"; Eg.: ivy "one who belongs to someone or something; one who is in charge, keeper; friend, associate, companion". D. PAA *?ə n­ "in": Sem.: Akk. ina "in, on, from, by"; Eg.: in "in, to, for, because, by". E PAA *?ə dYn­ "ear": Sem.: Ar. 'udn "ear"; Eg.: "ear". F. PAA *?ə r­/*?ar­ "to beget, bear": Eg.: ir, iry "to make, do, create, form, fashion, beget, produce"; Berb.: Tam, arew) "to give birth". G. PAA *7ar­ "wild animal": Sem.: Eth. 'arwē "wild beast"; PSC: *?ara "large animal". H. PAA *?ə f­/*?af­ "to burn, bake": Sem.: Ug. ap(y) "to bake"; Eg.: ;fr "to burn, be hot", ;fyt "flame, fire". I. PAA *?ə m­/*?aw­ "mother": Sem.: Ar. 'urnrn "mother"; Berb.: Tam. mma "mother"; PSC: *?āma­ "female, female relative". J. PAA *?ab­ "father": Sem.: Ar. ' ab "father, ancestor, forefather"; Eg.: ;b "father"; Berb.: Tarn, bba "father"; PEC: *? bb­ "father"; PSC: *?aba "father"; Chad.: Hausa uba "father". K. PAA *?ə k­/*?ak­ "to plow, till": Sem.: Ar. 'akara "to plow, till, cultivate"; Eg.: ;kr name of the earth­god. L. PAA *?ə b­/*?ab­ "to want, desire": Sem.: Hebr. 'āßāh "to want, desire, consent, be willing"; Eg.: ;bi "to want, desire". M. PAA *?an­ "I": PSem.: *?an­ā ­> Ar. 'an ā "I"; Akk. anäku "I"; Eg.: ink "I"; Berb.: Tam, nә kk "I"; Cush.: PSam *ani, *an "I"; PSC: *?ani "I". idn 7.21.2. PAA *h: A. PAA *hә w­/*haw­ "to long for, desire": Sem.: Ar. hawiya "to love, desire"; Cush.: Somali hawo "desire, passion". B. PAA *hә r­/*har­ "to become weak, tired": Sem.: Ar. harima "to become senile and decrepit"; Eg.: hry "to THE PROTO­AFROASIATIC CONSONANT SYSTEM 169 be at peace, be content, be satisfied; to rest"; PEC: *har­ "to become tired or weak". C. 7.21.3. "to rest, be calm, be still, be quiet": PAA *hә d­/*had­ Sem.: Ar. hada'a "to be calm, still, quiet, tranquil"; PEC: *hudr­ "sleep". PAA *h: A. PAA * h ә n g ­ * h a n g ­ "throat": Sem.: Ar. hangara "throat"; Eg.: hngg "throat, gullet"; Berb.: Sous anya "palate". B. PAA *hem­/*ham­ "to be sour": Sem.: Ar. hamuda "to be or become sour"; Eg.: hm; "salt"; Cush.: Beja hami "to be sharp, acid". C. PAA *hәr­ "chief, master, superior, noble": Sem.: Ar. hurr "noble, free­born"; Eg.: hry "chief, master, over­ seer, superior". D. PAA *hә w'­/*haw­ "to shine, be bright": Sem.: Hebr. hāwar "to be or grow white"; Eg.: hwy "illumination, light". E. PAA *hə k'­/*nak'­ "to direct, rule, command": Sem.: Hebr. hakak "to decree, enact laws, legislate"; Eg.: hq, hq; "to rule, govern, direct, guide, reign". F. "to cut into, scratch, engrave": Sem.: PAA *hə k'~/*hak>­ Hebr. hakak "to cut in or on, engrave, inscribe", hakah "to cut into, carve"; Ar. hakk "crevice in the ground"; PEC: *hek'­/*hok'­ "to scratch". G. PAA *hant­ "front, front part": Eg.: hnt "face, front part"; Chad.: Hausa hancï "nose". H. "to reach, come to, arrive at, offer": PAA *hə nk­/*hank­ Sem.: Hebr. hānax "to train, teach, educate"; Eg.: hnk "to make an offering, offer, present; to be burdened". I. PAA *hə šb­/*hašb­ "to compute, calculate, reckon": Sem.: Ar. hasaba "to count, compute, reckon"; Hebr. hašaß "to think, account"; Eg.: hsb («­ *hšb) "to compute, calcu­ late, reckon". J. PAA *ham­ "relative, in­law": Sem.: Ar. ham "father­ in­law", hamāh "mother­in­law"; Cush.: Beja hamo "father­ in­law, mother­in­law"; PSC: *hame "father's brother". 170 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC K. 7.21.4. PAA *n82>­/*h¿rr­ "to fall, fall down": Sem.: Ar. harra "to fall, fall down"; Eg.: hr "to fall, fall down . PAA *?: A. PAA ­ "young of an animal": Sem.: Ar. ' i g l "calf"; Eg.: 'g­, 'gn­ placed before several words deal­ ing with cattle. B. PAA , . ­ "to be high, elevated; to rise high; to ascend": Sem.: Ar. 'ala "to be high, elevated; to rise high; to ascend", 'ala "on, upon, on top of, above, over"; Eg.: 'r "t ascend", 'r'r "to rise up, go up, ascend"; Berb.: tam. aley "to climb up, go", al "until, up to"; PEC: ­ "mountain, highland". C. PAA ­ "to drink": Sem.: Ar. 'abba, gabba "to drink, gulp down"; Cush.: PSam *?ab­ "to drink". D. PAA about"; Eg.: E. PAA ­ "to turn, turn back, return": Sem.: Hebr. 'ānāh "to answer, respond"; Eg.: 'n "to turn, return, repeat", 'nn "to return, turn back", 'n'w "to turn back, contradict". F. PAJL , "to be much or many": Sem.: Hebr. 'eser "ten"; Eg.: 'š "much, many, numerous", 's; "to be much or many, be abundant". 'pi ­ "to fly": Sem.: Ar. 'äfa "to fly". "to fly 7.22. THE AFROASIATIC DAUGHTER LANGUAGES We w i l l end this chapter by sketching the phonological systems which have been posited elsewhere f o r Proto­Semitic, Middle Egyptian, Common Berber, Proto­East Cushitic, Proto­Southern Cushitic, and Proto­Chadic. A. Proto­Semitic: The following reconstruction closely follows Martinet (1975[1953]: 248­61) (see also Cantineau 1952:79­94 and 1960:15­17). It differs in many respects from the reconstruction found in the standard THE PROTO­AFROASIATIC CONSONANT SYSTEM 171 handbooks (cf. Bergstrasser 1928:3­6; Brockelmann 1 9 0 8 . I :42­44;Gray 1934:8­10; Moscati 1964:§8.3; 0'Leary 1923:29­30; Zimmern 1898:12). Stops and Affricates : Voiceless: Voiced: P b Glottalized: t ty d y d t5 t'y g k' š X k ? Fricatives: s Voiceless: h ħ Voiced: w Glides: y Resonants: Nasals: m n Rolled: r Lateral: l Vowels: OJI QJ B. i u T ü Middle Egyptian (cf. Callender 1975:8; Vergote 1971:45): Stops and Affricates Aspirated: Unaspirated: Ph P th t f S kh k ? q Fricatives: Voiceless: š ç Voiced: Glides: w y X ħ h 172 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC Resonants: Nasals: m n Rolled: r Lateral: i Vowels: a i u (ə ) ā i u C. Berber: According to Applegate (1971:114­15), "the phonology of the Berber languages is based on the following set of phonemes": b f m t (c) k d (j) g s š (x) z z n r i i u a (h) (?) The phonemes enclosed in parentheses are not widely distributed. Two suprasegmentals are to be added: (A) pharyngealization and (B) increased tension. D. Proto­East Cushitic (cf. Sasse 1979:5): Stops: Voiceless: Voiced: b t k d g d Glottalized: di k' ? Fricatives : Voiceless: Voiced: f s z š (x ?) h ? h THE PROTO­AFROASIATIC CONSONANT SYSTEM Glides: w 173 y Résonants: m Nasals: n Rolled: r Lateral: I Vowels: E. Î e a o u 7 § ä 5 G Proto­Southern Cushitic (cf. Ehret 1980:36­37, 38): Stops and Affricates: Voiceless: Voiced: G l o t t a Prenasalized: Fricatives: Voiceless: Voiced: Prenasalized: Glides: Resonants: Nasals: m n Rolled: r Lateral: I Vowels: l i z e d : ? 174 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC F. Proto­Chadic (cf. Newman 1977:9, 11): Stops: Voiceless : Voiced: Implosive: Fricatives: Voiceless: f Voiced: Glides: s xY s z w y Resonants: Nasals: Rolled: Vowels : m n r (i) (u) e a    x xw 8 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF THE PROTO­AFROASIATIC VOWEL SYSTEM 8.1. THE DAUGHTER LANGUAGES Six vowels are t r a d i t i o n a l l y posited f o r Proto­Semitic ( c f . Moscati 1964:46): i u ˇĪ i a ä Pro­Semitic is also assumed to have had sequences of *a plus *y and *w (cf. Moscati 1964:54­55). The oldest Egyptian (cf. Call ender' 1975: 8­9; Gardiner 1957:428­33; Vergote 1973.Ib:39) and Common Berber (cf. Prasse 1975:223) probably also had vowel systems identical to that posited for Proto­Semitic. Ancient Egyptian may also have had a schwa­ like vowel as well. According to Sasse (1979:5), Proto­East Cushitic had ten vowels: î e o ē ō a ā u i ū According to Ehret (1980:38), Proto­Southern Cushitic had fourteen vowels. Ehret notes, however, that this system may have developed from an earlier six­vowel system similar to that reconstructed for Proto­ Semitic. 17 6 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC Finally, according to Newman (1977:11), "[Proto­Chadic] can be recon­ structed as having had AT MOST four phonemic vowels i ə u, and pos­ sibly only two, ə and a." 8.2. THE SEMITIC DAUGHTER LANGUAGES The developments of the Proto­Semitic vowels in the Semitic daugh­ ter languages are summarized in the following table: PSem. Akkadian Hebrew Aramaic Arabic Ethiopic a a, e, i a, ā, e/ i, ə ə , ə a a ā ā, ē, ī ō ā ā ā i i i, ē, a, ə i, ē i ə i ī, ē ī ī, ē ī u u u, ō, ə u, ō u ū ū, T, ē ū, ō ū ū ū ay ay, ē, ī, ue ay, ē ay, ē ay ay, ē aw, ō aw, ō aw aw, ō aw ū ī ə For details, cf. Brockelmann 1908.I:140­51; Gray 1934:10­12; Moscati 1964:46­55; O'Leary 1923:91­128; Wright 1890:75­94. 8.3. PROTO­AFROASIATIC On the basis of a comparison of the vowel systems reconstructed THE PROTO­AFROASIATIC VOWEL SYSTEM 177 for the various Afroasiatic daughter languages, it would appear that a vowel system identical to that posited for Proto­Semitic is also to be posited for Proto­Afroasiatic as well, at least for the period of development existing immediately prior to the emergence of the daugh­ ter languages. However, when the vocalic patterning is subjected to careful analysis, it becomes clear that such a reconstruction does not represent the most ancient state, although "it seems probable that all Semito­Hamitic [Afroasiatic] languages have gone through the six­vowel stage (a, l, u; ā, i, ū)" (Diakonoff 1965:31, fn. 40). The problems of vocalic patterning — within the larger context of root structure patterning in Proto­Semitic ­­ have recently been investigated by Igor M. Diakonoff (1970:453­80 and 1975:133­51). The following discussion closely follows Diakonoff's views. According to Diakonoff, in non­derivative nominal stems, the vocalic patterning differs from that posited for Proto­Semitic as a whole: 1. There are no original long vowels in non­derivative nominal stems. 2. The vowel *u seems to be in allophonic alternation with the vowel *i, in non­derivative nominal stems, being found mainly before or after the labials *p, *b, and *m, after the gutturals '*k, *g, and *k, (when from earlier *k w , *g w , and * k ' w ) , and occasionally also after the glottal stop *? (perhaps from ear­ lier * ? w [?]). This point leads Diakonoff to suggest that *i and *u are to be derived from a single earlier vocalic en­ tity, which he writes *ə . Diakonoff also notes that unstressed *a could appear as either *a or *i in the Semitic daughter lan­ guages. 3. If a non­derivative nominal stem has the shape *C1VC2C, then either *C 2, or *C 3 is * ? , *y, *w, *m, *n, *l, *,. If it is *C2 that is one of these phonemes, then the vowel is *a. This leads Diakonoff to posit syllabic resonants similar to those reconstructed for Proto­Indo­European (cf. section 2.7). In my opinion, the evidence from the remaining branches of Afro­ asiatic does not appear to support the view that the Afroasi­ atic parent language possessed syllabic resonants. Diakonoff then continues by discussing the ramifications of his theories, 178 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC including the patterning in verbal stems. For our purposes, the most important points made by Diakonoff are as follows: 1. Proto­Afroasiatic had a vertical vowel system — *a, *ə — similar to that reconstructed for Proto­Northwest Caucasian (cf. Colarusso 1975:292­417 and 1981:499­502). 2. There were no long vowels in Proto­Afroasiatic. The long vowels found in the daughter languages are all secondarily derived.    9 COMPARISON OF PROTO­INDO­EUROPEAN AND PROTO­AFROASIATIC 9.1. INTRODUCTION There have been numerous attempts to connect Indo­European with Afroasiatic in some sort of genetic relationship ­ ­ the e f f o r t s of Hermann Möller, Albert Cuny, Linus Brunner, Saul Levin, Vladislav I l l i č ' ­ S v i t y č , Aharon Dolgopolsky, and, most recently, Kalevi Koskinen deserve mention in p a r t i c u l a r . Even though some s t r i k i n g s i m i l a r i t i e s have been revealed, however, the previously attempted comparisons have, f o r the most p a r t , been unconvincing f o r several reasons: In the f i r s t place, the phonological system t r a d i t i o n a l l y reconstructed f o r Proto­ Indo­European d i f f e r s d r a s t i c a l l y from that t r a d i t i o n a l l y reconstructed f o r Proto­Afroasiatic or, more usually, Proto­Semitic. This has made i t d i f f i c u l t to establish convincing sound correspondences, with the r e s u l t that many l e x i c a l look­alikes (such as, f o r instance, Akk. karnu "horn" and Lat. cornū "horn") have been taken to be cognates when they are not, while true cognates have gone undetected. Now that the stop system reconstructed f o r Proto­Indo­European has been thoroughly r e ­ vised by Gamkrelidze, Hopper, and Ivanov (see Chapter 2 f o r d e t a i l s ) , the differences between the Proto­Indo­European and Proto­Afroasiatic phonological systems have been considerably reduced, and i t is possible, at long l a s t , to make a meaningful comparison between these two hypo­ t h e t i c a l proto­languages. Next, there appear to be r e l a t i v e l y few s i m i l a r i t i e s in the morphology of Proto­Indo­European and Proto­Afro­ 180 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC asiatic. In my opinion, we should not expect to f i n d many s i m i l a r i t i e s in the morphology of these two proto­languages. As I see the s i t u a t i o n , Proto­Afroasiatic and Proto­Indo­European parted company many millennia before the stage of development that can be reached by a d i r e c t com­ parison of the extant daughter languages. I t was during t h i s span of time between the separation of pre­Proto­Afroasiatic and pre­Proto­ Indo­European and the emergence of the h i s t o r i c a l l y ­ a t t e s t e d daughter languages that each proto­language developed i t s own d i s t i n c t i v e mor­ phological system. Under these circumstances, I do not think that we w i l l be able to recover the morphological system of the ancestor of these two proto­languages in great d e t a i l . The best that can be hoped f o r is the recovery of broad s i m i l a r i t i e s . In general, morphological issues are not discussed in t h i s book. 9.2. PROTO­AFROASIATIC AND PROTO­INDO­EUROPEAN PHONOLOGICAL SYSTEMS In Chapters 2 and 7, we established the f a c t that the consonant systems of both Proto­Indo­European and Proto­Afroasiatic belonged to the same l i n g u i s t i c type, each having a three­way contrast of voiceless (aspirated) ~ voiced~ g l o t t a l i z e d consonants. S i m i l a r l y constituted phonological systems are rather widespread among the languages of the world, being found, f o r example, in the Caucasian languages, many American Indian languages, and several sub­Saharan African languages ( f o r d e t a i l s , c f . the phonological systems given in Maddieson 1981 and Ruhlen 1976). Both Proto­Indo­European and Proto­Afroasiatic made extensive use of vowel gradation. As noted by M e i l l e t (1964:153­54), in both Proto­ Indo­European and Proto­Afroasiatic, the consonants carried the basic meaning of a stem, while the vowels determined morphological function. Even though the details o f , say, the Proto­Semitic ( c f . Kurylowicz 1962) and Disintegrating Indo­European ( c f . Kurylowicz 1956 and 1968:199­307) systems of vowel gradation d i f f e r e d g r e a t l y , both can be derived from e a r l i e r systems that are v i r t u a l l y i d e n t i c a l . The development of the COMPARISON OF PIE AND PAA 181 Proto­Indo­European system was greatly influenced by accentuation ( c f . Chapter 3). 9.3. PR0T0­AFR0ÂSIATIC/PR0T0­IND0­EUR0PEAN CORRESPONDENCES Proto­ AA Revised PIE Traditional PIE Proto­ AA Revised PIE P P b P, Ph k k , b p' f (p') P ; bh g g h ; gh (b) k' k' ; g kw kw qw, gw gw gwh P, Ph t t d d dh t' t' d t , th W K' k' ? ? t, th h h d dh ħ t' d s s s tY t t, th dY d dh w t'y t' d y s s t Traditional PIE ħ w qwh gw X š Y Y k y g k'y k , k' g; g k g k' , y w y m m m n n n r r r l l l a o (a) h; q, qh h; q, qh h; gh ; g w e, a ə ə a q, qh 182 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC 9.4. THE LABIALS The Proto­Afroasiatic voiceless (aspirated) and voiced l a b i a l stops have exact counterparts in the Proto­Indo­European voiceless (aspirated) and voiced l a b i a l s . Even though Proto­Afroasiatic probably had a g l o t ­ t a l i z e d l a b i a l stop as w e l l , i t is doubtful that such a sound is to be reconstructed f o r Proto­Indo­European. The missing member here is the t r a d i t i o n a l plain voiced l a b i a l (*b) reconstructed analogically for Proto­Indo­European. F i n a l l y , there is no evidence that the Indo­Euro­ pean parent language had the voiceless labiodental f r i c a t i v e *ƒ. 9.5. THE DENTALS, VELARS, GLIDES, NASALS, AND LIQUIDS The dental and velar stops, as well as the g l i d e s , nasals, and l i q u i d s , correspond member for member and require no f u r t h e r comment. 9.6. THE DENTAL AFFRICATES The Proto­Afroasiatic dental a f f r i c a t e s correspond to dental stops in Proto­Indo­European. this correspondence: Two explanations are possible to account f o r (1) Proto­Indo­European retained the o r i g i n a l value, and the dental a f f r i c a t e s of Proto­Afroasiatic were secondarily derived from e a r l i e r dental stops, or (2) Proto­Afroasiatic had the o r i g i n a l value, and the Proto­Indo­European developments were secondary. Typological considerations favor the second a l t e r n a t i v e . In general, a contrast between plain velars and l a b i o v e l a r s , such as posited f o r Proto­Indo­European, implies a f r o n t a l contrast of some kind. One very common r e a l i z a t i o n of the f r o n t a l contrast is as some sort of a f f r i c a t e ( c f . Hockett 1955, Maddieson 1981, Ruhlen 1976, and Trubetzkoy 1969 f o r examples). Therefore, we may t e n t a t i v e l y assume that pre­Proto­Indo­ European possessed a series of dental a f f r i c a t e s and that t h i s series was l a t e r eliminated through occlusivization and merger with the dental stops. COMPARISON OF PIE AND PAA 9.7. 183 THE LATERALIZED AFFRICATES The lateralized affricates of Proto­Afroasiatic correspond to velar stops in Proto­Indo­European. It is likely that the earliest form of pre­Proto­Indo­European possessed a series of lateralized affricates as well. Steiner (1977:40), citing Trubetzkoy, mentions that the change of lateralized affricates into palatal, velar, or postvelar stops (or affricates) is a common development in the North­ east Caucasian languages, thus: voiceless alveolar lateralized affricate voiceless velar lateralized affricate voiceless velar affricate voiceless velar stop glottalized alveolar lateralized affricate glottalized velar lateralized affricate glottalized velar affricate glottalized velar stop A similar shift may be posited for pre­Proto­Indo­European. 9.8. THE POSTVELARS Diakonoff (1974:595) seems to be suggesting the existence of a series of postvelar stops in the A f r o a s i a t i c parent language when he says that " . . . a l l postvelar stops were l o s t " in the Semitic branch and that in Egyptian " . . . t h e o r i g i n a l l a t e r a l sounds were l o s t as well as the postvelar stops and l a b i a l i z e d v e l a r s . . . " Postvelars have also been posited f o r Proto­Indo­European by several scholars, the most recent being Rudolf Normier (1977:174­75) (see also Schmitt­Brandt 1967:99­113). In my opinion, these theories are not without merit. 184 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC However, since I do not at present believe that there were more than two guttural series ­ ­ plain velars and labiovelars ­ ­ at the time when Proto­Indo­European began to s p l i t up into the non­Anatolian daughter languages, the postvelars, i f they ever e x i s t e d , must have been l o s t at some point in time p r i o r to the l a t e s t period of development, "Dis­ integrating Indo­European". U n t i l more positive evidence f o r t h e i r existence is brought f o r t h , i t is best to leave the postvelars out of consideration. 9.9. THE SIBILANTS The voiceless palato­alveolar s i b i l a n t as well as the voiceless dental s i b i l a n t of Proto­Afroasiatic correspond to the voiceless dental s i b i l a n t of Proto­Indo­European. Proto­Afroasiatic *s may have been secondarily derived from e a r l i e r *s through p a l a t a l i z a t i o n : 9.10. *s THE PALATALIZED AND LABIALIZED CONSONANTS Both Proto­Afroasiatic and Proto­Indo­European possessed labio­ velars. In addition, Proto­Afroasiatic possessed palatalized dentals and velars, and these correspond to plain dentals and velars respec­ tively in Proto­Indo­European. In the preceding chapter, a two­vowel system was posited for Proto­ Afroasiatic. Typically, two­vowel systems are found in languages in which the consonant systems are characterized by a great number of secondary articulations (cf. Colarusso 1981:537­40), and such was prob­ ably also the case in Proto­Afroasiatic. In fact, Proto­Afroasiatic may have resembled some of the modern Ethiopian languages ­­ such as Chaha, for example ­­ more closely than it did any of the other daugh­ ter languages. More likely than not, secondary articulations were superimposed upon the full spectrum of basic places of articulation. Future research should aim at discovering evidence for reconstructing COMPARISON OF PIE AND PAA 185 additional palatalized and labialized sounds for Proto­Afroasiatic. It may be assumed that the two­vowel system of Proto­Afroasiatic arose from an earlier system characterized by a greater number of con­ trasts. The historical developments leading to the creation of the two­vowel system most likely began with the labialization of adjacent preceding consonants by back vowels. Next, adjacent preceding con­ sonants were palatalized by front vowels. These developments may be viewed as gradual assimilative processes in which the distinctive features of the earlier vowels came to be associated with the con­ tiguous consonants. The result of these changes was that the syllable peak lost its vocalic color, and the vowel system was reduced to two members. For a general discussion of the historical origins of two­ vowel systems, cf. Colarusso 1975:378­84 and 1981:537­40. Like Proto­Afroasiatic, Proto­Indo­European had labiovelars, and it may also have had labialized laryngeals, labialized dentals, and a labialized sibilant. However, there is little evidence to warrant positing palatalized consonants such as are required for Proto­Afro­ asiatic. Thus, we may conclude that pre­Proto­Afroasiatic and pre­ Proto­Indo­European parted company after the start of the labializa­ tion process but before the start of the palatalization process ~ Proto­Indo­European stopped short of becoming a two­vowel language, while Proto­Afroasiatic continued in just that direction. 9.11. THE LARYNGEALS The correspondences between Proto­Afroasiatic and Proto­Indo­Euro­ pean are fairly straightforward. While most of the developments within each group can be accounted for, there remain several annoying problems, especially regarding the developments in the individual daughter lan­ guages. 9.12. THE PR0T0­N0STRATIC PHONOLOGICAL SYSTEM 186 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC On the basis of the preceding discussion, the following phonemic inventory may tentatively be posited for Proto­Nostratic for the stage of development existing immediately prior to the emergence of pre­Proto­Afroasiatic and pre­Proto­Indo­European: Stops and Affricates: Voiceless: Vo ic ed : Glottalized: ? Fricatives: Voiceless: Voiced: Glides: Résonants: Nasals: m Rolled: Lateral: Vowels: Note: The voiceless stops and affricates may have been aspirated. The vowel system is posited with the utmost caution and chiefly on the basis of the Indo­European evidence (cf. section 10.2). When the Afroasiatic evidence is taken into consideration, it is possible to envision a vowel system characterized by a greater number of con­ trasts. 9.13. PREFACE TO THE EXAMPLES COMPARISON OF PIE AND PAA 187 Even though this book deals with Indo­European and Afroasiatic, the majority of the following Afroasiatic examples are from Semitic. The Semitic languages, of course, constitute only one branch of the Afroasiatic Language Family, the other branches being Egyptian, Berber, Cushitic, Omotic, and Chadic. Even though a steadily increasing amount of data is becoming available from the other branches of Afroasiatic, there remain many gaps in our knowledge, and it is not yet possible to reconstruct the Afroasiatic parent language with absolute certainty in all areas (cf. Hodge 1971b:10). No doubt, the collection and analysis of more data from the remaining branches of Afroasiatic will necessi­ tate a reassessment of many of the conclusions reached in this book. Buck's A Dictionary of Selected Synonyms in the Principal Indo­ European Languages has been used as a control for the semantic develop­ ment of the proposed Indo­European/Afroasiatic cognates, and references are usually given to the appropriate sections of this work. For Indo­ European as a whole, references are given to Pokorny's Indogermanisches etymologisches Wörterbuch and Walde's Vergleichendes Wörterbuch des indogermanischen Sprachen. The standard etymological dictionaries for the individual Indo­European daughter languages have also been consulted, and these works are also occasionally cited. Since no up­to­date etymological dictionary exists for Afroasiatic as a whole, I have used my own judgment in the selection of the Afro­ asiatic cognates — Marcel Cohen's pioneering Essai comparatif sur le vocabulaire et la phonétique du chamito— sémitique, though Still of value, is not representative of the current state of the art. For Semitic, the various etymological dictionaries prepared by Leslau for the Ethiopian languages contain a wealth of reliable information, while David Cohen's Dictionnaire des racines sémitiques, two fascicles of which have appeared, is useful as far as it goes. For Egyptian, cf. Budge 1920, Faulkner 1962, and Gardiner 1957:549­604. For East Cushitic, cf. Heine 1978 and Sasse 1979. For Southern Cushitic, cf. Ehret 1980. For Chadic, cf. Newman 1977 and Skinner 1977. Finally, the various dic­ tionaries cited in the references at the end of this book for the indi­ vidual Afroasiatic daughter languages have also been much consulted. 188 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC 9.14. PAA *p = PIE *p: 1. PAA *paw­/*paw­ "to puff, blow, exhale": SEM.: PSem. *paw­áti­ ­> Hebr. puh "to breathe, blow"; Ar. f aha "to diffuse an aroma, ex­ hale a pleasant odor". PIE *p ­ "to puff, blow": Skt. phū­karoti "to puff, blow"; Gk. "bellows", T "to blow, PAA *pə l­/*pal­ "to split, cleave": SEM. : PSem. *pal­ag­ ­> Hebr. pдlay "to split, sep­ arate, divide", peley "canal, channel"; Ar. falaga "to split, cleave"; Phoen. pig "to divide"; Akk. palgu "canal"; Harsüsi felëg "water­course". PSem. *pal­dh­ •* Hebr. palah "to cleave"; Ar. faláha "to split, cleave, plow, till". PSem. *pal­aî­ ­>­ Ar. f ala'a "to split, cleave". PSem. *pal­ak'­ ­> Ar. falaka "to split, cleave; to burst, break (dawn)"; Harari falaka "to hit the head with a stone or stick so that blood comes out"; Amh. fäläkkäkä "to split, break loose"; Akk. palaku "to kill". PSem. *pal­aV­ ­> Hebr. palat "to escape"; Phoen. pit "to escape"; Harari falaba "to split wood with an ax"; Eth. falata "to separate"; PSem. *pal­as— Hebr. palas "to break open or through"; Akk. palaêu "to dig a hole". PSem. *pal­al­ ­* Ar. falla "to dent, notch, blunt; to break; to flee, run away"; Hebr. palat "to judge, arbitrate"; Eth. f ál f ala "to break out, burst, gush"; Akk. palalu "to have rights; to secure someone^ rights". CUSH.: PEC *faldi­ "log; to split (wood)" ­> Yaaku pile' PIE *psl­/*pal­/*pl­, puff"; Arm. p'ukc "breath, puff"; Afghan pü, puk "a puff, a blast, the act of blowing"; Lith. pusti "to blow, puff". Cf. Buck 1949:§8.38, §4.51; Pokorny 1959:847­48. 2. *pley­/ *play­/*plï­/*plë­ "to split, cleave": OIee, flaska "to split", flakna "to flake off, split"; OE. flëan "to flay"; Lith. plysti "to split, break, burst"; Skt. phdlati "to split, cleave"; OHG. spaltan "to split, cleave". COMPARISON OF PIE AND PAA 189 "small sticks of firewood"; Oromo falat^­a "log", falaV­ "to cut wood"; Somali fallid "a chip of wood"; Saho ­flid­ "to split". Cf. Buck 1949:§9.27; Pokomy 1959:834, 835, 985­87, 987. 3. PAA *pel­/*pal­ "stone": SEM.: PSem. *palh­ * Hebr. pelah "mill­ stone"; Akk. pпlu, pьlu "lime­ stone, cutting­block". PIE *pə ls­/*pals­/*pls­ "stone": Gk. " "stone"; Skt. pāsyäā (­«­ *pars­) "stone"; Pashto parsa "stone"; OHG. felis "stone"; Oķr. ail "rock". Cf. Buck 1949:§1.44; Pokorny 1959:807. 4. PAA *per­/*par­ "to separate, PIE *pə r­/*par­/*pr­ "to sepa­ divide": SEM.: PSem. *par­ad­ rate, divide": Hitt. par­si­ ­> Hebr. pдrab "to separate, div­ ya­az­zi "to break, divide"; ide", përaô "to separate, disin­ Skt. pürta­m "gift, reward"; tegrate, loosen, decompose"; Ar. Gk. it e paw "to sell abroad", f avada "to set aside, separate, fiopeCv "to furnish, present, segregate"; Harari färäda "to offer"; Lith. pir^kti "to buy"; judge". PSem. *par­ak>­ ­* Hebr. Lat. par "equal", pars "part, pärak "to unload, deliver, set portion, share", port­Id "part, free, extricate", përak "to break, section, division"; Oír. rann remove, unload, dismantle, take "part", apart"; Ar. faraka "to separate, part, divide, sever"; Ug. prk "to break"; Mehri ferцk "to distribute, divide"; Akk. parāku "to remove, separate, detach"; Amh. färräkä "to separate". PSem. *par­ag­ ­> Ar. faraga "to open, part, cleave, split, separate, breach". PSem. *par­at' ­> Hebr. pärat "to change (money; ; to give details, itemize; to divide into parts"; Ar. faroţa "to separate, part"; Harari fäväţa "to burst"; Akk. parāţu "to sepa­ rate, remove, break off". EG.: prt, prd "to separate", prh "to divide, separate". CUSH.: PSC *paraħ­ "to pull apart" Iraqw parha mi "piece"; Asa parames­ "to split up (firewood)"; Ma'a ­pará'a "to disperse", ­paráti 190 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC "to scatter (something)"; Dahalo poroh­. Cf. Buck 1949:§12.23, §12.232, §13.23; Pokorny 1959:807. 5. PAA *pet­/*pat­ "to open; to be PIE *pet­/*pat­ "to open; to be open, wide, spacious": SEM.: open": Av. padana­ "broad, PSem. *pat­dh­ + Hebr. pāθah wide": Gk. Trexavvüuu "to spread "to open, untie, loosen"; Ar. out"; Lat. pateo "to be open"; fataha "to open"; Aram. peθ Olee, fabnr "fathom". ah "to open"; Akk. pitū, pet, patü "to open"; Phoen. pth "to open"; Eth. fatha "to open"; Ug. pth "to open"; Harsüsi fetoh "to open"; Harari fataha "to untie, set free"; Amh. fдtta "to re­ lease, untie, unfasten, di­ vorce"; Gurage fata "to untie, loosen, divorce". PSem. *pat­ay­ + Hebr. pдQдh "to be open, wide, spacious"; Aram. peθā "to be spacious"; Gurage (Wolane) fдtti "wide, broad". EG.: pth "to be open". Cf. Buck 1949:§12.61; Pokorny 1959:824­25. 6. PAA *per­/*par­ "to bring forth, bear fruit": SEM.: PSem. *par­ ay­ ­* Hebr. pдrдh, pдrд* "to bring forth, bear fruit", perl "fruit"; Akk. pir^u "issue, off­ spring, descendant"; Phoen. pry "to bear fruit"; Ug. pr "fruit"; Eth. fere "fruit"; Tna. fдrдyд "to bear fruit". EG.: prt "fruit". CUSH.: Oromo firi "fruit"; Khamir fir "fruit". PIE *per­/*par­/*pr­ "to bear, bring forth": Lat. parid "to bear, bring forth"; Lith. perκti "to hatch". Cf. Buck 1949:§4.72, §5.71; Pokorny 1959:818. 7. PAA *p9?­/*pa?­ (perhaps *pə ?w­/ *pa7»­) "to swell, fatten": SEM.;: PSem. *pa7­am­ * Hebr. plmah "superabundance, fat"; Ar. fágamei "to quench one's thirst with PIE *pe?­¿­/*pa?­¿­, *pe?­2/­/ *pa?­y­ * (with metathesis of *? and *y) *peyt­/*pay7­ "to swell, fatten": Skt. páyate "to swell, fatten, overflow, COMPARISON OF PIE AND PAA water; to be full", fa'ima "to be fat"; Akk. piāmu "robust". CUSH.: PSC *pu?us­ "to swell, rise" Kw'adza pu'us­; Ma'a ­pu'ú "to rise (of sun)". 191 abound", pпvan­ "swelling, full, fat", payas­ "milk"; Gk. "fat, rich"; Lith. plenas, "milk"; OSax. feit ( Gmc. *faita­z) "fat". PIE *pa1(i)­ (perhaps *pa?w [i,]­) "to drink, swallow": Skt. pāti, pzbati, páyate "to drink, swallow"; Hitt. pa­as­zi "to drink, swallow"; Gk. Lesb. "to drink"; Lat. bibō poto "to drink"; OIr. ibid "to drink". Cf. Buck 1949:§5.13, §5.86; Pokorny 1959:793­94, 839­40. 8. "to precede, PAA *pə r­/*par­ surpass, outstrip": SEM.: PSem. *par­a ­ Hebr. pera' "leader, prince"; Ar. farala "to surpass, outstrip, excel"; Ug. pr' "chief". EG.: pry "hero, champion". PIE *pə r­/*par­/*pr­ "preceding, surpassing": Skt. pari "around", parah "far, distant", purah "in front, forward, before", purati "to precede, go before", prá­ "before, in front", pratarám "further", prati "towards, near to, against", prathamd­h "fore­ most, first"; Gk. itept "around", , "across, beyond, on the other side", , "beside", "before", πpó "before", ' "before, in front of, forward", "first, foremost", , . "fore­ most, chief, first", "forthwith", , * 'from"; Lat. per "through, along, over", prae "before, in front", pro "before, in front of", primus "first, foremost"; Goth, faur "for, before", frauja "master, lord", fairra "far"; OSax. fur­ ist "first, foremost", furisto "prince"; Lith. prie "at, near, with, by", pro "through, past, by", pries "against"; Hitt. pa­ra­a "forth", pi­ra­an "before, forth". Cf. Buck 1949:§13.34, §19.35; Pokorny 1959:810­16. 192 9. TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC PAA *pə š­/*paš­ "to breathe out, blow, break wind": SEM.: PSem. *paš­aw­ Ar. f asā "to fart noisely"; Eth. fasaw "a fart"; Harari fäs "a fart"; Tna. fäsäwä "to fart"; Akk. pasь "to breathe out, expire". BERB.: Tuareg fə zz "a fart". CUSH.: Bilin faša "to fart". PIE *pə st'­/*past>­ "to fart": Lat. pēdō "to fart", pddex "anus"; Gk. "to fart"; Czech pezd "anus, fart". PIE *pə s­/*pas­ "to blow": OCS. paxati "to toss, fan"; Russ. paxnut' "to blow"; Skt. pātmsu­h "dust, sand". Cf. Buck 1949:§4.64; Pokomy 1959:829, 823­24. 10. PAA *pə ?­ "fire": EG.: p' "flame, fire, spark", p 'p' "to shine, illumine". PIE _ "fire": Hitt. * "fire"; Gk. "fire"; Umbr. pir "fire"; OIce. furr "fire"; Toch. A p o r , B puwar "fire"; Czech pyr "glowing ashes, embers"; Arm. hur "fire"; Goth. fon "fire". Cf. Buck 1949:§1.81; Pokorny 1959:828; Sturtevant 1942:§36f. 11. PAA *pə t'­/*pat'­ "to hasten; foot": SEM.: PSem. *pat'­an­ Eth. fatana "to be rapid, fast"; Harari fдtдna "to be fast, quick, rapid". EG.: pd "to run away, flee, hasten; foot, knee". Cf. 12. *pet'­/*pat9­ '"foot " : Skt. » padah "f :oot"; Gk. ΠOΤOS " f o o t " ;; L a t . p ē e , pědis " f o o t " ; Goth,. fцtus "foot"; Luw. pa­ta­a­ •as " f o o t " . PIE pāt, Buck 1 9 4 9 : § 4 . 3 7 ; P o k o r n y 1 9 5 9 : 7 9 0 ­ 9 2 . PAA *pə t­/*pat­ "to rush, hurry, go rapidly": SEM.: PSem. *pat­ "to fall down, collapse" Ar. ha­fata "to fall down, collapse; to suffer a breakdown", fatta "to weaken, undermine, crumble, sap"; Hebr. pāθaθ "to break up, crumble"; Eth. fatata "to break up, crumble"; Amh. "to crumble"; Harsüsi fet "to crum­ ble". EG.: pt "to run, flee, pursue". CHAD.: PChad. *pə ta "to go out" Hausa ; Goemai p'et; Ga' anda peda; Daba put. PIE *pə t­/*pat­ "to fly, rush, pursue, fall": Skt. patati "to fly, soar, rush, fall"; Gk. "to fly" "to fall, fall down"'; Lat. peto "to make for, go to, seek". COMPARISON OF PIE AND PAA 193 For the semantic development, note Buck's (1949 :§10.23) comments: "In words for 'fall' the central notion is that of free, rapid, downward motion, as that of an object falling by its own weight. But in many of them the 'downward' movement is of secondary origin, a specialization from some notion of rapid movement." Cf. Pokorny 1959:825­26; Walde­Pokorny 1973.11:19­22. 13. *pr­ə E­, *pr­u­ "to PAA *pə r­/*par­ "to spread, scat­ PIE *pə r­, spray, scatter": Gk. πonw ter": SEM.: PSem. *par­ • Hebr. pāras "to spread, expand, "to blow up, swell out"; OCS. spread out", pлras "to stretch, para "steam"; Skt. prusnoti spread, scatter"; Ar. favosa "to "to sprinkle, wet, shower". spread, spread out"; Harsüsi "scat­ PIE *pə rk­/*park­/*prk­ ferōs "to spread". PSem. *par­ tered, spread out": OIr. erc ad­ Ar. f arada "to spread, ex­ "speckled"; Skt. prsni­h "spot­ tend, spread out, stretch". EG.: ted"; Gk. "dark­colored" pvs "to stretch out". OHG. faro "colored". PIE *(s)pə r­ "to spread, scatter, strew": Gk. oπєlpw "to scatter seed, sow"; Arm. p'avat "dis­ persed, scattered"; Lat. spavgц "to scatter, strew"; OHG. spvei­ ten "to spread". Cf. Buck 1949:§8.38, §9.32, §9.34; Pokorny 1959:809­10, 820­21, 993­95, 996­98; Walde­Pokomy 1973.II:27­28, 45­46, 670­72, 672­75. 14. PAA *pə r­/*par­ "to fly, flee": SEM.: PSem. *par­ Ar. farra "to flee, run away, desert", na­ fava "to flee, run away"; Akk. naprusu "to fly, take flight, flee"; Hebr. pārah "to fly"; Aram, pə rah "to fly"; Syr. pə rað "to flee";'ug. *pvv "to flee", npv "fowl"; Harsüsi fer "to fly, jump, spring", fevfayv "feather", fevōd "to run off in panic, stam­ pede, flee"; Tna. färärä "to fly, fly away". EG.: prpr "to run swiftly, leap about", pri "to go out, go forth, flee". BERB.: Tarn. afr "to fly", afə r "wing". CUSH.: PSC *pur­ or *pir­ "to fly" Ma'a puru "to fly", ­puru­ puvu "to hop". CHAD.: PChad. PIE *pə r­/*par­/'  "to fly, flee": Hitt. par­as­zi "to flee"; Skt. parna­m "feather, wing"; Russ. Ch. SI. pero, por­ ati "to fly", pevo "feather"; Czech pvchnouti "to flee"; Pol. pievzchnac "to flee"; SCr. pr­ hati "to fly up"; Russ. povxat' "to flutter, fly about". 194 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC *pə rə "to fly, jump" Goemai p*ār; Chibak fə la; Daba mbir; Mubi bir; Hausa f àra "grass­ hopper, locust". Cf. Buck 1949:§4.392, §4.393, §10.37, §10.51 15. PAA *pə l­/*pal­ "flat, level, broad": SEM.: PSem. *pal­/ *pil­ Hebr. pillēs "to level, straighten out", peles "balance, scale"; Akk. p a l k ū "wide"; A r . faltdha "to make broad; to broaden, flatten", filtah "flat, broad"; Phoen. pls "level". BERB.: OTam. fliy "wide". CHAD.: Hausa , "large flat rock". PIE *pə l­/*pal­/*pl­, *pə lhh­/ ­/ "even, level, flat, wide, broad": Hitt. pal­ "broad"; Skt. prthы­h "wide, broad", prathati "to ex­ tend, spread"; Gk. "wide, broad, flat, level"; Lat. planus "even, level, flat", palma "palm"; Lith. pionas "thin", plótas "expanse, space"; Welsh llydan "wide, broad"; OIce. flatr "flat, level". Cf. Buck 1949:§9.32, §9.34, §12.61, §12.71; Pokorny 1959:805. 16. PAA *par­ "young bull or calf": SEM.: PSem. *par­ Hebr. par "young bull, steer", pārāh "calf, heifer"; A r . farkad "calf"; Ug. pr "bull". PIE *par­/*pr­ "young bull or calf": Skt. prthuka­h "young animal"; Arm. ort' "calf"; Gk. "calf, heifer, young cow"; OE. fearr "bull". Cf. Buck 1949:§3.21, §3.24; Pokorny 1959:818. 17. PAA *pə s­/*pas­ "to split, cleave, sever": SEM.: PSem. *paš­ax—> Hebr. pāšah "to tear to pieces"; Aram, pə šah "to tear, rend asunder, cut off"; Ar. fasaha "to dislocate, dis­ joint, sever, sunder, tear". EG.: ps "to divide, split, cut, separate, distribute, share", pšn "to cleave, divide, split, separate from", pss "to spread out the arms, divide", pšs "to divide, cleave, split". CHAD.: PChad. *fašə "to break" Hausa PIE *pə s­(/*pas­) "to split, prick, pierce, penetrate; penis": Lat. pēnis "penis"; Skt. pasas­ "penis"; Gk. πєoc π ó o S n "penis"; OHG. faselt "pen­ is". COMPARISON OF PIE AND PAA 195 fqsа "to break, shatter"; Kera pese "to hatch"; Ga'anda fehl "to break". Cf. Buck 1949:§4.492; Pokorny 1959:824; Walde­Pokorny 1973.II:68. 18. PAA *pə h­/*pah­ or *pə h­/*pah­ "to eat": CUSH.: PSC *pah­ or *pah~ or *peh­ "to eat" Ma'a ­pá "to eat"; Kw'adza pis­ "to serve up portions of food". PIE *peh­ or ­ "to feed": Lat. pāscō "to feed", pabulum "food, nourishment", pānis "bread"; Goth, fōdjan "to feed, nourish"; OIce. fцdr "fodder"; 0E. fōda "food". Cf. Buck 1949:§5.12; Pokorny 1959:787; Walde­Pokorny 1973.11:72­ 73. 9.15. PAA *b = PIE *b: 19. PAA *bə w­/*baw­ "to become known,, be revealed, be aware of": SEM. : PSem. *baw­.. ­ Ar. baha "to be revealed, become known". PSem. *baw­дh­ Ar. baha "to under­ stand"; Maghrebi bawwdh "to stare"; Tamüdic *bwh "to remem­ ber". PIE *bu­d­/ ­d­/*bau­d­ "to be or become aware of": Skt. bodhati "to be awake; to ob­ serve, notice, understand", buddha­h "awakened, enlight­ ened, learned, known, under­ stood"; Gk. "to learn of"; Lith. budeti "to be awake" OCS. ieti "to be awake", bud­ iti "to awaken", "watch­ ful". Cf. Buck 1949:§15.11, §17.16, §17.24, §17.31; Pokorny 1959:150­52; Walde­Pokorny 1973.II:147­48. 20. PAA *ber­ "pine": SEM.: PSem. *bur­āt y ­ Akk. burāšu "pine"; Hebr. bə rōš "cypress, pine"; Aram. berōθ "cypress, pine"; Gurage (Endegen) burat "a kind of tree". PIE *bar­ "pine": Olee, barr "pine­needles"; OCS. "fir, spruce". Cf. Buck 1949:§8.64; Pokorny 1959 :109; Walde­Pokorny 1973.11:164 and 131­33. 196 21. TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC PAA *bə š­/*baš­ "to expand, spread, spread out": SEM.: PSem. *baš­at'— Ar. basata "to spread, spread out, en­ large, expand". EG.: bš "dust". PIE *bə s­/*bas­ "to scatter, spread, expand, puff up, blow": Skt. bhásman­ "ashes", bhástvā "leather bottle, skin, bag"; Gk. oŪXW "to breathe, blow". Cf. Buck 1949:§1.213, §1.84, §10.38; Pokorny 1959:146; Walde­ Pokorny 1973.II:69. 22. PAA *bə r­/*bar­ "to swell, puff up, expand": SEM.: PSem. *bav­aw/y­ Akk. barū "to be puffed up, fat, swollen"; Hebr. bārā' "to be fat". PSem. *bav­ a?­ ­> Ar. bava'a "to surpass, excel", bar'ama "to bud, sprout, burgeon". PSem. *bav­ati'­ Ar. bavada "to germinate", sprout". CUSH.: PSam *bavav­ "to swell" Somali barar "to swell"; Boni barer/barēra' "to swell". PIE *bə v­/*bav­/*bv­ "to swell, puff up, expand, bristle": Skt. bhrsti­h "point, spike"; OE. byvst "bristle"; OIr. baivgen "bread"; Lat. fermentvm "leaven, yeast". PIE *bavdə A "beard": Lat. bavba "beard"; OCS. bvada "beard"; OSax. bavda "beard". PIE *bə vu/w­/*bavu/w­/*bvw­, *bvu­H­/*brə u­H­/*bvau­H­ "to bubble up, boil, seethe": Skt. bhurváni­h "restless, excited"; Lat. fervō, fevveō "to boil, seethe"; MIr. bevbain "to boil"; OE. bvëowan "to brew"; OIce. bvau­ "bread". PIE *brə nd­/ *bvand­/*bvnd­ "to ripen, ma­ ture": Lith. bvésti "to ripen, mature". PIE *bvu­/*brə u­/ *brau­ "to swell": OE. brēost "breast"; OIr. bru "belly". Cf. Buck 1949:§4.142, §4.40, §4.46, §10.31, §12.53; Pokorny 1959: 108­10, 132­33, 110, 143­45, 167­68, 170­71; Walde­Pokorny 1973. 11:131­33, 157­59, 135, 167­69, 205, 197­98. 23. PAA *bə r­/*bar­ "to cut, carve, bore": SEM.: PSem. *bar­a?­ Hebr. bārē' "to cut down, cut out"; Punic br' "engraver"; Lihyānite bava' "to cut, carve". PSem. *bav­ay­ ­> Ar. bavā "to trim, shape, sharpen, scratch off, scrape off"; ESA bvy "carved monument". PSem. *bav­adz­ ­» Ar. barzah "interval, gap"; Aram. bə raz "to bore, pierce"; Hadra­ PIE *ber­/*bar­/*bv­ "to cut, bore, scratch, grate": Gk. øapów), øapáw "to plow"; Lat. f orō "to bore, pierce"; OE. borian "to bore, pierce". PIE *bə vd­/*bavd­/*brd­, *brə d­ "to cut": Skt. bavdhaka­h "cut off"; OE. bved "board", bovd "board, plank". PIE *brə y­/ *bray­, *bri­/*brē­ "to cut with a sharp tool": Skt. COMPARISON OF PIE AND PAA I97 mawt barzat­ "hole". PSem. *bar­ bhrпnati "to injure, hurt"; bar­ ­* Amh. boräbborä "to hollow Welsh briw "wound"; Russ. Ch. out, cut a groove". CUSH.: PSC SI. briju "to shear, clip"; *blr­ "to cut off" ­> Kw'adza Lith. brezti "to scratch, bilaH­ "dull", bilat­ "to drill, sketch, design". cut a hole"; Dahalo ­ "to cut grass, mow". Cf. Buck 1949:§9.46; Pokorny 1959:133­35, 138, 166­67; Walde­ Pokorny 1973.11:159­61, 174, 194­95. 24. PAA *bə r­/*bar­ "to bear, bring forth, create": SEM.: PSem. *bar­a?­ Hebr. bārā' "to shape, create"; Aram, bə ra' "to create", bar "son"; Ar. bava'a "to create"; Soqotri bere "to bring forth", bar "child". PSem. *bar­aw­ Harsüsi berd "to bear children", ber "son"; Soqotri biroh "to bear children", ber "son". PIE *bə r­/*bar­/*br­ "to bear, carry, bring forth": Skt. bharati "to bear, support"; Arm. berem "to bear"; Gk. "to bear, carry, bring forth"; Alb. bir "son", burrë' "man"; Lat. ferō "to bear, carry, bring forth"; Goth.bairan "to bear, carry, bring forth", barn "son", baur "son, child"; Lith. bernas "son"; OIr. biru "to carry". Cf. Buck 1949:§4.72; Pokorny 1959:128­32; Walde­Pokomy 1973.II: 153­57. 25. PAA *bə r­/*bar­ "to plait, braid, weave": SEM.: PSem. *bar­am­ Hebr. "variegated cloth"; Akk. b i r m u "a kind of clothing"; Ar. barama "to twist, twine", barvn "rope, string, cord, twine". PSem. *burd­ Ar. burd "garment"; Harsüsi berdig, berdög "piece of rag, cloth. PIE *bar­/*br­ "to plait, weave, braid, twist": Gk. cpcipos "a large piece of cloth, web; cloak, mantle", cpopyds "a sea­ m a n ^ cloak, mat"; Lith. burva "a piece of clothing"; bùrè "sail". Cf. Buck 1949:§6.21, §10.88; Pokorny 1959:137­38; Walde­Pokomy 1973.11:164. 26. PAA *bə w­/*baw­ "to enter, dwell, PIE *bə w/*baw­, *bü­/*bö­ "to live, stay, abide, dwell": Skt. abide": SEM.: PSem. ­> bhavati "to become, be, exist, Hebr. bō' "to come in, come, go live, stay, abide", bhuni­h in, enter"; Ar. bā'a "to come "earth, soil"; Alb. buj "to back, return, reside, live, set­ live, dwell"; Goth, bauan "to tle down", mabā'a "dwelling, dwell, inhabit"; OIce, bōl abode"; OAkk. buā'um "to come"; 198 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC Ug. ba "to come, enter"; Harari bō'a "to enter, go in". EG.: bw, bw; "place". CUSH.: PEC *biy­ "earth" Hadiyya bey­o "place"; Oromo biyy­a, biyy­ē; Arbore bi. CHAD.: N. Bauchi Ch. *buw­ "to come" ­> Warjanci bvw­; Jimbinanci bo­; Miyanci bō­/bu­; Mburkanci bū­. "lair". Cf. Buck 1949:§7.11; Pokorny 1959:146­50; Walde­Pokomy 1973.11: 140­44. 27. PAA *bə l­/*bal­ "to swell, ex­ pand, overflow, pour over": SEM.: PSem. *bal­al­ Hebr. bālad "to mingle, mix, confuse, anoint"; Phoen. bit "a type of offering"; Ar. baila "to mois­ ten, wet, make wet", billa, balal "moisture, humidity"; OAkk. balālum "to pour out"; Tigre bдlдl "to be full, over­ flow, flow, rain". CUSH.: PEC *bald­/*ballдd­ "broad, wide" Somali ballād "broad". PIE *bə l­/*bal­/*bl­ "to swell, puff up, inflate, expand, over­ flow, bubble up": Gk. "penis"; Lat. follis "leather bag, bellows, puffed­out cheeks"; OE. bolla "bowl", beald "bold". PIE *blə E­/*blaE­ "to blow": Lat. flō "to blow"; OE. blāwan "to blow", blęd "blowing, breath"; OHG. blāsen "to blow". PIE *bə lg­/*balg­/*blg­ "to swell": Ir. bolg "belly,°bag"; Goth. balgs "skin"; OE. bielg, bylig "leather bag". PIE *blə k'w­/ *blk'w­ "to swell, expand": Gk. "vein"; OHG. bulchunna, bolca "a round swelling". PIE *blit'­/*blə it'­/*blait'­ "to overflow": Gk. < "to over­ flow with moisture, be ready to burst", Hesych. , , "to seethe"; Eng. bloat ( Gmc. *blaitōn) . PIE *blu­/*blə u­/ *blau­ "to overflow, pour over, flow": Gk. "to abound, teem with abundance", , "to boil over, bubble up"; Lat. f l u ō "to flow"; OCS. "to vomit". Cf. Buck 1949:§4.46, §5.17, §10.32, §10.38, §12.61; Pokorny 1959: 120­22, 125­26, 155, 156, 158­59; Walde­Pokomy 1973.11:177­80, 182­83, 215, 211, 212­14. COMPARISON OF PIE AND PAA 28. PAA *bə l?­/*bal?­ "to reach, arrive, ripen": SEM.: PSem. *bal­a ­ Ar. halaga "to reach, arrive, come, attain puberty, ripen, mature"; Harsüsi belog "to arrive", beleg "to reach puberty, be fully grown"; Mehri bōleg "adult". 199 PIE *bə l ­/*bal ­, *bley­/ *blay­ "to blossom, sprout": Gk. (púXXov "leaf"; Lat. folium "leaf"; Toch. A pдlt, B pilta "leaf"; Goth, bldma "flower"; OE. bldwan "to bloom, flower", blëd "shoot, branch, fruit, flower"; Oír. bláth "flower". Cf. Buck 1949:§8.56, §8.57, §12.53; Pokorny 1959:122; Walde­ Pokorny 1973.11:176­77. 29. PAA *bə l­/*bal­ "to become worn "worn out, PIE *bə l­/*bal­ out": SEM.: PSem. *bal­iy­ weak; misfortune, calamity": Hebr. balah "to become old and Gk. (pĄoiupoç "bad, useless, mean, shabby"; OE. bealo "evil, worn out", bāleh "worn out", calamity, injury", bleat "mis­ beli "destruction, defect, fail­ ure"; Aram, bə lë "to become worn erable"; Olee, blaupr "soft, out"; Ar. baliya "to be or become weak"; OCS. bolëti "to be sick"; Lith. blыkst­ù "to become weak"; old, worn", baliy "worn, decre­ pit, old, shabby", baliya "trial, Goth, balwjan "to plague, tor­ tribulation, affliction, distress,, ment", blaupjan "to abolish, misfortume, calamity"; Tigre balā make void". "to be old, worn out"; Akk. balū "to come to an end, become extin­ guished". Cf. Buck 1949:§4.84, §16.72; Pokorny 1959:125, 159; Walde­Pokomy 1973.11:189, 208­09. 30. PAA *bBl­/*bal­ "to shine, be bright": SEM.: PSem. *bal­ag­ + Hebr. balay "to gleam, smile"; Ar. balaba "to shine, dawn", baliga "to be happy, glad", 'ablag "bright, clear, gay, serene, fair, beautiful, nice". PSem. *bal­bits?­ * NSyr. bal­ bis "to gleam ,w glit ter", CUSH. : PSam *bil­ig­ "to flash (light­ ning)" > Somali bilig "to flash"; Boni bilikso "lightning". PIE *bQl­/*bal­/*bl­ "shining, white": Skt. bhäla­m "fore­ head"; Gk. φaλós "shining, white"; OCS. bělo "white"; Lith. balas , baltas "white". PIE *blə y­/*blay­ ,. *bli­/*blē­ "to shine": OE. blēo "color, appearance, form", blican "to shine, glitter", blāc "bright, white"; OCS. blěd­o "light green, yellow". PIE *blə s­/ *blas­ "to shine": OE. blæse "torch, fire". PIE *bluH­ "to shine": Pol. biysk "lightning". PIE *bluHs­ "to shine, burn": OE. blysa "torch, fire"; Czech 200 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC bl 'skati "to shine". PIE *belk'­/*balk'­/ '­, *blek'­/ *blak'­ "to shine": Skt. bhár­ gas­ "splendor, radiance"; OCS. blagiD "good"; Gk. "to burn, blaze"; Lat. f l a g r ō "to blaze, burn, glow", fulgor "lightning"; OE. blęcern, blācern "lantern". Cf. Buck 1949:§1.55, §15.64, §15.57, §16.25, §16.22; Pokomy 1959: 118­20, 155­56, 158, 159, 124­25; Walde­Pokorny 1973.II:175­76, 210, 217, 214, 214­15. 31. PAA *bə r­/*bar­ "to shine, be bright": SEM.: PSem. *bar­ak'­ Hebr. bārak "to flash", bārāk "lightning"; Aram, barkā "light­ ning"; Ug. brk "lightning"; Ar. baraka "to shine, glitter, spar­ kle"', bark "lightning"; Akk. birku "lightning", barāku "to flash"; Harari bə rāk "light­ ning"; Eth. baraka "to flash"; Harsūsi berkdt "to flash, lighten", hebērēk "lightning". PSem. *bar­ar­ Hebr. bārar "to purify", bar "pure, clean"; Akk. barāru "to glitter, glis­ ten, glimmer, sparkle", barïru "rays"; Ug. brr "pure, clean"; Eth. berur "silver". PSem. *bar­ah­ ­»­Eth. barha "to light up"; Amh. bдrra "to be lit", abдrra "to be aglow; to shine, be bright", mдbrat "lamp, light", bə rhan "light, glow, flame"; Tigre bдrha "to be light". PSem. *bar­ '­ Akk. barāsu "to sparkle, shine brightly"; Eth. tabārasa "to twinkle, glitter". EG.:' brg "to give light". CUSH.: PEC *bark'­/*birk'­ "lightning" ­> Dasenech bidai ( *birk'­ti) "lightning"; Elmolo i­birga "lightning". PSC *birik'­ "lightning" ­> Dahalo birik'ina "lightning". PIE *bə rEk>­, * b r ə E k ' ­ "to shine, gleam, be bright": Skt. bhrājate "to shine, gleam, glit­ ter"; Goth, bairhts "bright"; Lith. brékšti "to dawn"; Hitt. p á r ­ k u ­ i š "pure, clean"; Pal. pa­ar­ku­i­ti "to clean, puri­ fy"; Welsh berth "beautiful". PIE *brə k­ "to shine, glitter": Skt. bhrāsate "to shine, glit­ ter"; OIce. brjā ( Gmc. *brex­ an) "to sparkle, flicker, gleam". COMPARISON OF PIE AND PAA 201 Cf. Buck 1949:§1.55, §15.57, §15.87, §17.34; Pokorny 1959:139­40, 141­42; Walde­Pokomy 1973.II:170­71, 169. 32. PAA *bә r­/*bar­ "to be kind, charitable, beneficent; to do good": SEM.: PSem. *bar­ar­ Ar. barra "to be reverent, dutiful, devoted; to be kind, charitable, beneficent; to do good", birr "piety, good ac­ tion"; Tamūdic br "to be righteous", hbr "beneficence, charity, benevolence". PIE *bә r­/*bar­/*b ­ "to be kind, charitable, beneficent; to do good": Arm bari "good"; Gk. "bravest, best", "braver, better"; OHG. bora­ "better"; Av. bair­ iљta­ "to most willing to help, the most helpful". Cf. Buck 1949:§16.71. 33. PAA *bә d­/*bad­ "to penetrate, split": SEM.: PSem. *bad­ak'­ Hebr. beðek "breach, fissure"; Aram. bә ða "to penetrate, split"; Akk. badā u "to cleave, split"; Eth. bedek "fissure". "to prick, dig, PIE *bә d­/*bad­ pierce": Hitt. pid­da­i, pad­ da­i "to dig"; Lat. fodiō "to dig"; Lith. bedù "to dig, bury"; Welsh bedd "grave"; Gaul. bedo­ "canal, ditch"; OCS. bod "to stick, prick". Cf. Buck 1949:§8.22, §9.27; Pokorny 1959:113­14. 34. PAA *bә rgy­/*bargy­ "to stand out, protrude, be prominent": SEM.: PSem. *bara ­ Ar. baraza "to show, appear, come into view, emerge; to jut out, protrude, be prominent, stand out", burūz "prominence, pro­ jection", bāriz "protruding, projecting"; Gurage (Wolane) bә räzäzä "to dream". PIE *bә rg­/*barg­/*b g­ "to be prominent, high": Skt. b hánt­ "high, tall, great"; Arm. barjr "high"; OE. beorh, beorg "hill, mountain"; Hitt. par­ku­uљ "high". Cf. Buck 1949:§1.22, §4.62, §12.31; Pokorny 1959:140­41; Walde­ Pokomy 1973.II:172­74. 35. PAA *bә h­/*bah­ "to shine": "to shine": PIE *bә h­/*bah­ Skt. bhāti "to shine"; Gk. "to SEM.: PSem. *bah­ar­ Hebr. "light, bāhīr "bright, brilliant, clear"; give light, shine", bright, joyous", "to bring Ar. bahara "to glitter, shine"; to light, make clear; to show, Aram. bә har "to shine". PSem. 202 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC *bah­aw­ Ar. bahä "to be beau­ appear", "light"; OIr. tiful", bahīy "beautiful, splen­ ban "white"; OE. bdnian "to pol­ did, brilliant, radiant, shining". ish" . PSem. *bah­ig­, *bah­ug­ Ar. bahiga "to be glad, happy", bahuğa "to be beautiful", bahga "splendor, magnificence, beauty". PSem. *bah­ak'­ Hebr. bdhak "a harmless eruption on the skin, vitiligo"; Aram. bә ha "to shine"; Ar. bahak "herpetic eruption, a mild form of leprosy"; Harsüsi behō "having uncolored (white) blotches on the skin". Cf. Buck 1949:§15.56, §16.22, §16.81; Pokorny 1959:104­05; Walde­ Pokorny 1973.II:122­23. 36. PAA *bә h­/*bah­ "to say, speak": SEM.: PSem. *bah­al­ Akk. bālu "to implore, beseech"; Ar. bahala "to curse"; Eth. bә hla "to say, speak";Harari bāya "to say, name"; Sheri bεhlιt "word"; Gu­ rage balä "to say". PIE *bә h­/*bah­ "to say, speak": Dor. "to declare, make known"; Lat. fārī "to say, speak"; OE. bdian "to boast"; Russ. Ch. S1. bajati "to tell, heal". Cf. Buck 1949:§18.21, §18.22; Pokorny 1959:105­06; Walde­Pokorny 1973.II:123­24. 37. PAA *bә k'­/*bak'­ "to cleave, PIE*bәk'­/*bak'­"to break": break": SEM.: PSem. *bak'­a ­ Skt. bhanakti "to break, shat­ Hebr. bā a' "to cleave, break ter"; Arm. bekanem "to break"; open or through"; Aram. bә a' OIr. bongid "to break, reap". "to cleave"; Ug. b ' "to split"; PIE *bak'­ "to divide, distrib­ Amh. bä ä ä "to open". PSem. ute": Skt. bhájati "to divide, *bak'­ar­ Ar. bakara "to split distribute, receive, enjoy"; open, rip open, cut open"; Hebr. Gk. " t o e a t , devour"; bā ar "to inquire, seek". CUSH.: Toch. A pāk, B pake " p a r t , por­ PEC *bak'­ "to crush" Afar bak­ t i o n " . "to crush"; Somali bag­ "to cur­ dle"; Oromo bak'­ "to melt", bak'ak*­ "to crack". Cf. Buck 1949:§9.26; Pokorny 1959:114­15, 107; Walde­Pokorny 1973. II:149­51, 127­28. COMPARISON OF PIE AND PAA 38. PAA *bә ­/*ba­ "from, with, by, at": SEM.: PSem. *bi­/*ba­ Hebr. bә ­ "in, at, on, with"; Ar. bi "in, within, among"; Ug. b "in, with, from"; ESA b "of, from"; Eth. ba "in, at, with"; Harari ­be "with, from, by, of, in, on, at"; Gurage bä "with, in, at, by, out, out of, from"; Harsüsi b(e)­ "in, with, by". 203 "from, with, PIE *bә ­/*ba­/*bi­ by, at": Goth. bi "by", bai "both"; Gk. suffix ­, . "on both sides, around", "both"; Lat. ambō "both", pl. case ending ­bus; Skt. a­bhķ "to, towards", u­bháu "both", instr. p1. ending ­bhis, dat.­ abl. p1. ending ­bhyas, instr.­ dat.­abl. dual ending ­bhyām. Cf. Pokorny 1959:34­35; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:54­55. 39. PAA *ber­/*bar­ "grain, cereal": SEM.: PSem. *burr­/*barr­ Hebr. bar "grain"; Ar. burr "wheat"; Akk. burru "a cereal"; Harsüsi berr "corn, maize, wheat"; Mehri ber "corn, maize, wheat". EG.: b ­t "a kind of grain". CUSH.: Somali bur "wheat". PIE *bars­ "grain": Lat. far "spelt, grain"; OIce. barr "barley"; OE. here "barley"; OCS. bras no "food". Cf. Buck 1949:§8.44; Pokorny 1959:111; Walde­Pokorny 1973.II:134. 40. PAA *bә y­/*bay­ "to sell": SEM.: PSem. *bay­a ­ Ar. bā'a "to sell, offer for sale"; amūdic by' "to sell"; Pun. b't "tariff". Cf. Buck 1949:§11.82. "to give": PIE *bә y­/*bay­ Hitt. pai "to give"; Luw. piya­ "to give"; Hier. pia­ "to give"; Lyc. piye­ "to give"; Pal. pisa­ "to give". I owe this etymology to Yoël L. Arbeitman. 9.16. PAA *ƒ = PIE *p: 41. PIE *pә l­ " s k i n , h i d e " : Gk. PAA *fә l­/*fal­ "skin, hide": " s k i n " ; L a t . pellis "hide, CUSH.: PSC *fal­ or *fäl­ "skin, s k i n " ; OE. fell "skin, hide, hide" Burunge fala "hide"; Asa fur". fulo "hide"; Ma'a ­fwáli "to scratch, itch", ufwá "rash". Cf. Buck 1949:4.12; Pokorny 1959:803­04; Walde­Pokorny 1973.II: 58­59. 204 42. TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC PAA *saf­ (?) " s e v e n " : SEM.: PSem. *љab ­ ( *sap ­ *saf ­) Hebr. љeßa' "seven"; Akk. sebe "seven"; Syr. љ ә ß a ' "seven"; Ar. sab' "seven"; E t h . sab' ū "seven"; Ug. šb' "seven". EG.: sf "seven". BERB.: T a s h e l h i t (m.) sa, ( f . ) sat "seven". PIE *sә pt "seven": S k t . sapta "seven"; L a t . "seven"; Gk. Septem "seven"; Goth. sibun "seven"; H i t t . љ i ­ i p ­ t a ­ m i ­ y a "seventh". Cf. Pokorny 1959:909; Walde­Pokorny 1 9 7 3 . I I : 4 8 7 . 43. PAA *nә f­/*naf­ "to breathe, blow": SEM.: PSem. *nap­aљ­ Hebr. neφeš " s o u l , l i v i n g being, l i f e , s e l f , person"; Akk. napāšu " t o b r e a t h e " , napištu " l i f e " ; Ar. nafusa " t o b r e a t h e , i n h a l e , ex­ h a l e " , nafs " s o u l , l i f e , person"; Ug. nps " s o u l " ; Harsüsi nefesét " s o u l " ; E t h . nafsa " t o blow", nafs " s o u l " , nefas "wind"; Gu­ rage näfäsä " t o blow (wind)". PSem. *nap­ax­ Hebr. nāφa " t o b r e a t h e , blow"; Akk. napā u " t o inflame, blow"; Ar. na fa a " t o blow, puff, b r e a t h e , blow up, i n f l a t e " ; Ug. mp m (√np ) "bellows"; Harsüsi nefōx " t o blow", anfōx " t o i n f l a t e " ; E t h . nafha " t o blow, blow upon"; Gu­ rage (Chaha) näfa " t o blow up, i n f l a t e " . PSem. *nap­at'­ Ar. nafata " t o sneeze"; Harsüsi e n t e f ō " t o blow o n e ' s nose"; Tigre nә fa " n a s a l mucus"; Gu­ rage (tä)naffätä " t o blow the n o s e " . PSem. *?anp­ Ar. 'anf "nose"; Hebr. 'aφ " n o s e , nos­ t r i l , f a c e " ; Akk. appu "nose"; Ug. âp "nose"; E t h . 'anf " n o s e " ; T i g r e 'anә f " n o s e " . EG.: nf " a i r , wind, b r e a t h " , nfy " t o b r e a t h e , blow a t " , nfwt, nfwyt " b r e e z e s " , fn ( *nf ) " n o s e " . BERB.: Tarn. ss­unfә s "to b r e a t h e " . CUSH.: PEC *nass­/ *ness­ ( *nafs­/*nefs­) "to PIE *np­ (with m e t a t h e s i s ) *pn­ i n *pn­u­/*pn­ә ­ , *pn­ s­/ *pn­ s ­ , *pn­ k­ " t o b r e a t h e " : Gk. " ( *pn­e ­) " t o b r e a t h e " , " b r e a t h " ; OIce. fnasa " t o sneeze, ( Gmc. *fn­as­) s n o r t " , fn sa ( Gmc. *fn­iu­s­) " t o sneeze"; OE. fnēosan " t o s n e e z e " , fn s ( Gmc. *fn­ēs­) " b r e a t h " ; OHG. fnehan ( Gmc. *fn­ex­) "to breathe". COMPARISON OF PIE AND PAA 205 breathe, rest" Somali nas­ad­; Rendille nas­; Elmolo nas­i; Konso ness­a "soul, breath, noise"; Gidole nass "voice, character"; Dullay nass­aɗ­ "to breathe", nass­o "soul, life, spirit, breath"; Yaaku nes­i "breath". Cf. Buck 1949:§4.51; Pokorny 1959:838­39; Walde­Pokorny 1973.II:85. 9.17. PAA *t = PIE *t: 44. PAA *tә p­/*tap­ "to burn, be hot": EG.: tp "to burn; flame, fire". CHAD.: Hausa tąf sa "to boil, bring to boil". " t o burn, be PIE *tә p­/*tap­ h o t " : Skt. tácpati " t o h e a t , make warm", tápu­ "burning, h o t " ; L a t . tepeō " t o be l u k e ­ warm"; OIr. te " h o t " , ten " f i r e " ; OCS. topl' "warm"; H i t t . tapašša­ "fever". Cf. Buck 1949:§5.22, §15.85; Pokorny 1959:1069­70; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:718­19. 45. PAA *tә r­/*tar­ "to be full, become full": PAA *tә rp­/ *tarp­ "to have all needs fulfilled, have enough, be satisfied": SEM.: PSem. *tar­i ­ Ar. tari'a "to be or become full". PSem. *tarap­ Ar. tarifa "to live in abun­ dance, opulence, luxury", taraf "opulence, luxury, affluence"; Harari täräfa "to be in excess"; Amh. tärräfa "to be left over, remain, be in excess, be super­ fluous", tә rf "profit, gain, excess". PIE *tә rp­/*tarp­/*t p­, *trә p­/ *trap­ "to have enough, be satis­ fied": Skt. trpyati "to become satiated"; Gk. "to satis­ fy, delight, please; to be de­ lighted, have enough"; Goth. prafstjan "to console, comfort"; Lith. ta pti "to thrive, grow luxuriantly". Cf. Buck 1949:§13.18; Pokorny 1959:1077­78; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I: 736­37. 46. PAA *tә r­/*tar­ "to be weak, frail, delicate": EG.: tr "to be weak". PIE *tә r­/*tar­ "weak, frail, delicate": Gk. "smooth, soft, delicate"; Skt. táru a­ 206 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC "young, fresh, tender"; Lat. tardus "slow, tardy"; OIr. tero "scanty"; Lith. ta nas "servant". Cf. Buck 1949:§4.82, §15.75; Pokorny 1959:1070­71; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:728. 47. PAA *tә r­/*tar­ "to shake, trem­ ble": SEM.: PSem. *tar­ Ar. tartara "to shake, be shaken, tremble"; Akk. pres. itarrur "to shake"; NHebr. tirtēr "to scatter, shake loose (earth)"; Harari (a)­ trätära "to shake the grain on the afuftu­ plate to separate it from sand or to separate the finely ground flour from the un­ ground". EG.: Copt. trre "to become afraid". CUSH.: PSC *tarar­ "to tremble, shake" Ma'a ­tará'i "to shake (some­ thing) "; Dahalo tarar­. PIE *tә r­/*tar­ "to shake, trem­ ble", *tә rs­/*trә S­: Skt. trás­ ati "to tremble, quiver"; Gk. "to tremble, quiver"; Lat. t e r r e ō "to frighten, terrify". PIE *trә m­: Gk. "to trem­ ble, quiver"; Lat. tremō "to tremble, quake"; OCS. tresti "to shake". Cf. Buck 1949:§10.26, §16.53; Pokorny 1959:1095, 1092­93; Walde­ Pokorny 1973.I:760, 758. 48. PAA *tә l­/*tal­ "to lift, raise, elevate, stretch, spread, ex­ tend": SEM.: PSem. *tal­ Hebr. tālā', tālāh "to hang", tēl "mound", tālūl "exalted, lofty"; Ar. tall "hill, ele­ vation", tala'a "to rise, spread", talī' "outstretched, long, extended; high, tall"; Akk. tillu "ruin". EG.: tn "to raise, elevate". CUSH.: Oromo tullu "hill, hunch"; Somali tūlo "hunch". PSC *tol­ "to rise off the ground" Kw'adza tsal­ "to fly"; Dahalo olāð­ to pick up". PIE *tә l­/*tal­/*t ­ "to lift, raise, stretch, extend": Skt. tut "balance, scale", tulayati "to lift, weigh"; Gk. "to make to arise", "scale, balance", "to suffer, en­ dure, bear"; Lat. t o l l ō "to lift up, raise, elevate", tolevd "to endure, sustain"; MIr. tlenaim "to take away"; Goth. pulan "to tolerate, suffer, endure"; OIce. þola "to bear, endure, suffer"; Toch. A täl­ "to lift, raise". Cf. Buck 1949:§1.22, §10.22; Pokorny 1959:1060­61; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:738­40. COMPARISON OF PIE AND PAA 49. 207 PAA *tә r­/*tar­ "to be dry, arid; PIE *tә rs­/*tars­/*t s­ "to be to become dry, dusty": SEM.: or become dry": Av. tarљu­ PSem. *tar­ib­ Ar. tariba "to "dried up, parched, arid"; Skt. become dusty", turba "dust, t yati "to thirst", t á­ earth". PSem. *tar­a ­ Ar. "dry, rough"; Gk. "to taraza "to be hard, dry, arid". be or become dry"; Lat. torreo CUSH.: PSC *teri­ "dust" Iraqw "to parch, dry up", terra teri; Ma'a itéri . "earth, ground"; Goth. paursus "dry, withered", þaursjan "to thirst". Cf. Buck 1949:§1.21, §1.213, §5.15, §15.84; Pokorny 1959:1078­79; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:737­38. 50. PAA *tә k'­/*tak'­ "to touch, PIE *tak'­ "to touch, strike, push, strike": EG.: tq "to cut, push, stroke": Lat. tangō "to touch, strike, push, hit"; Gk. slay, strike". CUSH.: PEC "having seized"; OE. *tak'­/*tuk'­ "to touch, push, paccian "to pat, stroke". strike" Rendille tax­ "to push"; Dasenech ta'­ "to push"; Oromo tuk'­ "to touch". Cf. Buck 1949:§15.71; Pokorny 1959:1054­55; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I: 703­04. 51. PAA *tә m­/*tam­ "to cover over": EG.: tms "to hide, cover over, bury". PIE *tә m­/*tam­/*t ­ "dark; darkness": Skt. tamas­ "dark­ ness, gloom", támisrā "a dark night"; Av. tә mah­ "darkness"; Lat. tenebrae ( *temes­rā) "darkness"; OIr. temel "dark­ ness"; Lith. tamsą "darkness"; OCS. toma "darkness"; OSax. thimm "dark". Cf. Buck 1949:§15.63; Pokorny 1959:1063­64; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I: 720­21. 52. "you", 2 p1. verb PIE *tә ­/*ta­ PAA *tә /*ta "you": SEM.: PSem. ending *­tә ­/*­ta­: Dor. (acc.) *ti­/*ta­, *­t /*­t Ar. (m.) , (loc.) TOL, 2 p1. verb end­ 'an­ta, (f.) 'an­ti "you", per­ fect 2 sg. endings (m.) ­ta, (f.) ing ­ ; Skt. (loc.) te, 2 p1. ­ti, imperfect 2 sg./du./pl. per­ verb ending ­ta; OCS. (acc.) te, (dat.) te­be , 2 p1. verb sonal prefix ta­; Akk. (m.) ending ­te; Lat. (abl.) tē at­tä, (f.) at­tļ "you", per­ (OLat. tëd) , (dat.) ti­bī; Pal. mansive 2 sg. endings (m.) 208 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC ­āt(a), (f.) ­āti, prefix con­ jugation 2 sg./pl. personal pre­ fix ta­; Hebr. (m.) ' a t ­ t ā h , (f.) 'at­t(ī) "you", perfect 2 sg. verb endings (m.) ­tā, (f.) ­t(i), imperfect 2 sg./pl. per­ sonal prefix ti­; Eth. (m.) ' a n ­ t a , (f.) ' a n ­ t ī "you", pre­ fix conjugation 2 sg./pl. per­ sonal prefix t e ­ . CUSH.: Bilin (sg.) en­ti, in­ti, (p1.) en­tin, in­tin "you". ti­i; Hitt. zi­ik. Cf. Brugmann 1904:410­13; Pokorny 1959:1097­98; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:745. 53. PAA *tә /*ta demonstrative stem: SEM.: PSem. *t /*t Ar. (m.) t , (f.) tā "this"; Tigre (m.) tū, (f.) tд "this". EG.: t tn "this". PIE *ta­ demonstrative stem: Skt. tad " t h i s , t h a t " ; Gk. " t h i s , t h a t " ; Goth. pata " t h a t " ; L i t h . tаs " t h i s , t h a t " ; Toch. A täm " t h i s " ; H i e r . Luw. tas "this". Cf. Pokorny 1959:1086­87; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:742­43. 54. PAA *tә w­/*taw­ "to swell": EG.: tw w "pustules, swellings, warts". PIE * t u ­ / * t ә ­/*ta ­ "to swell": Lat. tūber "swelling, protuber­ ance", turned "to swell, be swol­ len"; Skt. tavás­ "strong"; Gk. , "knot"; Lith. turn ti "to become thick", taukaп "(ani­ mal) fat". Cf. Buck 1949:§12.63; Pokorny 1959:1080­85; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I: 706­14. 55. PAA * t ә k ' ­ / * t a k ' "to be or be­ come established, firm, solid": SEM.: PSem. *tak'­an­ Hebr. tā an "to become straight"; Aram. tә an "to be established, firm"; Akk. ta ānu "to be well ordered"; Ar. takana "to per­ fect, bring to perfection; to make fast, fortify, build sol­ idly", ta āna "solidity, firm­ ness" . PIE *tә k'­u­ "firm, solid, thick": OIr. tiug "thick"; Welsh tew "thick, fat"; OIce. pykkr "thick, stout"; OE. picce "solid, thick, dense". COMPARISON OF PIE AND PAA Cf. Buck 1 9 4 9 : § 1 2 . 6 3 ; P o k o r n y 1 9 5 9 : 1 0 5 7 ; W a l d e ­ P o k o r n y 56. PAA *tә n­/*tan­ "to extend, spread, s t r e t c h , endure; to s t r e t c h o u t t h e hand, hand over, give": SEM.: PSem. *wa­tan­ H e b r . ' ēθān " p e r e n ­ n i a l , e v e r ­ f l o w i n g " ; A r . watana " t o e n d u r e , flow p e r e n n i a l l y " ; Ug. ytn " t o g i v e , p u t , s e t " ; P h o e n . ytn " t o g i v e , d o n a t e " , mtn " g i f t " . PSem. *na­tan­ H e b r . nāθan " t o g i v e , p u t , set". 209 1973.I:718. PIE *tә n­/*tan­/*t ­ "to stretch, extend": S k t . tanoti "to extend, s p r e a d , s t r e t c h , endure; to p u t f o r t h , ( p a s s . ) be p u t f o r t h , be e x t e n d e d " , tanú­ "thin, small, s l e n d e r " ; Gk. "to stretch, stretch out", "to stretch, spread, extend, s t r e t c h out, reach"; Lat. tendō "to s t r e t c h , s t r e t c h out, extend, spread", tenuis "thin, fine, slight, slen­ d e r " , tened " t o h o l d " ; OHG. denen " t o s t r e t c h " ; OE. pennan, þenian " t o s t r e t c h " , þynne " t h i n " . Cf. Buck 1 9 4 9 : § 9 . 3 2 , § 1 1 . 2 1 ; P o k o r n y 1 9 5 9 : 1 0 6 5 ­ 6 6 , 1 0 6 9 ; W a l d e ­ Pokomy 1 9 7 3 . I : 7 2 2 ­ 2 4 , 724. 9.18. 57. PAA *d = PIE *d: PAA *dә b­/*dab­ "to stick to­ gether, join": SEM.: PSem. *dab­ak'­ Hebr. dāβa "to ad­ here, cling to"; Aram. dә ßa "to stick together, join"; Ar. dabika "to stick, adhere". PSem. *dab­ al­ Ar. dabala "to unite"; Harari däbäla "to add, put to­ gether, include"; Tigre dab­ bäla "to stick together"; Gu~ rage däbälä "to add, join, unite". CUSH.: PSam *dab­ "to plait" Rendille dab­i "to plait"; Boni tob/toba "to plait". PIE *dab­ "to fit together": Arm. darbin ( pre­Arm. *dhabh­ rino­) "smith"; Lat. faber "skillful"; Goth. ga­daban "to be fitting, happen"; Lith. dab­ vnti "to adorn, decorate". Cf. Buck 1949:§9.42, §9.943; Pokorny 1959:233­34; Walde­Pokomy 1973.I:824­25. 58. PAA *dә l­/*dal­ "to dangle, hang": SEM.: PSem. *dal­al­ Hebr. dālal "to hang down, dan­ gle". PSem. *dal­dal­ Ar. PIE *dә l­/*dal­ "to dangle, swing": Arm. do łam "to tremble, quake, quiver"; Swed. dial. dilla "to swing, dangle"; Low Germ. 210 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC daldala "to set into a swing­ ing motion, dangle". PSem. *dal­aw­ Ar. dalā "to let hang, dangle; to hang, suspend"; Eth. dalawa "to weigh"; Hebr. dālāh "to draw water"; Akk. dalū "to draw water from a well"; Harsüsi adл{ye)l "to pull up by a rope"; Soqotri déle "to weigh". dallen "to dangle". Cf. Buck 1949:§10.22; Pokorny 1959:246; Walde­Pokomy 1973.I:865. 59. PAA *dә n­/*dan­ "to cut, cut off, PIE *dә n­/*dan­/*dņ­ "to cut, cleave": EG.: dn "to cut, cut cut off, cleave": OE. dynt off, cleave", dndn "to attack, do "stroke, blow, bruise", dengan violence", dn "to cut, divide, "to beat, strike"; 0Ice. dengja "to hammer, whet a scythe"; Alb. distribute", dnd "to slaughter, dhend, dhênn "to lop off, cut kill". down". Cf. Buck 1949:§9.21; Pokorny 1959:249­50; Walde­Pokomy 1973.I: 853­54. 60. PAA *dә y­/*day­ "to look at, consider, examine": SEM.: PSem. *day­an­ Hebr. dīn "to judge"; Akk. dānu "to judge"; Ar. däna "to condemn, pass judg­ ment", dīn "judgment, sentence"; Syr. dīna "judgment"; Ug. dyn "to judge"; Eth. dayn "condem­ nation"; Amh. danna "judge". EG.: dny "to question, inter­ rogate". CUSH.: PEC. *dey­/ *doy­ "to look at" Somali day­ "to examine"; Boni day­ "to try, test"; Arbore doy­ "to see"; Elmolo doy­ "to regard"; Oromo doy­ā "observation", dōy­ā "spy". PSC. *dä­ "to look at" Kw'adza da*am­ "to watch, gaze"; Ma'a ­dá*a "to look for"; Dahalo āwa ­ "to look after". *dī­/*dē­ PIE *dә y­/*day­, *dyә A­ "to look at": Skt. d ­ dheti "to perceive, think, re­ flect, wish"; Av. dā(y)­ "to see", daēmon­ "eye"; Dor. "sign, mark, token". Cf. Buck 1949:§15.52, §17.14, §21.16; Pokorny 1959:243; Walde­ Pokorny 1973.I:831­32. COMPARISON OF PIE AND PAA 61. PAA *dә w)­/*daw­ "to make a loud noise": SEM.: PSem. *daw­ay­ Ar. dawā "to sound, drone, echo, resound", dawīy "sound, noise, drone, roar, echo, thun­ der". EG.: dw , dwy "to call, cry out", dw ­wt "outcry, roar". 211 "to make a PIE *dwә n­/*dun­ loud noise": Skt. dhvánati "to sound, roar, make a noise, echo, reverberate"; OE. dynian "to resound", dyne "noise, loud sound". Cf. Pokorny 1959:277; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:869. 62. PAA *dә r­/*dar­ "to be dirty, filthy": SEM.: PSem. *dar­in­ Ar. davina "to be dirty, filthy", daran "dirt, filth". "to be dirty, PIE *dә r­/*dar­ filthy": Lat. fracēs "dregs of oil"; OIce. dregg "dregs, lees", drit "dirt"; OE. drdsne "dregs, dirt", deorc "dark", dęrste "dregs, lees"; Lith. dérgti "to become dirty", de k­ ti "to make dirty", dargùs "dir­ ty, filthy". Cf. Buck 1949:§15.88; Pokorny 1959:251, 256; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I: 854­56, 861­62. 9.19. 63. PAA *t' = PIE *t': PAA *t'ә rp­/*t'arp­ "to tear, rend, pluck": SEM.: PSem. *t'arap­ Hebr. āraφ "to tear, rend, pluck"; Aram. ә raφ "to tear, seize". "to pluck": PIE *t'rә p­/*t'rap­ Gk. "to pluck, cull"; OIce. trцf "fringes"; Russ. dial. drápat' , drapát' "to scratch, scrape". Cf. Buck 1949:§9.28; Pokorny 1959:211; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:801­02. 64. PAA *t'әl­/*t'al­ "to bedew": SEM.: PSem. *t'al­al­ Hebr. al "dew"; Ug. l "dew"; Ar. alla "to bedew", all "dew"; Eth. all "dew", talla "to be wet, humid"; arsūsi el "dew". PIE *t'ә l­/*t'al­ "to bedew, wet": MIr. delt "dew"; Arm. tel "heavy rain"; Swed. talg "tallow". Cf. Pokorny 1959:196. 65. PAA *t'ә y­/*t'ay­ "to be bright; PIE * t ' i ­ / * t ' ә ­/*t'a ­ "to to be pleasant, agreeable": SEM.: shine, be bright": Skt. d deti P$em. *t'ay­ab­ Hebr. ōβ "good, "to shine, be bright", devá­ 212 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC pleasing"; Akk. tabu "to be good, "god", dyáu "heaven, sky, day", divyá­ " d i v i n e , heavenly"; Arm. kind, acceptable, joyful"; Ug. tiv "day"; OIce, t e i t r " c h e e r ­ tb "good, pleasant, agreeable"; f u l , g l a d , merry", ( s g . ) tīvorr Harsüsi teyob "to enjoy". "god", (p1.) t ī v a r "gods"; L i t h . diena "day", di vas "god", dai­ lùs " r e f i n e d , e l e g a n t , g r a c e ­ f u l " ; OCS. d n "day"; L a t . dies "day", deus "god"; OIr. die "day". Cf. Buck 1949:§16.71, §16.81; Pokorny 1959:183­87; Walde­Pokomy 1973.I:772­74. 66. PAA *t'ә w)­/*t'aw­ "to praise, adore, honor": EG.: dw "to praise, adore, honor", dw ­t "praise, hymn of praise", dw w "praises". PIE *t'u­/*t'ә ­/*t'a ­ "to wor­ ship, revere": Skt. duva­ "worship, reverence, favor, oblation, friendship"; Lat. bonus (OLat. duenos) "good", beātus "happy, blessed". Cf. Buck 1949:§22.16; Pokorny 1959:218­19; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I: 778. 67. PAA *t'ә w­/*t'aw­ "to give, put, place": EG.: d, dw "to give, put, place". *t'ū­/*t'ō­ PIE (*t'ә w­/)*t'aw)­, "to give, put, place": Skt. dá­dā­ti "to give", (inf.) dāv­ áne; Gk. "to give"; Cypr. (inf.) "to give"; Lat. dō "to give", (subj.) duim, duīs, duit; Lith. dúoti "to give", dovana "present, gift", daviaū "I gave"; OCS. dati "to give"; Luw. 3 sg. pret. du­ú­ wa­at­ta "to put, place"; Hier. Luw. tuwa­ "to put, place"; Lyc. tuve­ "to put, place". Cf. section 6.9.5A for additional Indo­European cognates; Buck 1949:§11.21; Pokorny 1959:223­26; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:814­16. 68. PAA *t'ә rħ­/*t'arħ­ "to work, toil": SEM.: PSem. *t'araħ­ Hebr. tāra "to toil, be bur­ dened"; Aram. ә ra "to toil". PIE *t'ә r ­ / * t ' a r _ ­ , * t ' r ә ­ " t o work": Gk. " " t o do", "deed, a c t " ; L i t h . daviaũ, darýti " t o do, make". Cf. Buck 1949:§9.11, §9.13; Pokorny 1959:212. COMPARISON OF PIE AND PAA 69. PAA *t'ә w­/*t'aw­ "to lengthen, make long": SEM.: PSem. *t'aw­ al­ Ar. tala "to become long"; Hebr. ūl "to hurl, cast"; Har­ süsi a wáyl "to lengthen, pro­ long". EG.: dwn "to stretch out, extend, reach out". 213 PIE *t'uA­/*t'ә A ­ / * t ' a A­, *t' Ә A­ "to make long, stretch out, extend": Skt. dū­rá­ "far, distant"; Gk. (adv.)* "long"; Lat. dūrō "to last, con­ tinue"; Hitt. tu­u­wa "to a dis­ tance, afar". Cf. Buck 1949:§9.32, §12.44; Pokorny 1959:219­20; Walde­Pokomy 1973.I:778­80. 9.20. PAA * = PIE *t: 70. PAA * ә k ­ / * ak­ "to bend, turn, PIE *tә k(s)­/*tak(s)­ "to bend, twist, cover": SEM.: PSem. turn, twist, wind": Skt. ták­ ati "to fashion, form, make, * ak­ak­ Hebr. sāxax "to create"; Lat. t e x ō "to weave, screen, cover, thatch; to plait, build"; Hitt. tak­ki­(e­)eš­zi interweave"; Ar. sakka "to lock, "to join, build"; Gk. bolt (the door)"; Akk. sakāku "carpenter"; Ossetic taxun "to "to plug up, block"; Amh. sдkдs­ weave"; Arm. t'ek'em "to bend, sдkд "to cram, stuff". PSem. shape"; OCS. teš , tesati "to * ak­ar­ Hebr. sāxar "to hew" . shut up, stop up"; Ar. sakara "to shut, close, lock, bolt"; Akk. sekлru "to dam up", sik­ kūru "bolt". EG.: sk "to cover, dress". CUSH.: PSC. * ak­ "hard shell of an animal" Kw'adza saki'ayo "tortoise". PSC. * akakal­ "crab" Burunge senkelima; Dahalo нkarikále. Cf. Buck 1949:§6.33, §7.23, §9.44, §9.75, §12.22, §12.25, §12.26; Pokorny 1959:1058, 1058­59; Walde­Pokomy 1973.I:716, 717. 9.21. 71. PAA * = PIE *d: PAA * ә m ­ / * 'am­ " t o blow, play a wind i n s t r u m e n t , make music": SEM.: PSem. * am­ar­ Ar. zamara " t o blow, play (a wind i n s t r u m e n t ) " ; Hebr. zimrāh "song, melody"; OAkk. zamārum " t o s i n g " ; Amh. zдmmдrд " t o s i n g " ; Aram. zamrūrā " f l u t e " , zә mār "music"; PIE *dә m­/*dam­/*d ­ "to blow": Skt. dhámati "to blow (as wind or as to blow any wind instru­ ment)"; OCS. d "to blow"; Lith. dumiù, dùmti "to blow, smoke"; OHG. dampf "steam, mist, haze, smoke". 214 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC Gurage (Soddo) zimmärä "to sing". EG.: zb "to play the flute", zbt "flute". Cf. Buck 1949:§10.38; Pokorny 1959:247­48; Walde­Pokomy 1973.I: 851­52. PIE *dar­ "to gush forth": Skt. 72. PAA * ә r m ­ / * arm­ "to gush dh vā "flood, gush"; Gk. , forth": SEM.: PSem. * aram­ "semen", "rushing, Hebr. zāram "to pour forth in floods, flood away", zerem "flood raging". of rain, downpour", zīrmāh "issue (of semen)"; Akk. zarāmu "to over­ whelm". EG.: zrm "flood, tor­ rent" . Cf. Pokorny 1959:256; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:861. 73. PAA * ә w ­ / * 'aw­ "to cease to exist, pass on, pass away": SEM.: PSem. * aw­al­ Ar. zāla "to disappear, vanish, cease to ex­ ist", zawāl "end, extinction"; Hebr. zūlāh "removal". EG.: zw "to pass, pass on, pass away, remove". PIE *du­/*de ­/*da ­ "to cease to exist, pass away, die": Goth. dauþs "dead", dauþus "death"; OE. dēaþ "death"; OIce. deyja "to die"; Lat. fünus "funeral, burial, corpse, death"; OIr. dķth "end, death". Cf. Buck 1949:§4.75; Pokorny 1959:260­61; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:835. 74. PAA * әw­/* aw­ "to tremble, shake, move, agitate": SEM.: PSem. * aw­a ­ Hebr. zū' "to tremble, quake"; Ar. zā'a "to impel"; Akk. zū "storm­wind". PIE * d u ­ / * d ә ­/*da ­ "to tremble, shake, move, agitate": Skt. dhü­ nòti, dhunoti, dhuváti "to shake, shake off, agitate"; OIce. dżja "to shake, quiver". Cf. Buck 1949:§10.26; Pokorny 1959:261­67; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I: 835­43. 9.22. PAA * ' = PIE *t': 75. PAA * 'әl­/* 'al­ "to stretch, extend, draw out": SEM.: PSem. * ' a l ­ a ħ ­ Hebr. āla "to ad­ vance, prosper"; Aram. ә la "to prosper"; Harsüsi á y l e "to be PIE * t ' ә l ­ / * t ' a l ­ / * t ' ­ "long": Skt. dīrghá­ "long"; Gk. "long", "continuous, perpetual"; Hitt. d a ­ l u ­ g a ­ e ­ e š "long"; OCS. dl "long". COMPARISON OF PIE AND PAA 215 fat". PSem. * 'al­at'­ Ar. al a "wide, broad", ulā i "spacious, roomy, wide". CUSH.: PEC. *ɗ1āl­ "to exceed, be long(er)" Saho el­ "to be long"; Gidole c'āl­ "to be bet­ ter, wealthier, taller"; Konso at­ "to exceed, be bigger, be longer"; Oromo c'āl­ "to exceed". EG.: "to stretch, extend, draw out". Cf. Buck 1949:§12.57, §12.58, §12.61; Pokorny 1959:196­98; Walde­ Pokorny 1973.I:812­13. 76. PAA * 'әr­/* 'ar­ "to be visi­ ble, clear, evident": SEM.: PSem. * 'ar­ Ar. ara a "to make clear, clarify, explain", aru a "to become clear, evi­ dent", arī "clear, distinct, obvious, plain, evident"; Amh. tärra "to be pure, be clarified, be clear, brighten, clear up (weather)", atorra "to purify, make clear, clean, elucidate"; Tna. äräyä "to be clean, pure". PIE *t'әr­/*t'ar­ "to be or be­ come visible, clear, evident": Skt. darpa a­ "mirror"; OHG. zorft "clear"; Gk. "to gaze at", "to see, look, observe". Cf. Buck 1949:§6.96, §17.34; Pokorny 1959:212; Walde­Pokorny 1973. I:803. 77. PAA *ħә '­/*ħa­ '­ "to harvest, reap": SEM.: PSem. *ħa '­ad­ Ar. a ada "to harvest, reap, mow", a īd "crop, harvest yield", a ad "mown grain"; Akk. e ēdu "to harvest". PIE *ħhәt'­ "crop, grain": Lat. ador a species of grain, spelt"; Goth. atisk "grain, grain­field"; OHG. e z z i s c "seed". Cf. Buck 1949:§8.32, §8.41, §8.42; Pokorny 1959:3; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:45. 9.23. 78. PAA *ty = PIE *t: PAA *tyә m­/*tyam­ " t o be d i z z y , s t u p e f i e d " : SEM.: PSem. *tyam­ il­ Ar. amila " t o be or b e ­ "to be dizzy, PIE *tә m­/*tam­ stupefied": Skt. t myati "to be faint, exhausted"; NHG. däm­ 216 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC come drunk". lich "dull, silly, stupid"; Lat. tērraitentus "drunken, intoxicated, tipsy", tēmētum "any intoxicating drink"; Russ. Ch. S1. tomiti "to torture, torment, harass, tire". Cf. Pokorny 1959:1063; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:720. 79. PAA *tyawr­ "bull, steer": SEM.: PSem. *tyawr­ Hebr. šōr "bull, ox"; Ar. aur "bull, steer"; Akk. sьru "ox"; Ug. tr "bull"; Harsüsi awr "bull". PIE *tawr­ "bull": Gk. "bull, ox"; Lat. taurus "bull"; OIce. þ j ō r r "bull"; Lith. taüras "aurochs". Cf. Buck 1949:§3.21; Pokorny 1959:1083; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:711. 80. PAA *tyә r­/*tyar­ "to cross over, pass through, overcome": EG.: r r "to overcome, destroy"; Copt. čorčr "to overcome". PIE *tә r­/*tar­/*t ­, *tә r ­/ *tar ­/*t ­, *trә ­ "to cross over, "pass through, over­ come": Skt. tárati "to cross over, overcome, surpass", t r­ vati " to overpower", tr< ate "to protect, defend"; Hitt. tar­a ­zi "to be powerful, be able; to control, conquer"; Lat. intro "to go into, enter", trāns "over, across". Cf. Buck 1949:20.41; Pokorny 1959:1074­75; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I: 732­34. 9.24. 81. PAA *dy = PIE *d: PAA *dyә k­/*dyak­ "man": SEM.: PIE *dә k­am­ *dә g­am­, *dg­am­ PSem. *dyik­ar­/ d y ak­ar­ "earth, ground, man": Skt. Akk. zikaru "man, male", zakru k am­ "earth, ground"; Gk. "male"; Hebr. zдxдr "male"; Ar. "earth, ground", "on the dakar "male"; Aram. d i x r ā "male"; earth, ground"; Alb. dhe "earth, Harsüsi ekár "male". land"; Lat. humus "earth, ground, soil", homo "human being, man"; Goth. guma "man"; OE. guma "man, hero"; OIr. dū "place", duine "person"; OCS. zemlża "earth"; OLith. žmuő "human being, per­ son"; Hitt. te­(e­)kán "earth, COMPARISON OF PIE AND PAA 217 ground"; Hier. Luw. takami­ "earth, land"; Toch. A tka , B kern "earth, ground". Cf. Buck 1949:§2.1; Pokorny 1959:414­16; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I: 662­64. 82. PAA *dyә b­/*dyab­ "to harm, in­ PIE *dә b­/*dab­ "to harm, in­ jure": SEM.: PSem. *dydb­dħ­ jure": Skt. dabhnóti "to hurt, Hebr. zāβa "to slaughter"; Ar. injure". abd a "to kill, slaughter"; Akk. zibь "offering", zebū "to slaugh­ ter, sacrifice"; Proto­Sinaitic b "sacrifice". EG.: db "to pierce, stab". Cf. Buck 1949:§11.28; Pokorny 1959:240; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:850­ 51. 83. PAA *dyanw­ "a kind of tree": EG.: nw "a kind of tree". CUSH.: Kambata dana "a kind of tree". PIE *danu/w­ "a kind of tree": Skt. dhánu­ , dhánvan­ "bow"; OHG. tonna "fir, oak"; OLG. dennia "fir". Cf. Buck 1949:§8.65, §20.24; Pokorny 1959:234; Walde­Pokorny 1973. I:825. 84. PAA *dyә kw­/*dyakw­ "to blaze, burn, be bright": SEM.: PSem. *dyak­ Hebr. zāxāh "to be clear, clean, pure", zāxax "to be bright, clean, pure"; Akk. zakū "to become clean, clear, light"; Ar. akд "to blaze, flare up", ukā' "the sun". *dә gw­/*dagw­ PIE *dә kw­/*dakw­ "to blaze, burn": Skt. dahati "to burn, consume by fire, scorch, roast"; Lat. foveō "to warm, keep warm"; MIr. daig "fire"; OPruss. dagis "summer"; Lith. degù, degti "to burn"; Gk. "(burning) ashes"; Toch. A tsäk­, tsak­ "to burn", tsāk­ "to give light, shine". Cf. Buck 1949:§1.85, §15.87, §17.34; Pokorny 1959:240­41; Walde­ Pokorny 1973.I:849­50. 85. PAA *dyәw­/*dyaw­ "to gush": SEM.: PSem. Hebr. zūβ "to flow, zōβ "flow, discharge, flow, *dyaw­ab­ gush", issue, PIE *dә w­/*daw­ " t o run, flow": Skt. dhavate " t o run, flow", dh vati " t o run, flow, stream", dhautν­ " s p r i n g , w e l l , r i v u l e t " ; 218 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC secretion"; Ar. daba "to melt, dissolve, flow"; Aram. zūβ "to flow"; Akk. zābu "to dissolve, ooze". Gk. "to run", OE. dēaw "dew". "quick"; Cf. Buck 1949:§10.32, §10.46; Lehmann 1952:43, §4.42a; Pokorny 1959:259­60; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:834. ­ "to hold": 86. PAA *dyәr­/*dyar­ "to hold; hand, PIE *dә r­/*dar­/*d Skt. dhāráyati "to hold, bear, arm": SEM.: PSem. * d y i r ­ ā ­ "arm, forearm" Ar. irā' "arm, preserve, keep"; Lith. daryti forearm"; Hebr. 'ezrōa', zә rōa' "to do, make"; Toch. A tsar, B "arm, shoulder"; Aram. dә rā'ā ar "hand". "arm"; Ug. r' "upper arm"; Akk. (West Sem. loan) zuru "arm"; Soqotri deră' "forearm"; Harsüsi erā "forearm"; S eri έ r a ' "forearm"; Eth. mazrā'et "arm". EG.: dr­t "palm of the hand", dr ­t "hand". Cf. Buck 1949:§4.31, §4.33, §11.15; Pokorny 1959:252­55; Van Windekens 1976.I:521; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:856­60. 9.25. 87. PAA *t'Y = PIE *t': PAA *t' y ә r ­ / * t ' y ar­ "to stick, adhere, make strong": SEM.: PSem. *t' y a r ­ i b ­ "to stick, adhere, make strong" Ar. ariba "to stick, adhere", ur­ riba "to become hard, strong, firm, solid"; Akk. arbatu "tree"; Harsüsi arb "wood, piece of wood, pėg". EG.: dr "hard, firm". ­ PIE *t'әru­/ t'aru­, * t ' r ә "to bind, pledge, guarantee, make strong": OIr. derb cer­ tain"; Goth. triggws "true"; OE. tr qēow "truth"; Lith. driútas "strong, firm". PIE *t'aru­, *Vr ­ "tree, wood": Hitt. ta­ru "wood"; Skt. d ru "wood"; Gk. "tree, beam"; Goth. triu "tree, wood"; OCS. drevo "tree". Cf. Buck 1949:§15.74, §16.65; Pokorny 1959:214­17; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:804­06. 88. PAA *t'yәl­/*t'yal_ "to over­ shadow, cover over, make dark": SEM.: PSem. *t'yal­al­ Hebr. ālal "to be or grow dark", ēl PIE *t'әl­/*t'al­ "to cover over": OE. be­telden "to cover", t e l d "tent"; OIce. tjald "tent"; OHG. zelt "tent, vault, canopy". COMPARISON OF PIE AND PAA 219 "shade, shadow"; Aram. ә lal "to overshadow"; Akk. ullulu "to provide shade; to roof", sullulu "obscure, dark", illu "shade, shadow"; Ar. zalla "to shade, overshadow"; Ug. 1 "shade"; Amh. tela "shade, shadow", t ä l l ä l ä "to shade". PSem. *t'yal­am­ Akk. alāmu "to become dark, turn black"; Ar. alima "to be or grow dark"; Harsüsi mé lern "dark"; Eth. alma "to be dark"; Amh. ällämä "to be dark"; Harari ilma "dark; darkness". EG.: _r "to cover". CUSH.: Beja duluma "darkness"; Agaw č' alal "to give shade", č' alam "to be dark". CHAD.: N. Bauchi Chad. *dlm "darkness" Siryanci dә ndә lә mi "darkness"; Jimbinanci dandilam "darkness". Cf. Buck 1949:§1.62, §1.63, §7.14; Pokorny 1959:194­96; Walde­ Pokorny 1973.I:809­12. 89. PAA *t'yә w­/*t'yaw­ "to be bad or evil": EG.: dw ( w) "to be bad or evil; to be stinking", dw­t "bad thing, evil, wicked­ ness" . PIE *t'us­ prefix indicating "bad, evil": Skt. dus­; Av. dus­; Gk. ­; Goth. tuz­. Cf. Buck 1949:§16.72; Pokorny 1959:227; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:816. 90. PIE *t'әns­/*t' s­ "great mental PAA *t'yә n­/*t'yan­ "to think": power, wise decision": Skt. SEM.: PSem. *t' y an­an­ Ar. anna "to think, believe, assume, dá sas­ "marvelous power or skill"; Av. dąhiљta­ "very wise"; deem, consider", ann "opinion, Horn. ( * ­) "counsels, idea, belief"; Harsūsi en "to plans"; Gk. ­ "wise of think, imagine". mind, prudent". Cf. Buck 1949:§17.13, §17.14; Pokorny 1959:201­02; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:793. 91. PAA *t'yә r­/*t'yar­ "to cut": SEM.: PSem. *t' yar­ar­ "to cut" Ar. arra "to cut, split", irr PIE *t'әr­/*t'ar­/*t ­ "to cut, split": Skt. d ti "to tear, rend, split open"; Gk. "to 220 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC "sharp­edged stone, flint"; Hebr. ōr "knife", ar "flint"; Akk. urtu "knife", urru "flint blade". skin, flay"; OE. teran "to tear". Cf. Buck 1949:§9.23; Pokorny 1959:206­11; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I: 797­803. 92. PAA *t'y ә r ­ / * t ' y a r ­ "to run, flow": SEM.: PSem. *t' y ar­aw/y­ Ar. arā "to flow, run, have diarrhea"; Hebr. orļ "balsam"; Akk. (West Sem. loan) urwa "balm"; Ug. rw "balm"*. *t'rә m­/*t'ram­, PIE *t'rә A­, * t ' r u ­ / * t ' r ә ­/*t'ra ­ "to run, flow": Skt. dr, ti "to run, has­ ten", drámati "to run about, roam, wander", dvavati "to run, hasten", dravá­ "running, flow­ ing", dravantī "river"; Gk. "flight, running away", (aor.) "to run, move quickly", "course, running, race"; Goth. trudan "to tread, step". Cf. Buck 1949:§10.32, §10.42; Pokorny 1959:204­06; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:795­97. 9.26. PAA *s = PIE *s: 93. PAA *sә m­/*sam­ "to resemble, be like": SEM.: PSem. *sam­al­ "to resemble, be like" Hebr. semel "image, statue". EG.: sm, sm "to resemble", smt "form, likeness", sm "form, image". PIE * sә m­/* sam­ " l i k e , same": S k t . samá­ " e q u a l , same"; Gk. "same"; L a t . similis "like, s i m i l a r " ; Goth. sama "same". Cf. Buck 1949:§12.91, §12.92; Pokorny 1959:902­05; Walde­Pokorny 1973.II:488­92. 94. PAA *sә g­/*sag­ "to acquire, get, gain": SEM.: PSem. *sag­ al­ "to acquire, possess" Hebr. sә yullāh "possession, property"; Akk. sugullāte "herds"; Ug. sgl "treasure"; Aram. siggēl, sīyēl "to ac­ quire"; Ar. sağala "to possess many goods". EG.: s wt "treasure". PIE *sә g­/*sag­ "to acquire, get, obtain": Gk. "to have, hold"; Skt. sahate "to overcome, conquer"; Goth. sigis "victory". COMPARISON OF PIE AND PAA 221 Cf. Buck 1949:§11.11, §11.12, §11.16; §11.41, §11.46; Pokorny 1959: 888­89; Walde­Pokorny 1973.II:481­82. 95. PAA *sә l­/*sal­ "to spring, leap": SEM.: PSem. *sal­ad­ Hebr. s ā l a ð "to spring, leap". PIE *sel­/*sal­ "to spring, leap": Lat. salid "to spring, leap, jump"; Gk. "to spring, leap, bound". Cf. Buck 1949:§10.43; Pokorny 1959:899; Walde­Pokorny 1973.II:505. 96. PIE *su­/*sә ­/*sa ­ "to drink": Lat. sūgō "to suck"; OIce. süpa Copt. sō "to drink". BERB.: Tam. "to sip, drink"; OE. sēaw sә w "to drink". CUSH.: Sidamo "juice, liquid". PIE *s ә l­ sō "to drink". "to drink, swallow": OE. swel­ gan "to swallow", swillan, swil­ ian "to flood with water so as to wash or rinse; to drink in large quantities"; OIce. svelga "to swallow". PAA *sә w­/*saw­ "to drink": sw, sw , swr, swr EG.: "to drink"; Cf. Buck 1949:§5.13, §5.16; Pokorny 1959:912­13; Walde­Pokorny 1973.II:468­69. 97. PAA *sen­/*san­ "to feel, sense, perceive": EG.: sn "to smell, kiss", snsn "to breathe", sns "to smell". CUSH.: PEC. *san­/ * s i n ­ / * s o n ­ / * s u n ­ "nose" Boni sa "nose"; Somali san "nose"; Rendille sam "nose". CHAD.: PChad. *sunә "to smell" Hausa sans na " t o smell or s n i f f " ; Warji sә sә n­; Tumak hurtә n. PIE *sә n­t­ "to feel, perceive, sense": Lat. sentid "to feel, experience, perceive"; OHG. sin "sense, mind, feeling". Cf. Buck 1949:§15.21­24; Pokorny 1959:908; Walde­Pokorny 1973.II: 496­97. 9.27. 98. PAA *š = PIE *s: PAA *šә?­/*ša?­ "to be at rest, at ease": SEM.: PSem. *ša?­an­ Hebr. šā'an "to be at ease or at peace; to rest securely"; Ug. š n "at ease, secure". PIE *sә?­ "to be at rest, at ease": Gk. "quiet, still, at rest, at ease"; Skt. sāyá­m "evening"; Lat. sërus "late, tardy". 222 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC Cf. Buck 1949:§12.19; Pokorny 1959:889­91; Walde­Pokorny 1973.II: 459­63. 99. PAA *љә l­/*šal­ "to be safe, well, sound": SEM.: PSem. *šal­am­ Hebr. šālēm "to be complete, sound", šālōm "peace"; Ar. salima "to be well, in sound condition", salm "peace"; Akk. šalāmu "to be well", šulmu "wel­ fare, health"; Ug. slm "peace"; Eth. salam "peace"; Amh. sälläma "to pacify"; Harsüsi sēlem "to be safe", selōm, selām "peace", selōmet "peace, safety"; Phoen. slm "to be complete; peace". EG.: snb ( *šnb /šlm/) "to be sound, healthy". PIE * s a l ­ "whole, safe, unin­ jured": Lat. salvus "safe, un­ hurt, well, sound"; Skt. sárva­ "all, whole, entire"; Gk. "whole, entire, complete"; Toch. A salu "completely, entirely". Cf. Buck 1949:§4.83, §11.26; Pokorny 1959:979­80; Walde­Pokorny 1973.II:510­11. 100. PAA *љә r­/*šar­ "to flow, over­ flow, creep, crawl": SEM.: PSem. *šar­a ' — Hebr. šāra "to swarm, teem"; Aram. šera "to creep, crawl". PIE *sә r­/*sar­ "to run, flow, move": Skt. sárati "to run, flow, move"; Gk. "onset, rush". PIE *sә rp­/*sarp­ "to creep, crawl": Skt. sarpati "to creep, crawl"; Gk. "to creep, crawl"; Lat. serpц "to creep, crawl", serpēns "snake, serpent". PIE * s r u ­ / * s r ә ­/ *sra ­ "to flow": Skt. srávati "to flow"; Gk. "to flow"; Lith. s r a v i ù "to flow"; OIr. svúaim "flood, current". Cf. Buck 1949:§10.32, §10.41; Pokorny 1959:909­10; Walde­Pokorny 1973.II:502. 101. PAA * ' љ Ә l ­ / * š a l ­ "to take, seize, plunder": SEM.: PSem. *sal­al­ Hebr. š ā l a l "to spoil, plunder"; Akk. š a l ā l u "to spoil, plunder, carry away". PSem. *šal­ab— Ar. salaba "to take away, steal, rob, plunder"; Harsьsi selōb "to PIE *sә l­/*sal­ "to take, seize": Gk. "to take, seize"; OIce. selja "to give up, sell"; OIr. sellaim "to take". COMPARISON OF PIE AND PAA 223 disarm"; Tigre salaba "to rob, snatch away". EG.: srs "to plunder, carry off". Cf. Buck 1949:§11.58, §11.82; Pokorny 1959:899; Walde­Pokorny 1973.II:504­05. 102. PAA *nә š­/*naš­ "to breathe, blow": SEM.: PSem. *naš­ap­ Hebr. nāšaφ "to blow"; Ar. nas­ afa "to scatter, blow"; Akk. našāpu "to blow, blow away"; Syr. nәšaφ "to blow, breathe, respire, exhale". PSem. *naљ­ am— Hebr. nasam "to breathe, inhale, pant, gasp"; Syr. nә šam "to breathe, blow"; Ar. nasama "to blow gently, breathe, in­ hale, exhale", nasam "gentle breeze, breath"; arsūsi ansōm "to breathe", nesēm "breath". EG.: nsp "to breathe, inhale". CUSH.: PEC. *nesf­ "breath, soul" Saho nef "face"; Somali naf "soul". PIE *nas­ "nose": Skt. nas "nose"; OE. nosu "nose"; Lith. nosis "nose"; Lat. nāris "nos­ tril". Cf. Buck 1949:§4.23; Pokorny 1959:755; Walde­Pokorny 1973.II:318. 103. PAA *љә m­/*šam­ "to be hot, be sunny": SEM.: PSem. *šamš­ Hebr. šemeš "sun"; Akk. šamsu "sun"; Ar. šarns ( *sams) "sun"; Aram. šimšā "sun". EG.: sm, šmm "to be hot", šm, šmw "sum­ mer" . PIE *sә m­ "summer": OIr. sam "summer"; OE. sumor "summer"; Skt. sámā "season, year, summer"; Arm. am "year". Cf. Buck 1949:§1.52, §14.76; Pokorny 1959:905; Walde­Pokorny 1973. II:492­93. 104. PAA *љә n­/*šan­ "to change, de­ teriorate, grow old": SEM.: PSem. *šan­an­ Ar. sanna "to grow old, age, be advanced in years", 'asann "older, farther advanced in years", musinn "old, aged"; Akk. šanānu "to PIE *sәn­ "old": Lat. senex "old, aged"; OIr. sen "old"; Goth. sineigs "old"; Lith. s nas "old"; Skt. sana­ "old, ancient". 224 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC have reached, attained", šinnatu "attainment, achievement, equality". PSem. *šan­aw— Hebr. šānāh "to change; year"; Akk. sanь "to change"; Ug. šn "year"; Ar. sanā "to change, deteriorate"; Aram. senā "to change"; arsūsi senét "year"; Soqo ri sanah "year". Cf. Buck 1949:§14.15; Pokorny 1959:907­08; Walde­Pokomy 1973.II: 494. 9.28. PAA * = PIE *k: 105. PAA * әk'y­ "hook": SEM.: PSem. * '­ '­ Ar. љi "hook, fishhook1'. PIE *kә k'­ "hook": OE. hoc "hook", haca "bolt"; Russ. kogot' "claw". Cf. Buck 1949:§12.75; Pokorny 1959:537­38; Walde­Pokomy 1973.I: 382­83. 106. PAA * ­/* ar­ "highest in rank, noble, ruler, chieftan": SEM.: PSem. * arr­ Hebr. sar "chieftan, chief, ruler, official, captain, prince"; Akk. sarru "king"; Ug. sr "prince, ruler"; Phoen. sr "prince". PSem. * ar­ up­ Ar. љarufa "to be highborn, noble", љaraf "high rank, nobil­ ity". EG.: sr ( *љr) "prince, chief, nobleman, ruler". ­ "highest PIE *kә r­/*kar­/*k point, top, summit, head, peak": Skt. ś ķ r a s ­ "head"; Gk. "head", "summit", "horn"; Arm. sar "height, point, peak"; OIce. hjarni "brain"; Goth. haurn "horn"; Lat. cornū "horn", cerebrum "brain". Cf. Buck 1949:§4.17, §4.20, §19.32; Pokorny 1959:574­77; Walde­ Pokomy 1973.I:403­08. 107. PAA * ­/* ay­ "to turn gray; gray hair": SEM.: PSem. * ay­ ab­ "to turn gray (hair)" Akk. ллbu "old man"; Hebr. śēß "old age", śēßāh "gray hair, old age"; Ar. śēba "to turn white or gray (hair)", saib "gray hair"; Ug. sbt "gray hair"; Eth. seba "to PIE * k i ­ / * k ә ­/*ka ­, *kī­/*kē­ "gray­haired, old": OE. hдr "gray, hoary, old"; Skt. ś i ­ t i ­ "white"; OCS. sěr "gray". COMPARISON OF PIE AND PAA 225 have gray hair"; Harsūsi śayb "white hair". PSem. * ­ax­ Ar. šā a "to age, be or grow old". Cf. Pokorny 1959:540­41; Walde­Pokomy 1973.I:360­61. 108. PAA * ­/* ­ "to enclose, contain, wrap": SEM.: PSem. * ­il­ Hebr. śimlāh "wrap­ per, mantle"; Ar. šamila "to contain, enclose, wrap", šamla "cloak, turban". PIE *kә m­/*kam­ "to enclose, contain": OFris. hemme "en­ closed land"; OIce. hemja "to restrain, hold back"; OE. hamm "piece of land, dwelling, en­ closure"; Lith. kamúoti "to torment, torture". PIE *kә m­/ *kam­ "to cover, cloak, wrap up": Skt. śāmūla­ "woolen shirt"; Lat. camisia "linen shirt or night­gown"; OE. hama "dress, covering", hemeþ "shirt", Cf. Buck 1949:§6.44; Pokorny 1959:555, 556­57; Walde­Pokomy 1973. I:388­89, 386­87. 109. PAA * ­/* ­ "to hook up, hang": SEM.: PSem. * ankal­ Ar. sankala "to hook up", san­ kal "peg, hook". PSem. * an­ ak'­ Ar. sanaka "to hang"; Harsüsi śenō "to hang". CHAD.: N. Bauchi Ch. * a g­ "to hang". "to hook up, PIE *kә n­k­/*kan­k­ hang": Skt. śa kú­ "peg, nail, spike"; Hitt. ga­an­ki "to hang"; OIce. hanga "to hang". PIE *kә n­k'­/*kan­k'­ "to hook up, hang": NPers. čang "claw, fist"; OHG. hank "handle"; Lith. kéngè "hook, clasp, latch". Cf. Buck 1949:§12.75; Pokorny 1959:537­38; Walde­Pokomy 1973.I: 382­83. 110. PAA * ­/* ­ "hair; hairy": PIE *kә r­ "hair": OE. h r, SEM. : PSem. * " ­/* ­ hēr "hair"; OHG. hār "hair". Hebr. śē'ār "hair"; Ar. ša'rānī "hairy", š a ' r "hair"; Akk. š ā r t u "hairy skin"; Ug. š ' r t "hair"; Harsüsi śōr "hair, wool". Cf. Buck 1949:§4.14; Kluge 1967:278; Onions 1966:423 CGmc. *χ ram. 226 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC 111. PAA * '­/* or­ "to grow, grow up, mature": SEM.: PSem. * ar­ ax­ Ar. љara a "to become a youth, mature, grow up"; љar "root, origin; prime of youth". EG.: љr "boy, son", љrr "boy, youth, young man". PIE *kә r­/*kar­ "to grow, ma­ ture": Arm ser "descent, ori­ gin"; Gk. "boy, son"; Lat. Cerēs goddess of agricul­ ture, creō "to make, create, produce", crēscō "to spring forth, grow"; OHG. hirso "mil­ let"; Lith. seriu "to feed". Cf. Buck 1949:§12.53; Pokomy 1959:577; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:408­ 09. 112. PAA * ­/* ar­ "to injure, cause harm": SEM.: PSem. * ar­ ar­ Ar. šarra "to be vicious, bad, evil, wicked, malicious", š a r r "evil, harm, injury, damage"; arsūsi eśterōr "to choke (on something)", ser "ill health". EG.: srsk "to destroy". ­ "to harm, PIE *kә r­/*kav­/*k injure, destroy": Skt. ś ti "to crush, rend, break"; Gk. "to destroy, plunder, kill", "death, destruction"; Lat. cariēs "rottenness, decay"; Alb. ther "to kill, slay"; Toch. A kāryap "damage, harm, injury". Cf. Buck 1949:§11.27, §16.72; Pokomy 1959:578; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:410­11. 113. PAA * әr­f­/*' ar­f­ "to burn": Hebr. SEM.: " PSem. * 'ar­ap­ "to burn"; Akk. šarāpu "to burn"; Ug. šrp "to burn"; Harsüsi śerōf "to roast meat with hot stones". EG.: srf ( *šrf) "to be hot; heat, flame, fire". ­ "to burn": PIE *kә r­/*kar­/*k OE. heorð "hearth"; Lith. kárš­ tas "hot"; Lat. carbō "burning or burnt wood"; OIce. hyrr "fire". Cf. Buck 1949:§7.31; Pokorny 1959:571­72; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I: 418­19. 114. PAA * әrt'­/* a r t ' ­ "to cut, incise, scratch1': SEM.: PSem. * arat'­ Hebr. śāra "to in­ cise, scratch"; Ar. ëarata "to make incisions, scratch, slit open, rip open"; Akk. šarā u "to slit up, rend"; Amh. särrätä "to pass through, penetrate". PIE *kәrt'­ "to cut, carve, in­ cise": Gk. "profit, ad­ vantage, gain"; OIr. cerd "art, craft"; Lat. cerdō "workman, artisan". Cf. Buck 1949: §9.41; Pokomy 1959:579; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:423. COMPARISON OF PIE AND PAA 227 115. PAA * ә r t ' ­ / * art'­ "to impose PIE *krә t'­ "obligation, agree­ ment, pledge": Skt. srat­karoti as an obligation, make an agree­ "to make secure, guarantee", ment": SEM.: PSem. * arat'­ Ar. sarata "to impose as a condi­ śrad­dadhāti "to believe, be trustful"; Lat. crēdō "to trust, tion, as an obligation; to make conditional; to stipulate; to fix entrust"; OIr. cretim "to be­ mutual conditions; to make a con­ lieve". tract, conclude an agreement; to bet, wager; to impose severe con­ ditions of terms", sort "condi­ tion, precondition, provision, proviso, clause, stipulation (of a contract)", šar īya "contract, agreement", šarī a "condition"; arsūsi śar "condition". Benveniste (1969.I:179) explains the semantics of the Indo­European forms thus: "*kred­ may be some kind of 'pledge' or 'stake', some­ thing material but which also involves personal feeling, a notion invested with magic power which all men possess and which may be placed in a superior being". Cf. Buck 1949:§16.65, §17.15; Pokorny 1959:580; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:423­24. 116. PAA * ә y ­ / * ay­ "to put, place, PIE * k i ­ / * k ә ­/*ka ­ "to lie, be placed": Hitt. ki­it­ta{­ri) set": SEM.: PSem. * ay­am­ "to lie, be placed"; Skt. śéte Hebr. śūm, śīm "to put, place, "to lie, rest, repose"; Gk. set"; Eth. šēma "to put, place"; "to lie, be placed"; Gurage (Chaha) šämä, (Masqan) Goth, haims "village"; 0E. hām šernä "to hide, conceal, put "home"; Lith. káimas "village", aside"; Akk. šāmu "to fix, de­ ki mas "court, yard"; Lett. termine". EG.: šym­t "place, saime "household, family". house, shrine, building". Cf. Buck 1949:§12.12, §12.14; Pokorny 1959:539­40; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:358­60. 117. PAA nә ­/*na­ ­ "to lift, take, PIE *nә k­/*nak­ "to bear, con­ vey, carry": Gk. "to carry": SEM.: PSem. *na ­a?­ bear, convey"; Lith. nèšti "to Hebr. nāśā' "to lift, carry, nositi take"; Akk. nasü "to lift, raise, carry, bear"; OCS. nesti, "to carry, bear". carry, bear, bring, take, trans­ port"; Ug. n­ "to lift, raise"; Bibl. Aram, nә šā' "to take"; Eth. naš'a "to take, lift"; Harari näsa'a "to take, take away, mar­ ry"; Gurage nässa "to take, car­ ry, lift". 228 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC Cf. Buck 1949:§10.61; Pokorny 1959:316­18; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I: 128­29. 9.29. PAA * ' = PIE * k ' : 118. PAA * 'әm­/* ­'am­ "to join together": SEM.: PSem. * 'am­ ad­ "to bring together, unite, yoke, harness" Hebr. emeð "couple, pair"; Ar. omada "to dress, bandage"; Akk. amādu "to yoke, harness"; Ug. md "to har­ ness"; Eth. domada "to yoke oxen"; Gurage ämädä "to join, unite, put together, bring to­ gether". PSem. * 'am­am­ Ar. amma "to bring together, join"; Hebr. ammāh "woman's veil". EG.: dmm "to unite PIE *k'ә m­/*k'am­ "to join to­ gether, unite": Skt. jāmķ­ "related", jāmātar­ "son­in­law"; NPers. dāmād "son­in­law"; Av. zāmātar­ "son­in­law"; Gk. "to marry", "son­in­law"; Lat. gener ( *gemer) "son­in­ law"; Alb. dhëndërr, dhândërr "son­in­law"; Lith. zentas "son­ in­law"; OCS. zet "son­in­law". with", dm "to bind, tie to­ gether", dm "to join, bring together", dmd "to unite with, add to". Cf. Buck 1949:§2.33, §2.63, §10.78; Pokorny 1959:369­70; Walde­ Pokorny 1973.I:574­75. 119. PAA * 'ә rs­/* 'ars­ "to bite, gnaw, eat": SEM.: PSem. * 'ar­ as­ "to bite", * ­irs­ "(molar) tooth" Ar. dards a "to bite firmly or fiercely", dirs "molar tooth"; Eth. ә rs "tooth"; Amh. ә rs "tooth"; Harari i r s i "molar tooth". PIE *k'ras­ "to gnaw, eat": Skt. grásate, grásati "to swal­ low, consume, eat, devour", gräsa­ "food, nourishment, morsel bitten"; Gk. "to gnaw, eat"; Lat. grämen "grass". Cf. Buck 1949:§4.27, §4.58, §5.11; Pokorny 1959:404; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:657­58. 120. PAA *_ ' ә l ­ / * 'at­ "to be bent, curved­, round": SEM.: PSem. * 'al­i ­ "to be bent, curved, round", * 'il ­ "rib" Ar. ali'a "to be crooked, bent, curved; to curve, bend", il ­ "bent, PIE *k'ә l­/*k'al­/*k' curved, round": Skt. gulī "globe, pill", gláu­ "round lump"; Gk. "a hinge joint", "rump, buttocks"; Lat. globus "a round ball, globe, COMPARISON OF PIE AND PAA "rib"; Akk. ēlu "rib, side"; Ug. sl't "ribs"; Hebr. ētā' "rib"; S eri ź a l ' "rib". 229 sphere", glomus "ball of yarn", gleba "a lump or clod of earth", glomevō "to form into a sphere"; OE. clīwen "ball of thread"; MLG. klumpe "lump, mass". Cf. Buck 1949:§12.81, §12.82, §12.83; Pokorny 1959:357­64; Walde­ Pokorny 1973.I:612­21. 121. PAA * 'әw­/* 'aw­ "to chew, eat": SEM.: PSem. * 'aw­ Ar. āza "to chew", asa "to eat". PIE * k ' u ­ / * k ' ә ­/*k'a ­ "to chew": NPers. āvīdan "to chew"; OE. cēowan "to chew, gnaw, eat"; OHG. kiuwan "to chew"; Toch. A śwātsi "to eat"; Russ. Ž e v б t ' "to chew". Cf. Pokorny 1959:400; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:642. 9.30. PAA *ky = PIE *k: "to lift up, 122. PAA *kyә l­/*kyal­ raise": SEM.: PSem. * al­ Hebr. sālā' "to weigh", sālāh "to weigh, balance", sālal "to lift up", sullām "ladder"; Ar. sullam "ladder"; Amh. mдsдlal "ladder"; Harari asдla "to climb, ascend, go up", mдsдl "going up, climbing"; Ug. slm "ladder". EG.: n "to lift up, raise". PIE *kә l­/*kal­/*k ­ "to lift, raise, elevate": Gk. "hill"; Lat. oollis "hill"; OE. hyll "hill"; Hitt. kalmara "hill"; Lith. keliù, kélti "to lift, raise". Cf. Bomhard 1973:§5; Buck 1949:§1.22, §10.22; Pokorny 1959:544; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:433­34. 123. PAA *kyә y­/*kyiay­ "to move, move on, move along, go, go away": SEM.: PSem. * ay­ar­ Ug. syr "to travel"; Ar. sдra "to move, move on, move along, set out, march, travel, journey, go, go away, depart"; arsūsi seyōr "to go, walk; to drive". PIE *ki­ "to move, move on, move along, go, go away": Skt. cyбv­ ate "to move, go away"; OPers. asiyava "set out, marched"; Gk. "to go", "to set in swift motion, drive, chase"; Lat. cieō "to cause to move, move, stir, excite, arouse". Cf. Buck 1949:§10.11; Pokorny 1959:538­39. 230 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC 124. PAA *kyә l­/*kyal­ "to twist, turn": SEM.: PSem. * al­al­ "to twist" Hebr. sal "basket"; Ar. sall, salla "basket"; Akk. sallu, s e l l u , sillu "basket". PSem. * al­ap­ Hebr. sālaφ "to twist, pervert". PIE * k ә l ­ k ' ­ / * k a l ­ k ' ­ "to twist, turn": MIr. celg "trick, trea­ son"; Arm. kełck' "hypocrisy"; OE. hylc "bend, turn". Cf. Buck 1949:§9.76; Pokorny 1959:554; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:447. 9.31. PAA *gy = PIE *g: 125. PAA *gyә l­/*gyal­ "to glide, slip, slide": SEM.: PSem. * al­ Ar. zalika "to glide, slide, slip, make slippery", zalla "to slip", zalağa "to slip, slide, glide"; arsūsi z e l ō "to slip"; Gurage (Sel i) ( a ) z l ā ā­ "to slide, slip". PIE * g l i ­ / * g l ә ­/*gla ­ "to glide, slip, slide": OE. glīdan "to glide, slip", glidder "slip­ pery"; OHG. glītan "to glide, slip"; Swed. glinta "to glide, slip". Cf. Buck 1949:§10.42; Pokorny 1959:433; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:627. 126. PAA *wә gy­/*wagy­ "to bear, car­ ry, weigh": SEM.: PSem. *wa ­ ar­ Ar. wazara "to carry", wizr "burden"; Hebr. wāzār "criminal, guilty". PSem. *wa ­an­ Ar. wazana "to weigh", wazn "weight, measure"; Ug. mznm (•wzn) "bal­ ance, scales"; Harsüsi wezōn "to weigh". EG.: wdn ( *w n) "to be heavy; weight". PIE *wә g­/*wag­ "to bear, carry, weigh": Skt. váhati "to carry, transport, convey"; Lat. vehō "to carry, convey"; OE. wegan "to carry, weigh"; Lith. vežù, vèžti "to carry, convey". Cf. Buck 1949:§10.61; Pokorny 1959:1118­20; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I: 249­50. 127. PAA *ħә gy­n­/*ħagy­n­ "to make sad, grieve": SEM.: PSem. *ħa ­an­ Ar. azana "to make sad, sadden, grieve"; Harsüsi ezōn "to be sad"; Harari uzni "sadness"; Tna. azänä "to be sad". EG.: nw "to be over­ weighted, oppressed, dishear­ tened, vexed, angry". PIE * ә Gk. OE. ege fright, g­ "to grieve, be sad": "pain, sorrow, grief"; "fear"; Goth. agis "fear, terror". COMPARISON OF PIE AND PAA 231 Cf. Buck 1949:§16.36, §16.53; Pokorny 1959:7­8; Walde­Pokorny 1973. I:40. 128. PAA *gyә r­/*gyar­ "to gird, en­ PIE *gә r­/*gar­ "to gird, en­ close": SEM.: PSem. * ar­ in close": Gk. "enclosed * a r ­ a r ­ , *?a­ ar­, etc. "to place"; OE. geard "fence, enclo­ gird, surround, encompass" Ar. sure"; Lith. gardas "enclosure"; zarra "to button up", 'azara "to Lat. hortus "garden", cohors surround"; Hebr. zēr "circlet, "enclosure, yard". border", zarzir "girded, girt", 'āzar "to gird, encompass, equip", 'ezōr "waistcloth"; Ug. m zrt "wrap, shawl"; Harsüsi wezār "waistcloth". EG.: r "to con­ strain, enclose, fortify; wall, fort". Cf. Buck 1949: §6.57, §7.15; Pokorny 1959:442­43; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:603­04. 129. PAA *gyә b­/*gyab­ "to bestow upon, give": SEM.: PSem. * ab­ad­ Hebr. sāßað "to bestow upon, endow with", zeßeð "endowment, gift"; Aram. sәßað "to bestow upon"; Ar. zabada "to bestow upon, give". EG.: b, b "to supply, fur­ nish with, equip, provide". PIE *gә b­/*gab­ "to give": Goth. giban "to give"; OHG. geban "to give"; OIce. gefa "to give". Cf. Buck 1949:§11.21; Feist 1939:214; Kluge 1967:237; Onions 1966: 399 CGmc. *γeβan; Pokorny 1959:407­09; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:344. 9.32. PAA *k'y = PIE * k ' : 130. PAA *k'yә b­/*k'yab­ "finger": SEM.: PSem. * 'ub­ā ­ , * ? i ­ 'b­a ­ Hebr. 'e ba' " f i n g e r " ; Ar. 'i ba', ubā " f i n g e r , t o e " ; Eth. 'a ba't""finger"; Syr. eß­ 'ә θā " f i n g e r " ; S o q o t r i ' e ba' " f i n g e r " ; Mehri ebб' " f i n g e r " . EG.: b' " f i n g e r " . BERB.: Tarn. a­ a " f i n g e r " . CUSH.: Beja PIE *k'ә b­/*k'ab­ "point, prong, piece": OIce. kafli "piece cut off", kefli "stick, piece of wood"; NHG. Kabel "lot, share"; Lith. žãbas "switch, dry branch", zaba. "rod, twig", zaboklas "bit, bridle", žabángai "noose, snare". 232 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC gība "finger"; Bilin č ' i b i ' "finger". PEC. * k ' u b ­ "finger" Sidamo k'ubb­e; Hadiyya k'ub­ a'a; Yaaku qop­e. Cf. Buck 1949:§4.34; Pokorny 1959:353; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:571. 131. PAA *bә wk'y­/*bawk'y­ SEM.: PSem. *bawa bā a "to flee". "to flee": '­ Ar. PIE *buk'­/*bә k'­/*ba k'­ "to flee": Gk. " "to flee"; Lat. fugiō "to flee". Cf. Buck 1949:§10.51; Pokorny 1959:152; Walde­Pokorny 1973.II:144. 132. PAA *k'yә r­/*k'yar­ "grain, ker­ nel": EG.: rt "bread, food, sustenance", rnyt "a kind of seed or grain". PIE *k' An­ "grain, kernel": Oķr. gran "grain"; Lat. grānum "grain, seed"; Lith. ž ì r n i s "pea"; Goth. kaurn "grain"; OE. corn "grain", oyrnel "kernel, seed"; OIce. kjarni "kernel". Cf. Buck 1949:§8.42; Pokorny 1959:390­91; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I: 599­600. 133. PAA *k'yә l­/*k'yal­ "to be bald; head": SEM.: PSem. * 'al­i ­ "to be bald" Ar. ali'a "to be bald", ala' "baldness", al'a, alaba "bald head"; Sheri ela' "bald"; Harsüsi elayt "baldness". EG.: "head". PIE *k'al­ "bald; head": OHG. kalo "bald"; OE. calu "bald"; Lith. galvą "head"; OCS. gol "naked", glava "head"; Russ. gol "naked, bare, bald". Cf. Buck 1949:§4.20, §4.93; Pokorny 1959:349­50; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:537­38. 134. PAA *k'yә n­/*k'yan­ "to bend or fold together, crack, split, divide": SEM.: PSem. * 'an­ap­ Hebr. ārnacφ "to wrap, wind up, wind together", ānīφ "turban", ә nēφāh "winding"; Ar. annafa "to separate, sort, assort, clas­ sify, categorize", inf, anf "kind, species". EG.: np "to cut, divide". CUSH.: PEC. *k'anīn­ "to bite" Gollango PIE (*k'әn­), *k'n­ "to bend or fold together, crack, split, divide": Gk. "to bend"; Norw. knapp "narrow, short", knast "knot"; Swed. knagg "knot"; NHG. knabbern "to gnaw, nibble, munch", Kniff "fold, crease", kneifen "to pinch, squeeze", knicken "to crease, bend, fold, crack, break, split, snap, burst", Knorren "knot"; OIce. knappr COMPARISON OF PIE AND PAA qan­ "to chew"; Somali qanīn­ "to bite"; Rendille xanin­ "to bite". 233 "knob", kneikia "to bend back­ wards with force", knoða "to knead"; OE. cnīf "knife", cned­ an "to knead", cnyttan "to tie", c n o t t a "knot"; ME. cnap "knob", cnag "knot, peg", cnarre "knot"; Pol. gnebic "to press, squeeze"; Lith. gnybiu, gnybti "to pinch, nip, bite". Cf. Buck 1949:§9.14, §9.15, §9.192; Pokorny 1959:370­73; Walde­ Pokorny 1973.I:580­83. 9.33. PAA *k = PIE *k: PIE *kap­ "to take, seize": Lat. 135. PAA *kә p­/*kap­ "to take, seize; palm, hand": SEM.: PSem. *kapp­ capiō "to take, seize"; OHG. haft "captivity". Hebr. kaφ "palm"; Akk. kappu "hand"; Ar. kaff, kiffa, kaffa "palm of the hand"; Ug. kp "palm, hand"; Harsüsi kef "flat of the hand; claw, paw"; Syr. kappā "palm of the hand". EG.: kp "to seize; hollow of the hand or foot". CUSH.: PSC. *kip­ or *kīp­ "handle" Iraqw kipay ; Ma'a ­kupurϊya "to snatch". Cf. Buck 1949:§4.33, §11.14; Pokorny 1959:527­28; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:342­45. I owe this etymology to Gary Rendsburg. 136. PAA *kәs­/*kas­ "to cut": SEM.: PSem. *kas­am­ Hebr. kāsam "to shear, clip"; Akk. kasārru "to cut in pieces". PSem. *kas­aħ­ Hebr. kāsah "to cut off, cut away"; Ar. kasaha "to sweep, clean". PSem. *kas­as­ Hebr. kāsas "to compute"; Akk. kasāsu "to cut up, chew up", kissatu "fodder"; Ar. kassa "to grind or pound to powder, pulverize". PIE *kә s­/*kas­ "to cut": Skt. ś б s a t i "to cut down, kill, slaugh­ ter"; Lat. c a s t r ō "to castrate"; Gk. "to split, cleave". Cf. Buck 1949:§9.22, §9.27; Pokorny 1959:586; Walde­Pokorny 1973. I:448­49. 234 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC 137. PAA *kә l­/*kal­ "to call some­ one by shouting": SEM.: PSem. *kal­aħ­ Eth. kal a "to call someone by shouting, shout"; Harari käla a "to call someone by shouting". PIE *kal­ "to call, summon": Gk. "to call, summon"; Lat. calō "to call, summon"; OE. halōn "to call, fetch". Cf. Buck 1949:§18.41; Pokorny 1959:548­50; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I: 443­46. 138. PAA *kә r­/*kar­ "to cut": SEM.: PSem. *kar­at­ Hebr. kāraθ "to cut off, cut down"; Akk. karātu "to hew off"; Tna. kдrдtд "to cut", kдrtдtд "to nibble". CUSH.: PSC. *kur­ "to mince" Kw'adza kulunso "mortar"; Dahalo kur­. ­ "to cut PIE *kә r­/*kar­/*k off, cut down": Hitt. k a r ­ a š ­ z i "to cut off"; Gk. "to cut off, clip, hew down"; Skt. kar­ tati "to cut, cut off"; Toch. A kär t­ "to cut up, destroy". Cf. Buck 1949:§9.22; Pokorny 1959:938­47; Walde­Pokorny 1973.II: 573­87. 139. PAA *kә l­/*kal­ "to guard, watch, hold": SEM.: PSem. *kal­a?­ Hebr. k ālā' "to shut up, restrain, withhold"; Ar. kala'a "to guard, watch, protect, preserve"; Akk. kalū "to hold back"; Eth. kaVa "to prevent, forbid"; Gurage kдlta "to prohibit, forbid, re­ fuse, prevent, deprive". PIE *kә l­/*kal­ "to guard, watch, hold": OE. healdan "to hold"; Goth. haldccn "to hold, take care of, tend". Cf. Buck 1949:§11.15, §11.24; Feist 1939:239­40; Onions 1966:444; Pokorny 1959:548; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:442­43. 140. PAA *kә l­/*kal­ "to injure, "to injure, slay, PIE *kә l­/*kal­ strike": Lat. calamitās "loss, wound": SEM.: PSem. *kal­am~ Hebr. kālam "to be humiliated"; misfortune, damage, calamity", Ar. kalama "to wound", kalm "cut, clādēs "disaster, injury"; Lith. kalù "to forge, strike". wound, slash"; Akk. kalmakru "battle­axe". Cf. Buck 1949:§11.28; Pokorny 1959:545­47; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I: 436­40. COMPARISON OF PIE AND PAA 141. PAA *kә w­/*kaw­ "to heap, pile up": SEM.: PSem. *kaw­am­, *kaw­ad­, *kaw­ar­ Ar. kawwama "to heap, stack up, pile up, accumulate", kaum "heap, pile; hill", kāda "to heap up, pile up", kauda "heap, pile", kāra "to heap up"; Hebr. kūmāz the name of a golden ornament (de­ picting female breasts or puden­ da) . 235 PIE * k u ­ / * k ә ­/*kau­ "to heap up, pile up, accumulate": Goth. huhjan "to heap up", hiuhma "heap, multitude", hauhs "high"; OIce. haugv "grave­mound"; OHG. houc "hill"; Lith. kaukas "swel­ ling, boil", kaukarà "hill"; Toch. A koc "high"; Skt. kakúd­, kakúbh­ "summit, peak"; Lat. cacūmen "top, tip, summit, zen­ ith". Cf. Buck 1949:§12.31; Pokorny 1959:588­92; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I: 370­76. 142. PAA *kә rda­/*karda­ "herd, troop, flock": SEM.: PSem. *kardas­ "to crowd together, flock togeth­ er" Ar. kardasa "to heap up, pile up, crowd together", takar­ dasa "to be heaped up, piled up; to flock together, crowd togeth­ er". PIE *kә rda­/*karda­ "herd, flock, troop": Skt. śárdha­ , śardhas­ "host, troop, multi­ tude"; Goth. hairda "herd, flock"; Lith. ke džius "herds­ man"; OIr. crod "troop"; Welsh cordd "tribe, family". Cf. Buck 1949:§3.18, §13.19; Pokorny 1959:579; Walde­Pokorny 1973. I:424­25. 143. PAA *kә n~/*kan­ "bee": CUSH.: PEC. *kin(n)­/*kan(n)~ "bee" Somali š i n n ­ i "bee"; Oromo kann­ i­sa "bee"; Borana kinn­ī­sa "bee"; Konso xan­ta "bee"; Gi­ dole han­t(a) "bee". PIE *k ­Hka­ "honey, honey­ colored": OE. hunig "honey"; Skt. kāñcana­ "golden"; Gk. (Dor. ) "pale yellow". Cf. Buck 1949:§3.82, §5.84; Pokorny 1959:564­65; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:400. 144. PAA *kayw­ "alone": CUSH.: PEC. *kaww)­ "alone" Somali kaw "one"; Konso xaww­ā "alone, separate, different"; Gidole haww "alone"; Rendille kow "one". PIE *kaywa­ "alone": Skt. kéva­ la­ "exclusively one's own, alone"; Lat. caelebs "unmarried, single". Cf. Buck 1949:§13.33; Pokorny 1959:519; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:326. 236 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC 145. PAA *kay "when, as, though, so that, also": SEM.: PSem. *kay Akk. kī "according to, con­ cerning"; Hebr. kī "that, for, when"; Syr. kay "therefore"; Ar. kay "in order that, so that"; Eth. kē "therefore"; Ug. k, ky "for, because, when, if". EG.: k, ky "also, moreover". PIE *kay "when, as, though, also": Gk. "and, also, even though"; Lith. kaĩ "when, as"; OCS. cě "as, as also". Cf. Pokorny 1959:519; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:327. 146. PAA *kә b­/*kab­ "hoofed animal": SEM.: PSem. *kab ­ Hebr. keЯes "lamb"; Akk. kabsu " young (male) sheep"; Ar. kabs "ram, male sheep"; Harsūsi kabś "lamb"; Soqotri kubs "goat". CHAD.: PChad. *kә bә n "buffalo, bush­cow" Duwai kabә n; Mubi kibeni; Kana­ kuru kiimne; Gisiga guvo . PIE *kab­ra­ *kap­ra­ "hoofed animal": Gk. "wild boar"; Lat. caper "he­goat"; OIce. hafr "he­goat, buck". PIE *kab­ *k p­ "hoof": Skt. sapha­h "hoof"; Av. safa "hoof of the horse"; OE. hōf ( Gmc. *χōfaz) "hoof"; OIce. hōfr "hoof". Cf. Pokorny 1959:529, 530; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:347­48, 346. 9.34. PAA *g = PIE *g: 147. PAA *gә b­/*gab­ "highest point, summit, top, mountain": SEM.: PSem. *gab­ Hebr. gaβ "brow", gāßah "to be high, exalted", gә ßāl "mountainous region", giβ­ 'āh "hill, height, elevation"; Akk. gab'u "summit, top, height"; Ar. ğabīn, gabha "forehead, brow", ğabal "mountain"; Ug. gb' "hill", gbl "mountain"; ś eri gebhát "brow". CUSH.: PEC. *gub­ "mountain" Dasen­ ech gum "mountain". PSC. *gab­ "above, up, on" Iraqw gawa "above, up, on"; Kw'adza gawato "hill"; Dahalo gappo "above, up, on". PIE *gә b­ "gable, head": Gk. "head, front end, point"; Goth. gibla "gable, pinnacle"; Toch. A śpāl­ "head". Cf. Buck 1949:§1.22, §4.205, §4.206, §12.33, §12.35, §12.352; Pokorny 1959:423 *ghebh­el­; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:571. COMPARISON OF PIE AND PAA 237 148. PAA *gә š­/*gaš­ "to touch, feel, PIE *gә s­/*gas­ "hand": Hitt. handle": SEM.: PSem. *gaš­aš­ ki­eš­šar "hand"; Skt. hásta­ Hebr. gāšaš "to feel with the "hand"; Lat. praestц ( *prae­ hand"; Ar. šassa "to touch, feel, hestōd) "at hand". handle". Cf. Buck 1949:§4.33, §15.71, §15.72; Pokorny 1959:447; Walde­ Pokornv 1973.I:541. 149. PAA *gә d­/*gad­ "to bring togeth­ er, gather together": SEM.: PSem. *gad­ad­ Hebr. gāðað "to gather in bands or troops", gә ðūð "band, troop"; Akk. (Hebrew loan) *gudūdu "military detachment"; Amh. gдddдdд "to force, oblige"; Tigre gә dd "compulsion". "to bring to­ PIE *gә d­/*gad­ gether, gather together, join, unite": Skt. gadhya­ "to be seized or gained as booty"; OFris. gadia "to unite"; OE. gadvian "to gather together, collect"; OCS. godv "time". Cf. Buck 1949:§11.14, §12.21, §19.48; Pokorny 1959:423­24; Walde­ Pokorny 1973.I:531­33. 150. PAA *gә r­/*gar­ "to take, take away, seize, carry off, remove": SEM.: PSem. *gar­ap­ Hebr. ' e γ r ō φ "fist"; Ar. garafa "to take away, remove, carry off, sweep away"; arsūsi gerōf "to brush out, brush away". PIE *gar­/*gar­ "to take, take away, seize, carry off, remove": Skt. h б r a t i "to take, take away, carry off, seize, remove"; Gk. "hand"; Arm. je n "hand". Cf. Buck 1949:§4.33, §11.13, §11.14; Pokorny 1959:442­43; Walde­ Pokorny 1973.I:603­04. 151. PAA *gә r­/*gar­ "to scratch": SEM.: PSem. *gar­ab­ Hebr. g ārāß "itch, scab"; Akk. garābu "itch, scab, leprosy"; Ar. ğarab "itch, scabies"; arsūsi garb "mange"; Tigre garbeb "scab". PSem. *gar­ad­ Hebr. gārað "to scratch, scrape"; Ar. garada "to peel, pair"; Gurage ğә rдdдdд "to cut off the layers of the trunk of the дsдt". PIE *gә r­/*gar­ "to scratch, scrape": Lith. ž e r i ù "to rake"; Gk. "to cut, engrave, scratch". PIE *grә b­/*grab­ "to scratch, scrape": Goth. graban "to dig"; Serbo­Cr. grèbsti "to scratch". PIE *grә m­/*gram­ "to scrape": Goth. (dat. sg.) gram­ sta "splinter"; Lith. grémžiu "to scrape". Cf. Pokorny 1959:441, 455­56, 458; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:602, 653­ 54, 655. 238 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC 152. PAA *gә r­/*gar­ "to crush, grate, grind": SEM.: PSem. *gar­a ­ Ar. garasa "to crush, grate, grind", ğarīš "crushed grain, grits"; Hebr. gereś "groats, grits". PSem. *gar­n­ Hebr. gōren "threshing floor"; Ar. ğarn "threshing floor"; Ug. grn "threshing floor". PSem. *gar­ as­ Hebr. gāras "to be crushed". PIE *gә r­/*gar­ "to crush, grate, grind": Gk. " "millet", "parched barley"; Lith. gùrti "to crumble". PIE *gersd­/ *grsd­ "barley": Gk. "bar­ ley"; Lat. hordeum "barley"; OHG. gersta "barley". PIE *grә nt'­/ *grant'­ "to grind": Gk. ( * ) "grain"; Lat. frendō "to crush, bruise, grind". PIE *grznd­/*grand­ "to grind": OE. grindan "grind"; Lith. grιndu "to rub", grándyti "to scrape". Cf. Buck 1949: §5.56; Pokomy 1959:439­40, 446, 459; Walde­Pokomy 1973.I:605­06, 611, 656­57. 153. PAA *gә l­/*gal­ "to cut, clip PIE *gә l­/*gal­/*g ­ "to cut": off, shear off, shave": SEM.: Skt. hala­ "a plow"; Arm. jlem PSem. *gal­ab­ "to shave", "to plow"; OWelsh gylym "knife, *gallāb­ "barber" Hebr. g a l l ā β dagger"; Goth. gilþa "sickle"; "barber"; Akk. gallābu "barber", OIce. gelda "to castrate". gullubu "to shave"; Aram. gә laβ "to shave". PSem. * g a l ­ a ħ ­ Hebr. gāla "to shave, shave off, be bald"; Ar. ğ a l i a "to be or become bald". PSem. *gal­am­ Ar. ğalama "to clip, shear off". PSem. *gal­ay­ Eth. galaya "to cut". Cf. Buck 1949: §9.23, §9.24; Pokomy 1959:434; Walde­Pokomy 1973. I:629. 154. PAA *gә r­/*gar­ "to grow, become old": CUSH.: PEC. *ger ­ "to become old" Gidole ker'­ "to become old"; Oromo jār­sa. CHAD.: PChad. *garә "to* grow old" Kirfi gāro "old"; Ngizim gare "to grow old"; Tera gore "to grow old". PIE *graE­/*graE­ "to grow": OE. grōwan "to grow", grćs "grass", gr d "grass", grēne "green"; OHG. graz "shoot, sprig, sprout", gruoan "to grow"; OIce. grōa "to grow", grōđi "growth, increase". Cf. Buck 1949: §12.53, §14.15; Pokomy 1959:454; Walde­Pokomy 1973. I:645­46. COMPARISON OF PIE AND PAA 155. PAA *gә t'­/*gat'­ "to take": CUSH.: PSC. *ged­ "to take" Alagwa geger­ "to carry"; Iraqw gagar­ "to carry"; Kw'adza gel­ "to choose"; Ma'a ­géra "to bring"; Dahalo ge okum­ "to carry". 239 PIE *gә t'­(/*gat'­), *gә ­n­t'­ "to take": Goth. bigitan "to find"; OIce. geta "to get"; OE. begietan "to get, obtain, at­ tain"; OSax. bigetan "to seize" Lat. prehendō "to seize"; Alb. gjíndem "to be found". Cf. Buck 1949:§11.13, §11.14, §11.16; Pokorny 1959:437­38; Walde­ Pokorny 1973.I:589­90. 9.35. PAA *k' = PIE *k': 156. PAA *k'ә n­/*k'an­ "to get, ac­ PIE * k ' ә n ­ / * k ' a n ­ / * k ' ­ "to be­ quire, create": SEM.: PSem. get": Skt. j á n a t i "to beget, *k'an­aw/y­ Hebr. ānāh "to produce, create; to assign, pro­ get, acquire, procure, create"; cure"; Gk. "to be born", Ug. kny "to create"; Ar. kanд "to beget, bring forth, "to get, acquire, create"; Akk. bear", "race, stock, kin"; anū "to gain, acquire"; arsūsi Lat. genō, gignō "to beget, bear, enц "to bring up, rear". EG.: bring forth". qn, qn "to be strong, make strong, have power over, possess, overcome". For the semantic development, cf. NE. beget, meaning "procreate" from the XIII century onward but earlier "acquire". Cf. also OIce. geta "to get, acquire, beget" and Swed. avla "to beget" but OSwed. also "to acquire, earn". Cf. Buck 1949: §4.71; Pokorny 1959:373­ 75; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:576­78. 157. PAA *k'ә r­/*k'ar­ "to call to": SEM.: PSem. *k'ar­a?­ Hebr. ārā' "to call, proclaim"; Ug. r "to call, invite"; Ar. ara'a "to recite, read"; Akk. arū, kerü "to call to, invite". BERB.: gә r "to cry out, call, read". CUSH.: Bilin (Arabic loan ?) qar' "to read, learn". Cf. Cohen 1947:126, no. 235. PIE *k'ә r­/*k'av­/*k' ­ "to call to, cry out": Skt. járate "to call out to, address, invoke"; OE. ceorian "to murmur, grumble", ceorran "to creak". Cf. Buck 1949:§18.41; Pokorny 1959:383­85; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I: 591­93. 240 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC 158. PAA *k'ә y­/*k'ay­ "to crack, burst": SEM.: PSem. *k'ay­ a '­ Ar. ā a "to break, crack, split, cleave, burst open". PIE *k'ә y­/*k'ay­, *k'ī­ "to crack, burst open": OE. cïnan "to crack"; Lett. ziêdu "to bloom"; Goth. keinam "to bud, grow, spring up." Cf. Buck 1949:§9.26, §9.27; Pokorny 1959:355­56; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:544. 159. PAA *k'ә m­/*k'am­ "to seize, grasp, press together": SEM.: PSem. *k'am­at'­ Hebr. āma "to seize, press together"; Ar. ama a "to bind together, fet­ ter, shackle"; Akk. amādu "to seize, press together"; Aram. kdmat "to seize, compress". PSem. *k'am­a ' ­ Hebr. āma "grasp". PIE * k ' ә m ­ / * k ' a m ­ / * k ' ­ " t o seize, grasp, press together": Gk. "to be f u l l " ; L e t t . gùnstu "to s e i z e , g r a s p " ; OE. cimb, cimbe " j o i n t " ; OCS. , žęti "to p r e s s " . Cf. Buck 1949:§11.14; Pokomy 1959:368­69; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I: 572­74. 160. PAA *k'ә m­/*k'am­ "to weep, lament, moan": SEM.: PSem. *k'am­aħ­ arsūsi e tōme "to be in despair". EG.: qm t "to lament, moan, groan", qmd, qm "to weep, wail, lament". "to weep, PIE *k'ә m­(/*k'am­) lament, moan": Lat. gemō "to sigh, groan, lament, bemoan". Cf. Buck 1949:§16.37, §16.39; Pokomy 1959:368­69; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:572­74. 161. PAA *k'ә m­/*k'am­ "to cut to pieces, chew up, bite": CUSH.: PEC. *k'om­ "to chew, bite, eat" Saho ­qom­; Somali qōm­ "to wound", qōn "wound"; Dasenech (impv.) kom "eat!"; Oromo k'am­ "to chew č'at"; Konso qom­ "to chew". EG.: qm t "to cut, wound". PIE * k ' ә m ­ / * k ' a m ­ / * k ' ­ " t o chew, b i t e , cut to p i e c e s , c r u s h " : S k t . jámbhate, jábhate " t o chew up, crush, d e s t r o y " , jámbha­ " t o o t h " ; Gk. " b o l t " ; OE. camb "comb"; Toch. A kam, B kerne " t o o t h " ; OCS. ząb " t o o t h " . Cf. Buck 1949:§4.58, § 6 . 9 1 ; Onions 1966:193 CGmc. *kambaz; Pokorny 1959:369; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:575­76. COMPARISON OF PIE AND PAA 241 PIE *k'ә w­/*k'aw­, *k'ü­/*k'ō­ 162. PAA *k'әw­/*k'aw­ "to speak, call, "to speak, call, cry": Skt. cry": SEM.: PSem. *k'aw­al­ gavate "to sound"; Gk. "to Hebr. kol "sound, voice"; Akk. bewail, moan, wail, groan, weep"; ālu "to speak, call, cry", ūlu OE. cīegan "to call out, call "speech"; Ar. kala "to speak, to, invoke, summon"; Lith. gau­ say, tell", aul "word, speech"; džiù, gaũsti "to howl"; Russ. Ug. l "voice"; Eth. āl "word, govorit' "to speak". voice". Cf. Buck 1949:§18.41; Pokorny 1959:403; Walde­Pokomy 1973.I:634­ 35. "to make a 163. PAA *k'ә w)­/*k'aw­ round hole in": SEM.: PSem. *k'aw­ar­ Hebr. kür "to bore, dig"; Ar. kдra "to make a round hole in, gouge, scoop, hollow out"; Ug. kr "spring, well". CUSH.: PEC. *k' w­ "a hole" Somali qaw; Oromo k'a(w)a; Kon­ so qāwa; Gidole k'āw; Burji k'aw­a. PIE * k ' u ­ / * k ә ­/*k'a ­ "to make a round hole in": Gk. "a hole", "round", "ring, circle"; OIce. kunta "vulva". Cf. Buck 1949:§12.82, §12.85; Pokorny 1959:393; Walde­Pokomy 1973. I:555­62. 9.36. PAA *kw = PIE *kw: 164. PAA *kwәy­/*kway­ "to repay in kind, return like for like": SEM.: PSem. *kay­al­ Ar. kala "to return like for like, repay in kind"; arsūsi keyōl "to give (someone) his deserts". PIE * k w i ­ / * k w ә ­ / * k w a ­ "to re­ pay in kind, return like for like": Gk. "to requite, atone for, repay", "retri­ bution, penalty"; Av. čikaya "to atone for", kaēnā­ "punish­ ment, revenge"; Lith. kaina "cost, price"; MIr. cin "fault, liability"; OCS. cěna "reward"; Skt. cáyote "to revenge, punish", citi­ "retaliation". Cf. Buck 1949:§21.37; Pokorny 1959:636­37; Walde­Pokomy 1973.I: 508­09. 165. PAA *kwә l­/*kwal­ "dog": SEM.: PSem. *kalb­ Hebr. k e l e β "dog"; PIE *kwә l­/*kwal­ "dog": OHG. hwelf "whelp, puppy"; OIce. 242 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC Ar. kalb "dog"; Akk. kalbu "dog"; Ug. klb "dog"; Soqotri kalb "dog"; Phoen. klb "dog". hvelpv "whelp, puppy"; Lith. kale "female dog, bitch". Cf. Buck 1949:§3.61, §3.62. I owe this etymology to Todd Thompson. 166. PAA *kwә y­/*kway­ "to fashion, fit": SEM.: *kay­ap­ Ar. kayyafa shape, fashion, mold, adjust, adapt". form, PSem. "to form, fit, PIE * k w i ­ / * k w ә ­ / * k w a ­ "to form, fashion, fit": Skt. cinóti, cáyati "to arrange in order, heap up, construct, gather, col­ lect"; Gk. "to construct, make"; OCS. ciniti "to arrange". Cf. Buck 1949: §9.11; Pokorny 1959:637­38; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I: 509­10. 167. PAA *kwә rә y­/*kwә ray­/*kwarә y­/ w *k aray­ "to buy, purchase, rent": SEM.: PSem. *karay­ Hebr. kārāh "to buy"; Ar. kariya "to rent, hire"; Harsüsi kerë "fare". PIE *kwri­/*kwrә i­/*kwra ­ "to buy": Skt. krīn ti "to buy, purchase"; Gk. "to buy, rent"; OIr. crenaim "to buy"; ORuss. kvenuti "to buy"; Toch. A kuryar "commerce". Cf. Buck 1949:511.81; Pokorny 1959:648; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:523­ 24. 168. PAA *kwә r­/*kwar­ "to scratch, scrape, rake, dig": SEM.: PSem. *kar­aw/y­ Hebr. kārāh "to dig (a well)"; Ar. karд "to dig"; Eth. karaya "to dig a hole"; Harari xava "to dig a hole", mдxra "pick"; Gurage (Sel i) kцre "to dig a hole". PIE * k w ә r ­ / * k w a r ­ / * k w ­ "to draw, drag, plow": Skt. kбv ati k бti "to draw, drag, plow", kar ­ "furrow, trench"; Av. kavsa­ "furrow", karšū­ "field"; OCzech črcha "line"; Czech cava "line", cavati "to draw a line"; OSorb. cava "furrow, line". Cf. Buck 1949:§8.21, §8.212, §8.22, §9.33, §12.84; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:429; Mayrhofer 1956.I:176, 177. w w w PIE *k ә r­/*k ar­/*k ­ "belly, 169. PAA *kwә r­/*kwar­ "belly, body": body": OCS. črěvo "belly, womb"; SEM. : PSem. *kir­ ­/*kar­ ­ Ar. kirš, k a r i š "stomach, paunch, OPruss. kermens "body"; Lat. belly"; Hebr. kāvēś "belly"; Akk. corpus "body"; OE. hrif "womb, stomach"; Av. kә hrp­ "body, karšu "body, belly, womb, stom­ corpse"; Skt. (instr. sg.) k p ach"; Aram. karsā "belly"; Har­ "shape, beautiful appearance". sūsi kēreś "stomach"; Eth. kavs COMPARISON OF PIE AND PAA 243 "belly"; Amh. kars "belly"; Ha­ rari kavsi "abdomen, belly"; Gurage (Soddo) kдrs "abdomen, belly, stomach". Cf. Buck 1949:§4.11, §4.46; Pokorny 1959:620 *kerp­, *k p­ "body, abdomen, belly, shape" (or *k erp­ ?) ; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:486­ 87. interrogative 170. PAA *kwә ­/*kwa­ stem: SEM.: PSem. *ka­m Ar. kam "how much?, how many?"; Har­ sūsi kem "how much?, how many?; a few". PIE *kwә ­/*kwa­, *kwi­ inter­ rogative stem: Skt. káti "how many?"; Lat. quot "how many?"; Gk. "of what quantity?, how much?, how many?"; Arm. k'ani "how many?"; Av. č a i t i "how many?". Cf. Pokorny 1959:644­48; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:519­23. 171. PAA *kwә n­ "five": CUSH.: PEC. *ken­ "five" Baiso ken­i "five"; Elmolo ken "five"; Konso ken "five"; Gidole hene "five"; Som­ ali šan "five"; Rendille can "five"; Boni san "five"; Dasen­ ech oen "five"; Oromo š a n ­ i "five". CHAD.: PChad. *k(w)әn­ "three" Kirf i kunu; Ngizim kwan; Sukur ma­kә n; Ga'anda max­ kan; Lamang x­kә na. PIE *pә n­k w ә ( *kwә n­kwә ) "five": Skt. páńca "five"; Gk. "five"; Lat. quīnque "five"; OWelsh pimp "five"; OIr. cóic "five"; Goth. fimf "five"; Toch. A pдń "five". Cf. Pokorny 1959:808; Walde­Pokorny 1973.II:25­26. 172. PAA *kwә r­/*kwar­ "vessel, pot": SEM. : PSem. *karp­ Akk. karpu, karpatu "pot, vase, jug"; Ug. krpn "cup, goblet". PIE *kwә r­/*kwar­ "vessel, pot": Skt. Caru­ "vessel, pot"; OIce. hverr "kettle, cauldron"; OE. hwer "kettle, cauldron"; OIr. co{i)ve "cauldron"; MWelsh peir "cauldron". Cf. Buck 1949: §5.26, §5.27, §5.34, §5.35; Pokorny 1959:642; Walde­ Pokorny 1973.I:518. 9.37. PAA*gw= PIE *gw: 244 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC 173. PAA *gwә n­/*gwan­ "to harm, in­ jure": SEM.: PSem. *gan­ay­ Ar. gana "to commit a crime, harm, inflict", ğināya "perpetration of a crime, felony"; Akk. genu "to butt, gore". EG.: gnt "wound, slit". CUSH.: Kambata ganno "harm". PIE *g w ә n­/*g w an­/*g w ­ "to strike, slay, kill, wound, hurt": Hitt. ku­en­zi "to strike, kill"; Skt. hánti "to smite, slay, hurt, kill, wound"; Gk. "to strike, wound"; OIr. gonim "to wound, slay"; Arm. ganem "to strike". Cf. Buck 1949:§9.21, §11.28; Pokorny 1959:491­93; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:679­81. 174. PAA *gwә n­/*gwan­ "to abound, be abundant": SEM.: PSem. *gan­an­ Amh. gдnnдnд "to be abundant"; Gurage (Wolane) genд "large"; Tigre gдnna "to exceed the meas­ ure". EG.: gn­t "heap, abun­ dance" . PIE *gwә n­/*gwan­ "to swell, abound": Skt. ā­hana­ "swel­ ling, distended"; Gk. "to thrive, prosper, flourish, abound"; Arm. yogn ( i + *o­ gwon­ or *o­gwno­) "much"; Lith. gana "enough". Cf. Buck 1949:§12.55, §13.18; Pokorny 1959:491; Walde­Pokorny 1973. I:679. 9.38. PAA * k ' w = PIE *k'w: 175. PAA *k'war­ "highest point, top, peak, summit, hill, mountain, horn": SEM.: PSem. *k'ar­n­ Akk. arnu "horn"; Ug. rn "horn"; Hebr. eren "horn; hill"; Phoen. m "horn"; Aram, arnā "horn"; Ar. arn "horn; top, summit, peak"; arsūsi erdn "horn; hill, top"; Eth. am "horn". CUSH.: PEC. *k'ar­' "point, peak, top" Somali qar "hill higher than kur"; Oromo k ' a r r ē "peak". PIE * k ' w ә r ­ / * k ' w a r ­ / * k ' w ­ "hill, mountain, peak": Skt. girí­ "hill, mountain"; Gk. "ridge"; OCS. gova "mountain"; Lith. gìrė, girià "forest"; Alb. gur "rock"; Hitt. (acc. sg.) guv­ta­an "citadel". Cf. Buck 1949:§1.22, §4.17; Pokorny 1959:477; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I: 682. See also section 6.9.12B. 176. PAA *kwә y­/*k'way­ "to be foul, purulent, putrid": SEM.: PSem. *k'ay­aħ­ Ar. ā a "to fester, be purulent". PSem. *k'ay­a?­ PIE * k ' w i ­ / * k ' w ә ­ "to be foul, purulent, putrid": Gk. "slime, filth"; OIce. kveisa "boil, whitlow"; OCS. COMPARISON OF PIE AND PAA Hebr. ī "to vomit up"; Ar. ā* a "to vomit"; Akk. ā'u "to spit"; Eth. ē'a "to vomit". EG.: q , q "to be putrid, foul; to vomit; corruption", q ' "to vomit", q 'w "vomit". "succosus"; MLG. quēse blister". 245 "blood Cf. Buck 1949:§4.57; Pokorny 1959:469; Walde­Pokomy 1973.I:671. 177. PAA *k'wә m­/*k'am­ "to approach toward or arrive at a goal, bring to an end": EG.: qm "to bring to an end, complete". PIE * k ' w ә m ­ / * k w a m ­ / * k ' w ­ "to approach toward or arrive at a goal, go, come": Gk. "to go, walk"; Lat. venid "to come"; Goth. qiman "to come"; Skt. gámati "to go, move, set out, come, approach, go to or towards" Toch. A kam­ "to come". Cf. Buck 1949:§10.47, §10.48; Pokorny 1959:463­65; Walde­Pokomy 1973.I:675­78. 178. PAA *k'wә t'­ "smoke": SEM.: PSem. *k'ut'­r­ Hebr. ī ōr "thick smoke", ә reθ "smoke, odor (of burning), incense", nu ār "incense"; Pun. rt "in­ cense"; Akk. kutru "smoke"; Ar. u tr "agalloch, aloeswood", mi ar "censer"; Ug. r "smoke, incense"; Eth. ә ārē "incense". PIE *k'wәt'­/*k'wat'­ *kwә t'­/ *kwat'­ "smoke, incense": Skt. kádvu­ "reddish brown"; OCS. k a d i t i "to burn incense"; Russ. cad "fumes, smoke". Cf. Pokorny 1959:537; Walde­Pokomy 1973.I:384­85. 179. PAA *k'wәl­/*k'wal­ "to throw, hurl": SEM.: PSem. *k'al­a ­ Hebr. āia(' "to sling, hurl forth",' ela' "sling"; Ar. mi­ lā' "slingshot, sling, cata­ pult"; Ug. l' "sling"; Syr. ә l' "sling"; Eth. ma la' "sling". PIE * k ' w ә l ­ / * k ' w a l ­ / * k ' w ­ "to throw, hurl": Gk. "to throw"; Welsh blif "catapult". Cf. Buck 1949:§10.25; Pokorny 1959:471­72; Walde­Pokomy 1973.I: 690­92. 246 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC 180. PAA *k'wә l­/*k'wal­ "to strike, kill": CUSH.: PEC. *k'al­ "to slaughter" Somali qal­; Oromo k'al­; Hadiyya alalëss­. PIE * k ' w ә l ­ / * k ' w a l ­ / * k ' w ­ " t o s t r i k e , k i l l " : OE. cwelan " t o d i e " , cwellan "to k i l l " , cwield " d e s t r u c t i o n , death"; Welsh ballu "to d i e " ; L i t h . gélti "to s t i n g , ache", gėla " t o r t u r e " ; OPruss. gallan " d e a t h " ; Arm. kełem "to t o r t u r e " . Cf. Buck 1949:§4.75, §4.76; Pokorny 1959:470­71; Walde­Pokomy 1973.I:689­90. 181. PAA *k'wәrb­ "the inside, middle, interior": SEM.: PSem. *k'irb­ Hebr. ereβ "inward part, midst"; Akk. kerbu "midst"; Ug. kvb "midst; female genitalia". EG.: q b "intestines, interior of body; middle of anything". PIE *k' w ә rb­/*k' w arb­, *k'wrәb­ "the inside, middle, interior": Skt. gárbha­ "womb, the inside, middle, interior"; Gk. "the babe in the womb, fetus"; OCS. žrěbę "foal". Cf. Buck 1949:§4.47, §12.37; Frisk 1973.I:266; Möller 1911:101; Pokorny 1959:485; Walde­Pokomy 1973.I:689. "still, at rest": PIE *k'wә r­ 182. PAA *k'wә r­/*k'war­ "to stay, remain, rest": SEM.: PSem. Goth. qairrus "gentle"; OIce. *k'ar­ar­ Ar. arra "to stay, kvirr, kyrr "still, quiet, at remain, settle down, rest, abide, rest"; MHG. kürre "mild, gen­ dwell". PSem. *k'ar­ay­ Tna. tle, docile". дrдyд "to remain"; Amh. дrrд "to stay away, remain"; Gurage (Muher) kдrrд "to be absent; to stay away, remain behind; to disappear, vanish, be lost". EG.: qr "inhabitant, dweller", qr "abode, habitation". Cf. Buck 1949:§12.19; De Vries 1962:341; Feist 1939:386. w w w PIE * k ' ә r ­ / * k a r ­ / * k ' ­ "to 183. PAA *k'wә r­/*k'war­ "to praise": praise": Skt. g ti "to praise, SEM.: PSem. * k ' a r ­ a t ' y ­ Ar. karaza "to praise, commend, laud, extol"; Lith. g i r i ù "to praise, commend"; Lat. grдtus "pleasing, extol, acclaim". welcome, agreeable", grātēs "thanks"; OHG. queran "to sigh". Cf. Buck 1949:§16.79; Pokorny 1959:478; Walde­Pokomy 1973.I:686­87. COMPARISON OF PIE AND PAA 184. PAA *k'wә lb­/*k'walb­ "the in­ side, middle, center, interior, heart": SEM.: PSem. *k'alb­ Ar. alb "heart, middle, center, core"; arsūsi alb "heart; sense, memory, intelligence"; Sheri εlb "heart". 247 PIE *k'wә lb­/*k'walb­ "the in­ side, middle, womb": Gk. "womb"; OHG. kilbuv "ewe­lamb", kalb "calf"; Goth. kalbō "calf"; Gallo­Lat. galba "fat paunch, big belly". Cf. Buck 1949:§4.44, §4.47, §12.37; Pokorny 1959:473; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:692­93. 185. PAA *k'wәr­/*k'war­ "to be heavy, weighty": SEM.: PSem. *wa­k'ar­ Ar. wa ara "to load, burden, overload; to oppress, weigh heav­ ily upon", wi r "heavy load, bur­ den"; Hebr. yā ar "to be precious, prized, costly", ya ār "precious, rare, splendid, weighty"; Aram. y ә ar "to be heavy, precious"; Ug. y r "precious, dear"; Akk. a āru "to become scarce, expensive, precious, valuable". PIE *k'wәr­/*k'war­/*k'w ­ "heavy, weighty": Skt. gurú­ "weighty, heavy; highly prized, valuable; venerable, respecta­ ble"; Gk. "heavy, weighty, ponderous, burdensome, grievous"; Lat. gravis "heavy, weighty, pon­ derous, burdensome; important, eminent, venerable, great"; Goth. kaurus "heavy". Cf. Buck 1949:§11.87, §11.88, §15.81; Pokorny 1959:476­77; Walde­ Pokorny 1973.I:684­86. 186. PAA *k'wә ti­/*k'wati­ "to cut": SEM.: PSem. *k'at'­at'­ Ar. a a "to carve, cut, trim, clip"; Harari ä ä u "splinters of wood". PSem. *k'at'­ab­ Ar. a aba "to cut"; Hebr. e eβ "destruction"; arsūsi e ebōt "doll (carved from wood or bone)". PSem. *k'at'­a ­ Ar. a a'a "to cut, cut off, chop off, cut through, cut in two, divide"; Ś eri é a' "to cut"; Gurage kд a "to make incisions"; NHebr. ā a ' "to cut, fell, lop off". PSem. *k'at'­am­ Ar. ka ama "to cut off, break off"! CUSH.: PEC. *k'aɗ1­ "to cut" Dullay qatt'­ "to cut, hoe up, fold"; Yaaku qaV ­ "to cut"; Saho­Afar ad­ "to cut the PIE *k'wәl'­/*k'wat'­ */kwәt'­/ *kwat'­ "to whet, sharpen": Goth. ga­hwatjan "to sharpen, incite"; OIce. hvass "sharp, keen"; OE. hwæss "sharp, prickly", hwæt "quick, active, brave, bold", hwettan "to whet, sharpen, in­ cite"; OHG. (h)waz "sharp, rough, severe", wezzan "to sharpen"; Lat. triquetrus ( *tri­quedros) "triangular". 248 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC hair". PSC. *k'wat'­ "to shape, mold, fashion" Alagwa qwatsit­; Ma'a vukasila "iron". EG.: qd "to build, fashion, form, mold, construct". Cf. Buck 1949:§15.78; Pokorny 1959:636; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:513; Kluge 1967:856; Onions 1966:1002. 9.39. PAA *? = PIE *?: 187. PAA *?әt'­/*?at'­ "to bite into": SEM.: PSem. *?at­am­ Ar. 'a ­ ama "to bite into"; Ug. m "bite, mouthful". PIE * ? ә t ' ­ / * ? a t ' ­ " t o e a t " : Skt. ádmí "to e a t " ; Gk. " t o e a t " ; L a t . edō " t o e a t " ; OE. etan "to e a t " ; H i t t . e­it­ mi "to e a t " . Cf. Buck 1949:§5.11; Pokorny 1959:287­89; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I: 118­21. 188. PAA ­?әr­/?ar­ "earth": SEM.: PSem. *?ar­ '­ Hebr. 'ere "earth"; Ar. 'ar "earth"; Akk. er etu "earth"; ug. r "earth"; Aram. 'ar'ā "earth"; Phoen. 'r "land". PIE *?әr­ "earth": Gk. "earth"; Goth. airþa "earth"; OHG. erda, evo "earth"; Welsh erw "field". Cf. Buck 1949:§1.21; Pokorny 1959:332; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:142. 189. PAA *?ә k­/*?ak­ "to eat": SEM.: PSem. *?ak­al­ Hebr. 'āχal "to eat"; Ar. 'akala "to eat"; Akk. dkālu "to eat"; Ug. kl "to eat, consume"; Eth. ' ә k ә l "food"; Gurage (Soddo) äkә l "cereal, barley". PIE *?әk­ "to eat": Skt. aśn "to eat". ti Cf. Buck 1949:§5.11; Pokorny 1959:18; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:112­13. 190. PAA *?ә wn­/*?awn­ "to be at rest": SEM.: PSem. *?awan­ Ar. 'āna "to be at rest", 'aun "calmness, serenity"; Hebr. 'ōn "strength, power, potency, wealth". Cf. Möller 1911:73. PIE *?ә wn­ә A "resting place": Gk. "the place where one beds down (usually in reference to soldiers or animals)". COMPARISON OF PIE AND PAA 191. PAA *?әs­/*?as­ "to gather, har­ vest": SEM.: PSem. *?as­ap­ Hebr. ' āsaφ "to gather, collect, remove", 'āsīφ "harvest"; Akk. esēpu "to gather, collect"; Ug. asp "to gather"; Phoen. 'sp "to be gathered in". 249 PIE *?әs­/*?as­ "harvest­time": Goth. asans "harvest, summer"; OHG. aran "harvest"; OCS. jesen "autumn"; OPruss. assanis "au­ tumn". Cf. Buck 1949:§8.41; Pokorny 1959:343; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:161­62. 192. PAA *mә?­/*ma?­ "to be many, abun­ dant, numerous": SEM.: PSem. *ma?­ Hebr. mә'ōð "abundance", mē'āh "hundred"; Akk. ma'ādu "to be or become much, numerous, plen­ tiful, abundant", m a ' d ū "large quantity, plenty"; Ar. nri'a "hun­ dred" ma'ada "to increase, grow"; Ug. m d "much", m t "hundred"; Eth. mә'ә t "hundred"; Harsьsi myīt "hundred". PIE *mә?­/*ma?­ "abundant, con­ siderable": OIr. mar "great"; Osc. mais "more"; Goth. mais "more"; OSax. mēro "more". Cf. Buck 1949:§13.15, §13.16; Pokorny 1959:704; Walde­Pokorny 1973.II:238. 193. PAA *?әn­/*?an­ "to bring, con­ vey": EG.: "to bring, con­ vey, fetch"; Copt. eine "to bring, bear". PIE *?әnas­ or *?anas­ "burden": Skt. anas­ "cart"; Lat. onus "load, burden, freight". Cf. Buck 1949: §10.62, §10.75; Pokorny 1959:321­22; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:132­33. 194. PAA *?әn­/*?an­ "to come to the right time, be opportune": SEM.: PSem. *?an­(ay­) Ar. 'anā "to PIE * ? ә n ­ " y e a r " : "year". be opportune, be or come in time, be nearly ripe, mature", 'anan "(span of) time, period"; Hebr. 'ānāh "to be opportune, encounter opportunity". Cf. Buck 1949:§14.73; Pokorny 1959:314. Gk. 250 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC 195. PAA *?ә m­/*?am­ "to t a k e , s e i z e " : PIE *?әm­/*? ­ "to take, obtain": EG.: m "to s e i z e , g r a s p " . BERB. : Lat. emō "to buy, purchase"; Tam. amә "to t a k e , s e i z e , h o l d " . Lith. imù "to take". CUSH.: Beja canit, amid " t o seize". Cf. Buck 1949:§11.13, §11.14, §11.81; Pokorny 1959:310­11; Walde­ Pokorny 1973.I:124­25. 196. PAA *?ә wr­/*?awr­ "male animal": CUSH.: PEC. *?awr­ "male ani­ mal" Saho awr "bull"; Somali awr "he­camel"; Rendille or "he­ camel, bull"; Boni or "male ele­ phant"; Dasenech 'awr­ic "he­ camel"; Oromo ōrō "burden camels". PIE *?wәrs­/*?w S­ "male (animal)" Lat. verrēs "boar"; Skt. v a­ "man, male, husband, bull", v an­ "male, manly, any male animal, bull, stallion"; Lith. ve šis "calf"; Lett. versi "ox". Cf. Buck 1949:§2.23, §3.12, §§3.20­24; Pokorny 1959:81; Walde­ Pokorny 1973.I:269. 197. PAA *?ә rg­/*?arg­ "to mount": CUSH.: PEC. *?org­ "mounter, male" Somali orgi "billy­ goat"; Gidole ork­eta "billy­ goat", ork­ēt "non­castrated male goat"; Harso ork­akko "billy­goat"; Yaaku org­ei "male giraffe"; Rendille ogor "gazelle"; Oromo org­ë "baby she­camel". PIE * ? ә r g ­ / * ? a r g ­ / * ? g­ "to mount", * ? a r g i ­ s / * ? gi­s "tes­ ticle": Gk. "testicle"; Av. ә rә zi "scrotum"; Arm. orjik' "testicle"; Hitt. a r ­ k i ­ i ­ e ­ e š "testicle", a­ar­ki "to mount"; Lith. aržùs "lusty", e ž i l a s "stallion"; Alb. herdhë "tes­ ticle"; OIr. uivge "testicle". Cf. Pokorny 1959:782; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:182­83. 198. PAA *?әr­/*?ar­ "associated or PIE *?ә r­/*?ar­ "friend, compan­ related thing; one who belongs ion": Skt. arí­ "devoted, trust­ worthy"; Hitt. ara­ "friend, com­ to someone or something; friend, panion" . associate, companion": SEM.: PSem. *?ar­y­ Ug. ary "kins­ man". EG.: ­y "one who belongs to someone or something; one who is in charge, keeper; friend, associate, companion". CUSH.: PSC. *?ar­ "kind, associated or related thing" Iraqw ado "man­ ner, way"; Asa 'arato "twins"; Ma'a m'áro "neighbor; kind, asso­ ciated or related thing". COMPARISON OF PIE AND PAA 251 Cf. Buck 1949:§19.51, §19.53. 199. PAA *?er­/*?oa?­ M to flow": EG.: PIE *?ə r0­/*?r­ "to flow": Skt. "river", ­t "moisture, flow árdati, rdáti "to flow", rdü­ of water", "moisture, liquid". "liquid", á r ş a t i "to flow"; Hitt. a­ar­aš­zi "to flow"; Gk. άπ ­εράω) "to pour out", μ εT­εράω "to pour from one vessel to another", σuv­εράω "to pour to­ gether" . Cf. Buck 1949:§1.36; Pokorny 1959:334, 336­39; Walde­Pokorny 1973. I:148, 149­51. 200. PAA *?αt­ " f a t h e r " : "father", (f.) EG.: "nurse". "father": H i t t . PIE *?at(t)­ at­ta­as " f a t h e r " ; Gk. ΤΤΑ " f a t h e r " ; Lat. atta " f a t h e r " ; Goth, atta " f a t h e r " ; Alb. at " f a t h e r " ; Skt. ( f . ) a t t ā "mother". Cf. Buck 1949:§2.35; Pokorny 1959:71; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:44. 201. PAA demonstrative stem: SEM. : PSem. *?illa, *?illay, *?ul(l)a Hebr. 'ēl, 'ēlleh "these"; Ar. 'ulā "these"; Eth. (m.) 'ellū, (f.) ' e l l ā "these"; Akk. u l l ū "those"; Phoen. 'l "these". PIE *?αl­ demonstrative stem: Lat. ōlim "at that time", ole, olle, ollus, olus " t h a t " ; Umbr. ulo, ulu " t h e r e , at that place"; OCS. lani ( ­ *ol­nei) " l a s t year" . Cf. Pokorny 1959:24­26; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:84­86. 202. PAA *?an­ " t o , towards, over, f o r , against": SEM.: PSem. *7an­ Akk. ana " t o , towards, over, f o r , against". PIE *?an­ "on, upon, t o , toward": Av. ana "along, on", anu "toward, along"; Skt. ánu " a f t e r , along"; Gk. va, άvá "up, upon"; Goth. ana " i n , on, upon, a t , over, t o , i n t o , against". Cf. Pokorny 1959:39­40; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:58­59. 203. PAA *?ə n­ "in": SEM.: PSem. *?in­ Akk. ina "in, on, from, by"; Eth. ' ə n ­ t a "in, toward". EG.: "in, to, for, because, PIE *?ə n­ "in": Lat. in "in, into, on, among"; Gk. "in, on, among"; Goth, in "in, into, among, by"; OE. in TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC 252 by". "in, on, among, into". Cf. Pokorny 1959:311­14; Walde­Pokorny 204. PAA *?ə ­/*?α­ 1st person sg. per­ sonal pronoun prefix: SEM.: PSem. *?α­ Ar. 'a­; Eth. 'e­; Hebr. 'e­; Aram, 'a­; Akk. a­. CUSH.: Beja 'α­. Cf. Pokorny 1959:291; Walde­Pokorny 205. PAA *?ə S­/*?as­ "to sit": EG.: "seat, throne, place", "to set oneself, sit", "to set, insert, inlay". 1973.I:125­27. PIE *?ə ­k/k'/g­ 1st person sg. personal pronoun stem: Gk. γ(v)"I"; Lat. ego " I " ; Goth. ik "I"; Arm. es "I"; Lith. as "I"; OCS. az3 "I"; Skt. ahám "I"; Av. azə m " I " ; OPers. adam " I " . 1973.I:115­16. PIE *? is­ "to sit": Hitt. e­eš­ zi "to set, sit, beset, do"; Gk. "to sit"; Skt. дste "to sit". Cf. Buck 1949§12.13; Pokorny 1959:342­43; Walde­Pokorny 1973.11: 486. See also section 6.4.4B. 206. PAA *?ə p­/*?ap­ "and, also, and also": SEM.: PSem. *?apa Hebr. 'aφ "also, and also, and even"; Syr. 'āφ "also"; Ug. àp "also"; Ar. fa "then, and then, and so, thus, hence". PIE *?ə pi/*?αpi "and, also, be­ sides, upon": Skt. ápi "and, also, moreover, besides, upon"; OPers. apiy "thereto, very"; Gk. "upon, besides". Cf. Pokorny 1959:323­25; Walde­Pokorny 207. PAA *?ə dY­/*?ady­ "to be pointed, sharp", *?ə d Y n­ "ear": SEM.: PSem. *?ady­an­ "to be pointed, sharp", *?udyn­ "ear" Hebr. 'ōzen "ear", 'āzēn "implements, tools"; Ar. 'udun, 'udn "ear", ' a d i n a "to listen, permit, allow, hear"; Akk. uznu "ear"; Ug. udn "ear"; Eth. ' ə z ə n "ear", mā' Ə ZƏ n "edge, corner, peak, pinnacle"; Amh. ma*Bzcm "corner, angle"; Harari uzun "ear". EG.: ídn "ear". Cf. Pokorny 1959:289­90. 1973.I"l22­23. PIE * ? ə d ­ / * ? a d ­ " p o i n t e d , s h a r p " : OPruss. addle " f i r , s p r u c e " ; L i t h . adýti " t o d a r n " , adata "needle", "fir, s p r u c e " ; OCS. j e l a " f i r , s p r u c e " ; Russ. ¿eV " f i r , spruce". COMPARISON OF PIE AND PAA 208. PAA *?ə r­/*?ar­ "to beget, pro­ duce; living creature, animal": SEM.: PSem. *?ar­w­ "wild animal, beast, creature" Hebr. 'ărī, "lion"; Syr. 'aryā "lion"; ' aryēh Akk. erū, arū "eagle"; Ar. 'arwā "chamois"; Eth. 'arwē "wild beast"; Tigre 'arwë "snake", 'ə rwдt "female elephant"; Harari ūri "wild animal, beast". PSem. *?ar­x­ "a bovine" Akk. "cow"; Ar. "young bull"; Ug. "cow". PSem. *?ar­b­ "wild animal, beast, creature" Tigre 'arāb "a kind of antelope", 'arob "stork", 'ə rāb "a small blue bird"; Tna. irāb "a kind of antelope". EG.: ir, iry "to make, do, create, form, fashion, beget, produce", ķ r y ­ t "creature"; Copt, eire "to do, make". BERB.: Tam, arə w "to give birth". CUSH.: PSC. *ara "large animal" Ma'a áro "large herbivore". PIE *?ə Arm. "young "ram"; erb (b) Lith. 253 r­/*?ar­ "wild animal": "lamb"; Gk. goat, kid"; Lat. avies Umbr. erietu "ram"; OIr. "cow", heirp "she­goat"; "lamb". Cf. Buck 1949:§3.11; Pokorny 1959:326; Walde­Pokomy 1973.I:135­36. 209. PAA * ? ə f ­ / * ? a f ­ " t o burn, be h o t , c o o k , b a k e " : SEM.: PSem. *?ap­ay­ H e b r . 'āφāh " t o b a k e " ; Aram. 'ə φā " t o b a k e " ; Akk. epü " t o b a k e " ; Ug. ap{y) " t o b a k e " . E G . : :fr " t o b u r n , b e h o t " , " f y t "flame, f i r e " . PIE *?ə p­/*?ap­ "to cook": Gk. "to cook by boiling", "roasted, baked"; Arm. ep 'em "to cook by boiling". Cf. Buck 1 9 4 9 : § 5 . 2 1 , § 5 . 2 2 , § 5 . 2 3 , § 5 . 2 4 ; P o k o r n y 1 9 5 9 : 3 2 5 ; W a l d e ­ Pokomy 1973.I:124. 210. PAA *?ə m(m)­/*r?am(m)­ "mother": SEM.: PSem. *?umm­ H e b r . 'ēm " m o t h e r " ; Akk. ummu " m o t h e r " ; A r . 'umm " m o t h e r " ; Ug. urn " m o t h ­ e r " ; E t h . 'ə mm " m o t h e r " ; Ś h e r i ' m( ) " m o t h e r " ; P h o e n . 'm "mother". BERB.: Tarn, mma "mother". CUSH.: PSC. *?āma­ "female, female r e l a t i v e " PIE *?am(m)­ "mother": Gk. "mother"; OHG. amma "mother, n u r s e " ; Alb. amë "mother, a u n t " . 254 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC Iraqw αmeni "woman", ama "grand­ mother"; Burunge ama "sister, female cousin"; Kw'adza ama "mother"; Asa 'ama'eto "older girl", 'amama "grandmother". Cf. Buck 1949:§2.22, §2.24, §2.36; Pokorny 1959:36; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:53. PIE *?ab­ "father, forefather, 211. PAA *?ab­ "father, forefather, man": Goth, aba "man, husband"; ancestor": SEM.: PSem. *?ab­ OIce, afi "grandfather, man". Akk. abu "father; (p1.) fore­ fathers, ancestors"; Hebr. 'aβ "father"; Ar. 'ab "father, ances­ tor, forefather"; Ug. ab "father"; Eth. 'ab "father"; Phoen. 'b "father". EG.: lb "father", ;bwt "forefathers, grandparents, ancestors". BERB.: Tam. bba "father". CUSH. : PEC. * bb­ "father" Saho­Afar abb­a; Som­ ali abb­e; Rendille ab­a; Baiso abb­o; Oromo abb­ā; Hadiyya ābb­a; Burji ā b b ­ o . PSC. *?aba "father" Asa aba; Ma'a aba. CHAD.: Hausa ųba "father". Cf. Buck 1949: §2.31 (and p. 94); Feist 1939:1; Pokorny 1959:2. 212. PAA *?ə b­/*?ab­ "to be strong, mighty": SEM.: PSem. *?ab­ar­ "to be strong, mighty" Akk. abāru "strength"; Hebr. 'āβīr "strong", 'abbīr "mighty, val­ iant"; Ya'udic 'brw "force, power"; Ug. ìbv "bull"; Gurage (Chaha) abə r "young person or animal in his prime". PIE *?ab­ "strong, mighty": Goth, abrs "strong, violent, great, mighty";.OIce, aft "phys­ ical strength, force, violence", afar­ "very, exceedingly"; MIr. abor­ "very". Cf. Buck 1949:§4.81; Pokorny 1959:2; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:177­78. 9.40. PAA *h = PIE *h: 213. PAA *hə w­ pronominal stem: SEM.: PSem. *huwa Ar. huwa " h e , i t " ; Sabaean h', hw', hwt " h e " ; Ug. PIE *hu­/*hə u­ pronominal stem: Skt. ava­ "that", u "and, also", utá "and, also"; Gk. COMPARISON OF PIE AND PAA hw "he"; Hebr. hū' "he". "again"; Lat. aut 255 "or". Cf. Burrow 1973:274; Pokorny 1959:73­75; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:187­ 89. "to become free; 214. PAA *her­/*har­ to escape": SEM.: PSem. *har­ab­ Ar. haraba "to liberate, free; to flee, escape, run away"; Akk. arbu "fugitive, runaway"; Harsūsi herōb "to put to flight, smuggle". PIE *hə r­ "to liberate, set free": Hitt. _ "to set free", "free"; Lyc. arawã "exempt from tax or duty", ' (*erewa­) "free(­city)". Cf. Buck 1949:§19.44; Tischler 1977.I:53­55. 215. PAA *hə p­/*hap­ "to turn, turn back, turn away": SEM.: PSem. *hap­ak­ Hebr. hāφax "to turn, turn back, turn about, turn away, overturn"; Ug. hpk "to overturn"; Aram, hə φax "to turn, change, move, return"; Phoen. hpk "to overturn"; Akk. dbāku "to turn upside down, upset, overturn". PIE *hepa "(turned) away, back": Hitt. a­ap­pa "afterwards, back, again"; Gk. πo, ΠΣ "off, away, back"; Skt. ápa "away, forth, back"; Goth, af "of, from, by, away from"; Lat. ab "away from". Cf. Pokorny 1959:53­55; Walde­Pokorny 1973.1:47­50. 216. PAA *hə l­/*hal­ "to shine, be bright": SEM.: PSem. *hal­al­ Hebr. hālal "to shine"; Ar. halla "to shine, gleam, glow"; Akk. elēlu "to purify, make clean", ellu "clean, pure, bright, shining". PIE *hə l­ba­ "white; cloud": Hitt. "cloud"; Lat. albus "white"; Gk. "white­ ness, white leprosy". Cf. Buck 1949:§15.64; Pokorny 1959:30­31; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I: 92­94. 217. PAA *hə w­/*haw­ "to long for, desire": SEM.: PSem. *haw­iy­ Ar. hawiya "to love, desire", hawan "love, affection, longing, desire"; Hebr. hawwāh "desire". CUSH.: Somali hawo "desire, passion". PIE *hə w­ "to long for, desire": Skt. ávati "to be pleased, strive for"; Lat. aveo "to long for, desire". TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC 256 Cf. Buck 1949:§16.62; Pokorny 1959:77­78; Walde­Pokorny 1973.1:19. 218. PAA *hə k'­/*hak'­ "to inflict pain": EG.: hq "to oppress, in­ flict pain, diminish", hqs "to defraud". PIE *hə k'­/*hak'­ "to inflict pain, wrong, offend, injure": Skt. āgas­ "transgression, sin, offense, injury, fault"; Gk. γos "curse, guilt, pollution"; OE. acan "to ache". Cf. Buck 1949:§11.28; Pokorny 1959:8; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:38. 219. PAA *hə w­/*haw­ "to dress, wear": CUSH.: PEC. *huww­ "to dress, wear" Somali huw­ad­ "to drape oneself in a garment"; Wollega Oromo (caus.) uww­is­ "to cover, dress"; Konso "to wear". PIE *hə W­, *hw­ə s­/*hw­as­ "to put on, wear": Skt. váste "to wear, put on"; Gk. "to put on clothes"; Alb. vesh "to clothe"; Lat. vestķs "garment", vestid "to clothe"; Goth, wasjan "to clothe"; Toch. B wastsi "gar­ ment"; Hitt. "to put on, wear", (2 p1. impv.) Lith. "to put on shoes". Cf. Buck 1949:§6.11; Pokorny 1959:1172­73; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I: 309. 220. PAA *hə g­/*hag­ "to burn, be on PIE *hə g~ "day": Skt. áhar, fire, be aflame, be ablaze": áhas­, (gen. sg.) áhnah "day"; SEM.: PSem. *hag­ag­ Ar. hağğa Av. azan­ "day". "to burn, be on fire, be aflame; to flame, blaze, be ablaze"; Akk. agāgu "to be angry, flare up with anger"; Hebr. "heat, fer­ vor of mind". Cf. Buck 1949:§14.41; Pokorny 1959:7; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:849­50. 9.41. PAA = PIE 221. PAA *hə ng­/*hang­ "to be narrow, constricted": SEM.: PSem. *han­ gav­ "throat" Ar. hanğara "throat, larynx", hangara "to slaughter (by cutting the PIE ­ "to be narrow; to choke, strangle": Skt. amhú­h "narrow"; Gk. γxw "to strangle"; Lat. angō "to strangle, throttle"; Goth, aggws "narrow". COMPARISON OF PIE AND PAA 257 throat)", hunğūr "throat, gul­ let"; Harari hangūr "throat, food"; Amh. angдt "neck". EG.: hng "to be narrow, constricted", hngg "throat, gullet". BERB.: Sous anya "palate". Cf. Buck 1949:§4.29, §12.63; Pokorny 1959:42­43; Walde­Pokomy 1973.I:62­63. 222. PAA *hel­/*hal­ "to be healthy, *hal­am­ strong": SEM.: PSem. Hebr. hālam "to be healthy, strong". PIE "to be healthy, strong": Gk. "to become whole and sound", "to heal". Cf. Buck 1949:§4.83; Pokorny 1959:26­27; Walde­Pokomy 1973.I:86­ 87. 223. PAA *hə s­/*has­ "to be hot; to burn": EG.: " t o b e hot; to burn; fire, flame", "heat, flame, fire". PIE "" ­ "to burn; to be hot": Hitt. (acc.) "hearth"; Lat. āra "altar"; Skt. ā s a ­ h "ashes, dust"; Gk. Ēw "to be dry"; OIce, aska "ashes". Cf. Buck 1949:§1.84, §7.31; Pokorny 1959:68­69. 224. PAA *hə W­/*haw­ "water, mois­ ture": EG.: hwr "a mass of water", hw; "moisture, water; damp". PIE "water, moisture": Hitt. (3 p1.) "to sprinkle", "spray"; Skt. vari "water"; Av. vairi­ "1ake", Vār­ "to rain"; Toch. A wär "water"; Gk. "urine"; Lat. "urine"; OIr. feraim "to pour"; OE. ear "sea", "spray"; OIce, our "moist earth, clay, mud", ver "sea". PIE  "to rain": Skt. ' "rain, raining, a shower"; Gk. "dew": MIr. frass "rain". PIE "spring, well": Skt. "well, cistern"; Lett. avuõts "spring". Cf. Buck 1949:§1.31; Pokorny 1959:80­81, 78. 258 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC 225. PAA "to arrange, set in order": EG.: hr "to arrange, set in order, array". PIE "to arrange, set in order": Av. arante "to arrange, settle, establish, fix"; Skt. rtб­h "right, true", rtϊ­h "fixed time, order, rule", "way, manner"; Arm. "to make"; Gk. "to join to­ gether, fashion, fix"; Lat. ars ­tis "way, method, skill, pro­ fession, art, occupation". Cf. Pokorny 1959:55­61; Walde­Pokorny 226. PAA "to move, set in motion, propel": SEM.: PSem. *harak­ Ar. haraka "to move, set in motion, propel", harik "lively, active, brisk"; Hebr. hārax "to set in motion, start"; Harsüsi hārek "to touch, move". 1973.I:69­76. PIE _ "arrow, bow": Goth, arhwazna "arrow"; OE. earh "arrow"; Lat. arcus "bow". Cf. Buck 1949:§20.25; Pokorny 1959:67­68; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:81. 227. PAA "to be sour": ­ Hebr. SEM. : PSem. hāmēs "to be sour"; Ar. hamuda "to be or become sour"; Ug. hms "vinegar"; Akk. emsu "sour"; Amh. homtatta "sour"; Harsüsi hāmed "sour". EG.: hm; "salt". CUSH!: Beja hami "to be sharp, acid". PIE "sour": Skt. amla­h, "sour, acid"; Gk. "raw"; Arm. hum "raw"; Lat. amārus "bitter". Cf. Buck 1949:§15.36, §15.37, §15.38; Pokorny 1959:777­78; Walde­ Pokorny 1973.I:179. 228. PAA "to show favor, be gracious": SEM.: PSem. Hebr. hānan "to show favor, be gracious"; Ar. hanna "to feel tenderness, affection, sympathy"; Ug. hnn "to be gra­ cious, show favor"; Akk. enēnu "to seek grace"; Phoen. hnn "to show favor". "to be gracious, PIE show favor": Goth, ansts "fa­ vor, grace"; OE. ēst "favor, grace, bounty"; OIce. дst "love, affection"; Gk. πρoσ­ nvńs "gentle, kind, soft". Cf. Pokorny 1959:47; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:68. COMPARISON OF PIE AND PAA 229. PAA *hə r­ "chief, master, super­ ior; noble, free­born": SEM.: PSem. *hurr­ Hebr. hōr "noble"; Ar. hurr "noble, free­born"; Ug. hrr "free"; Eth. hara, harawi "free man". EG.: hry "chief, master, overseer, superior", hr "on, upon, over", hvw "upper part". 259 PIE "chief, master, lord; noble": Skt. "a respectable or honorable person", įrya­h "master, lord"; OIr. aire "nobleman, man of rank". Cf. Buck 1949:§19.36, §19.41; Pokorny 1959:67; Walde­Pokorny 1973. I:80. 230. PAA "to cover, hide, obscure": SEM.: PSem. Ar. hagaba "to cover, hide, conceal, obscure"; Hebr. hāγāЯ "locust, grasshopper". PIE "to cover, hide, ob­ scure", '­lu­ "darkness, dark cloud": Gk. "mist, gloom, darkness"; OPruss. aglo "rain"; Arm. "darkness, obscurity". Cf. Buck 1949:§1.62; Pokorny 1959:8; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:41. 231. PAA ­ "to swell, be fat": CUSH.: PEC. "fat" Somali hayd "fat"; Konso "fat"; Gidoie "fat"; Dullay "fat". PIE Arm. aitnum "to swell": "to swell"; Gk. "to swell, become swollen", "a swel­ ling, tumor"; OHG. eiz "abscess, ulcer". Cf. Buck 1949:§12.63; Pokorny 1959:774; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:166­ 67. 232. PAA "therefore, with, and, for, because": EG.: "for, because, with, and, therefore, moreover", "with, and". PIE "then, therefore, and": Gk. pa "then, therefore"; Lith. ar "whether, if", "and, and then, and so". Cf. Pokorny 1959:62; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:77. PIE "to gather 233. PAA "to gather, col­ wealth; to be abundant, wealthy, lect; to gather wealth, be rich; rich": Hitt. hapzi "to be abun­ to be abundant": SEM.: PSem. dant", "to "rich"; Lat. opēs "resources, search"; Ar. hafaša "to gather wealth"; Ug. hpst "straw picker"; means, wealth", Ops the goddess 260 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC Eth. "to gather"; Harsüsi hefōs "to collect". PSem. *hap­ al­ Ar. hafala "to gather, assemble, congregate; to flow copiously; to be replete, teem", hāfil "full, filled, replete, abundant, copious". of abundance, opulens ( *open­ ont­) "rich, wealthy"; Skt. бpnas­ "possession, property". Cf. Buck 1949:§12.21; Pokorny 1959:780; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:175­ 76. 234. PAA "to shine, be bright": SEM.: PSem. *haw­ar­ "to be or grow white" Hebr. hāwar "to be or grow white"; Ar. hawira "to make white, bleach, whiten". EG.: hwy "illumina­ tion, light". PIE "to shine, be bright": Skt. "morning light"; Gk. (Horn.) "dawn, daybreak", "to­ morrow"; Lat. aurōra "dawn, day­ break"; OIce, austr "the east"; Lith. aušra "dawn, daybreak". PIE ­ "to shine": Gk. "sunlight, dawn"; Alb. ag "morning light, dawn"; Skt. ó j a s ­ "light, splendor, luster". Cf. Buck 1949:§1.61, §14.43, §15.64; Pokorny 1959:86­87; Walde­ Pokorny 1973.I:26­27, 25. 235. PAA "to weave, braid, PIE "to weave": Lith. бudžiau, áudžiu, áusti plait": SEM.: PSem. Ar. hāka "to weave, braid, plait". "to weave"; Skt. (inf.) óturn, ótave "to weave". PIE "to weave,, braid, plait": Skt. (inf.) vātave "to weave, braid, plait", vāna­m "the act of weaving or sewing". PIE / ' "to weave, braid, plait, twist, turn": Skt. vбyati "to weave, braid, plait"; Lat. vieo "to weave to­ gether"; Lith. vejù, vyti "to twist". PIE "to weave": OHG. weban "to weave"; Toch. B wāp­ "to weave"; Gk. "a web". Cf. Buck 1949:§6.33, §9.75; Pokorny 1959:75­76, 1120­22, 1114­15; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:16­17, 223­27, 257. COMPARISON OF PIE AND PAA 236. PAA "to bend, curve, twist": SEM.: PSem. Hebr. hānāh "to decline, bend down"; Ar. hana "to bend, curve, twist, turn"; Harsüsi henō "to bend". 261 PIE ­ "to bend, curve": Skt. "to bend, curve"; Gk. "curve, bend, elbow"; Lat. ancus "a person with a crook elbow". PIE "to bend, curve": Skt. "limb", t "finger"; Lat. angulus "corner, angle"; OE. anclēow "ankle". Cf. Buck 1949:§4.34, §9.14; Pokorny 1959:45­47; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:60­62. 237. PAA *hak'­l­ PSem. Aram. "field". "field": PIE "field": Skt. SEM.: " f i e l d " ; б j r a ­ h "field, plain"; Gk. áγ­ pós "field"; Lat. ager "field"; " f i e l d " ; Akk. Goth. akrs "field". Cf. Buck 1949:§1.23, §8.12; Pokorny 1959:6; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I: 37. 238. PAA "to guide, command": direct, SEM.: PSem. "to decree, ordain laws"; Ar. "to put into action, enforce"; Eth. egg "law" (cf. Brockelmann 1908.I:239); Harsūsi "right, truth". EG.:" "to rule, govern, direct, guide, reign". PIE ­ "to direct, guide, command": Gk. γw "to lead, conduct, guide, direct, command, rule, instruct"; Skt. į j a t i "to drive"; Lat. ago "to drive"; Arm. acem "to bring, lead"; Toch. A āk­ "to lead, conduct". Cf. Buck 1949:§10.64; Pokorny 1959:4­6; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:35­37. 239. PAA "to scratch, scrape": SEM.: PSem. Ar. hakka "to rub, scratch, scrape, itch"; Akk. ekeku "to scratch"; Harsüsi hek "to scratch"; Eth. hakaka "to scratch"; Tna. hakдkд "to scratch, itch". PSem. * h a k ­ l ­ Harari hēkдla "to cut and chip stones; adze"; Tigre hakə l "ax"; Tna. axli "handle of ax". PIE "sharp, pointed; edge, point": Skt. "cor­ ner, angle, edge"; Gk. "highest, topmost", "point", "point, barb", "point, edge", "sharp, keen", "Jagged point"; Lat. ācer "sharp, cutting", acus "needle", acutus "sharpened, pointed", aciēs "keen­ ness, edge"; OCS. "sharp". Cf. Buck 1949:§9.25, §9.31, §12.352, §12.353, §15.78; Pokorny 1959: 18­22; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:28­33. 262 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC 2 4 0 . PAA "to cut into, scratch": SEM.: PSem. H e b r . hākak " t o c u t i n o r o n , e n ­ g r a v e , i n s c r i b e " , hākāh " t o c u t i n t o , c a r v e " ; Ar. "crevice in the ground". CUSH.: PEC. , "to scratch" Somali hoq­; Arbore hek­; hōk'­; Gidole hek'­. PIE "to cut i n t o , hew, ax": Gk. "ax"; Myc. aqi­ yai "ax"; Goth. aqizi "ax"; OE. "ax". Oromo Cf. Buck 1949:§9.25; Pokorny 1959:9; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:39. 241. PAA ­ "to t e a r , rend, break a p a r t " : SEM.: PSem. "to t e a r , rend, break a p a r t " ; Hebr. "to g r a t e " . PIE ­ "to t e a r , rend, break a p a r t " : H i t t . ak­zi "to be d e s t r o y e d " ; Arm. harkanem "to s p l i t , f e l l " ; OIr. orgaim "to s l a y " . Cf. Buck 1949:§9.26, §9.27, §9.28; T i s c h l e r 1977. I:175­76. 242. PAA ­ "to g l i s ­ t e n " : SEM.: PSem. "gold" Hebr. hārūs "gold"; Akk. "gold"; Ûg. ­" "gold"; Ar. " e a r r i n g " ; Phoen. "gold". PIE ­ "to glisten": Skt. árjuna­h "white, light"; Gk. "glistening, white"; Hitt. "white"; Lat. argentum "silver"; Toch. A ā r k i "white"; Arm. arcat' "silver". Cf. Buck 1949:§9.64, §9.65; Pokorny 1959:64­65; Walde­Pokorny 1973. I:82­83. PIE "to flow": Hitt. 243. PAA "to go, move along": EG.: "to go, travel, "river, stream"; Pal. march, sail (of a boat), fly away _ "river, stream"; (of birds), flow (of water)", Skt. pas­ "water"; Lat. amnis "flowing". "river, stream"; OPruss. ape "river, stream"; Toch. B āp "water, river, stream". Cf. Buck 1949:§1.36; Pokorny 1959:51­52; Walde­Pokorny 1 9 7 3 . I : 4 6 ­ 47. 244. * h a n t ­ " f r o n t , front p a r t ; in f r o n t of, b e f o r e " : EG.: " f a c e , f r o n t p a r t ; in f r o n t of" (adv.) "before", PIE "front, front part", "in f r o n t of, b e f o r e " : Skt. б n t i " b e f o r e " , б n t a ­ h "end, l i m i t , boundary"; H i t t . COMPARISON OF PIE AND PAA "nose, face". CHAD.: Hausa hanoì "nose". 263 "front", ' "in front of, before"; Gk. ' "opposite"; Lat. ante "before"; Goth. and "along, throughout, towards"; OE. ende "end, limit, border". Cf. Buck 1949:§4.204, §12.35; Pokorny 1959:48­50; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:65­67. 245. PAA ­ " t o wear down, weaken": SEM.: PSem. H e b r . hālak " t o be s m o o t h , s l i p p e r y " ; Ar. " t o wear o u t , make s m o o t h " ; G u r a g e (Soddo) ə l l a k i "worn o u t " . PSem. PIE ' "to wear down, grind": Skt. "fine, minute"; Gk. "to grind, bruise, pound"; Arm. "to grind". "to be weak; to prostrate"; Aram. ə laš "to be weak"; Tigre 'alea "to be worn out, thin". PSem. Hebr. "to be weak, sick"; Aram. "to suffer"; Akk. "to be sick". Cf. Buck 1949:§4.84, §5.56; Pokorny 1959:28­29; Walde­Pokorny 1973. I:89. 9.42. PAA = PIE 246. PAA animal": "young of an SEM.: PSem. "calf"; Ar.  "calf"; Akk. agālu "calf"; Ug. 'gl "calf"; Eth.. "young of animals"; Amh. gə lgдl "young of domestic ani­ mals, cub, kid". EG.: 'g­, 'gn­ placed before several words dealing with cattle. PIE "with young (of ani­ mals)": Skt. ah "cow"; Av. az "with young (of cows or mares)"; MIr. ag "ox, cow", ál "litter, brood". Cf. Buck 1949:§3.23, §3.24; Pokorny 1959:7; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:38. 247. PAA "to move, pro­ ceed, advance": SEM.: PSem. "to move, proceed, advance (in years)"; Akk. PIE "to move, proceed, advance": Skt. á t a t i "to go, walk, run"; Lat. annus nos) "year"; Goth. (dat. p1.) 264 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC "to pass through"; Ar. "to grow o l d , age, mature"; Ug. "to p a s s " . apnam "year". Cf. Buck 1949:§14.73; Pokorny 1959:69; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:41­ 42. 248. PAA EG.: "to grasp": 'm "to grasp; fist". PIE "to grasp": Skt. įmatra­m "drinking vessel"; Lat. ampla "handle"; Arm. aman "vessel, container". Cf. Mayrhofer 1956.I:43; Pokorny 1959:35; Walde­Hofmann 1972.I: 41­42; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:52­53. 249. PAA "to be high, PIE "to be high, exceed, e l e v a t e d ; to r i s e high, ascend": grow": L a t . alō "to n o u r i s h , SEM.: PSem. support", altus "grown, g r e a t , ''alā "to be high, e l e v a t e d , r i s e high"; OIr. alim "to r e a r " ; high; to exceed, s u r p a s s " , Goth, alan "to grow", alds "age, "height, t a l l n e s s , elevation, l i f e " . PIE _ "over, above, a l t i t u d e " , 'ala "on, upon, on beyond": OIr. al­ "beyond", oll top of, above, over", 'alīy "ample", all(a)e "yonder"; L a t . "high, t a l l , e l e v a t e d " ; Hebr. u l t r ā "beyond, f a r t h e r " ; Goth. 'ālāh "to go up, ascend, climb; alls " a l l " . to spring up, grow", 'al "upon, on, over, above, by, beyond, t o , towards", 'al " h e i g h t " ; Akk. elū "to go up, ascend", eli, "on, upon, more t h a n , over"; Ug. 'ly "to go u p " , 'Z. "upon"; S o q o t r i 'elha "high"; Eth. ' "to exceed". EG.: 'r " t o ascend", 'r'r "to r i s e up, go up, a s ­ cend". BERB.: Tam, alə y "to climb up, go", al " u n t i l , up t o " . CUSH.: PEC. "moun­ t a i n , highland" Saho 'al "moun­ t a i n " ; Somali 'al "any l o f t y , c o a s t a l range of mountains"; Ren­ d i l l e hal "mountain"; Dullay 'al­e "mountain, highland"; Ar­ bore el " s t o n e " . Cf. Buck 1949:§1.22, §10.21, §12.53; Pokorny 1959:26­27; Walde­ Pokorny 1 9 7 3 . I : 8 6 ­ 8 7 . COMPARISON OF PIE AND PAA 250. PAA "to b r e a t h e , r e s p i r e , l i v e " : EG.: "to l i v e ; l i f e ; living persons", "a l i v i n g b e i n g " . 265 PIE "to b r e a t h e , r e s ­ p i r e , l i v e " : Skt. ániti, anati "to b r e a t h e , r e s p i r e , l i v e " , aná­h " b r e a t h , r e s p i r a t i o n " ; Gk. "wind"; L a t . anima " b r e a t h , wind", animus " s o u l " , animal "a l i v i n g being, animal"; OIr. anal " b r e a t h " . Cf. Buck 1949:§4.51, §4.74; Pokorny 1959:38­39; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:56­58. 251. PAA "to sleep": EG.: 'wn "to sleep, slumber". PIE "to sleep": Gk. "to sleep, pass the night", (aor.) εσα "to sleep"; Arm. aganim "to spend the night"; Skt. vāyati "to become tired, weary". Cf. Buck 1949:§4.61; Pokorny 1959:72; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:19­20. 252. PAA "sheep": EG.: 'wt "sheep and goats, animals, flocks". PIE "sheep": Skt. ávi­h "sheep"; Lat. ovis "sheep"; Gk. "sheep"; Arm. hov­iw "shepherd"; OIr. oķ "sheep"; OE. ēowu, ēowe "ewe", ēow "sheep"; Lith. avģs "sheep"; Goth, awēpi "herd of sheep"; Luw. "sheep"; Hier. Luw. hawis "sheep". Cf. Buck 1949:§3.25; Pokorny 1959:784; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:167. 253. PAA "to fly; bird": PIE "bird": Skt. vi­h SEM.: PSem. ­. 'āfa "bird"; Arm. hav "bird"; Lat. "to fly about"; Hebr. 'ūφ "to avis "bird". fly", 'ōφ "fowl, birds"; Ug. 'p "to fly"; Eth. 'of "bird"; Harari ūf "bird". EG.: 'pķ "to fly". Cf. Buck 1949:§3.64; Pokorny 1959:86; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:21­22. 254. PAA "to SEM.: PSem. a good smell" Ar. perfume, s c e n t " , smelling, f r a g r a n t " ; smell": "to have "to "sweet­ PIE "to smell": Arm. hot "smell, odor"; Gk. "to smell"; Lat. odor "smell, odor"; Lith. "to smell". TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC 266 "to have a good smell", "perfume". PSem. "to have a bad smell" Ar. "to r o t , decay, p u t r e f y " , " p u t r i d , r o t t e n , s t i n k i n g " ; Eth. "incense"; Harari "to fumigate". Cf. Buck 1949:§§15.21­15­24; Pokorny 1959:772­73; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:174. 255. PAA "to t u r n , r e ­ t u r n , t u r n around, r e v e r s e " : SEM.: PSem. enū "to d i s p l a c e , s h i f t , change, i n v e r t , revoke, r e t r a c t " ; Kebr. 'ānāh "to answer, respond"; Ug. '"nw/y "to answer, say". EG.: 'n "to t u r n , r e t u r n , r e p e a t " , 'n "again, on t h e c o n t r a r y " , 'nn "to r e t u r n , t u r n back", ' n ' n "to t u r n back, c o n t r a d i c t " . PIE "on t h e c o n t r a r y , on t h e other hand": Skt. "other, different", " d i f f e r e n t " ; Goth. anpar " o t h e r " ; L i t h . añtvas "second". Cf. Pokorny 1959:37­38; Walde­Pokorny 1 9 7 3 . I : 6 7 , 9.43. II:337. PAA *h = PIE *x: 256. PAA "to r e a c h , come t o , a r r i v e a t , g a i n " : SEM.: PSem. kanaka "to make experienced, worldly­wise, sophisticated", "worldly experience, s o p h i s t i c a ­ t i o n " ; Hebr. "to t r a i n , t e a c h , e d u c a t e " . EG.: "to make an o f f e r i n g , o f f e r , p r e s e n t , be burdened", "offer­ ings". PIE (or see s e c t i o n 3.10) "to r e a c h , come t o , a r r i v e at": Hitt. "to p r e ­ sent, deliver, offer, a l l o t " ; Skt. aśnóti "to r e a c h , come t o , a r r i v e a t , g e t , g a i n , o b t a i n ; to m a s t e r , become master of; to o f f e r " ; L a t . nancior "to g e t , g a i n , o b t a i n " , nanciscor "to g e t , g a i n , r e c e i v e , meet"; Toch. A ents­, B "to seize, take". Cf. Buck 1949:§11.16, §17.24, §17.25; Pokorny 1959:316­18; Walde­ Pokorny 1 9 7 3 . I : 1 2 8 ­ 2 9 . 257. PAA measure off": forearm". "to measure, EG.: "cubit, PIE "to measure, measure off, mark off": Skt. "to measure, mete o u t , mark off"; COMPARISON OF PIE AND PAA 267 L a t . mētior "to measure"; H i t t . "time"; Goth, mēl " t i m e " . Cf. Buck 1949:§12.54; Pokorny 1959:703­04; Walde­Pokorny 1 9 7 3 . I I : 237­38. 9.44. PAA = PIE 258. PAA "to set ( s u n ) , become evening, grow dark": SEM.: PSem. "to become evening, grow dark", ' e r e ß "evening, s u n s e t " , 'ōrēß "raven"; Ar. "to set ( s u n ) " , "to be black", "west"," PIE _ " d a r k " : Gk. "darkness of night, night", . "dark, murky", "dark, dusky"; OE. eorp "swarthy", earp "dark, dusky"; Czech "crane"; Serbo­Cr. "partridge". " s e t t i n g (of t h e s u n ) " , "crow, raven"; Akk. erebu " s e t ­ t i n g (of t h e s u n ) , west", ā r i b u , ēribu "crow, raven"; Harsūsi "west", "raven"; Eth. 'arba "to set ( s u n ) " ; Amh. arroba "to set ( s u n ) " . Cf. Buck 1949:§1.62, §14.42, §15.63, §15.65; Pokorny 1959:334; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:146. 259. PAA bird": bird". EG.: 'rt "a kind of "a kind of PIE Hitt. "bird, eagle": ' "eagle"; Gk. "bird"; Goth. ara "eagle"; Lith. "eagle". Cf. Buck 1949:§3.64; Pokorny 1959:325­26; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I: 135. 260. PAA "to go out or PIE "out of, forth from": away from": SEM.: PSem. Gk. "out of, forth from"; ab­ Hebr. "to leave, for­ Lat. ex "out of, forth". sake, lose"; Akk. ezēbu "to leave, abandon"; Ar. 'azaba "to be far, distant". Cf. Buck 1949:§10.49, §12.18; Pokorny 1959:292­93; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:116­17. TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC 268 9.45. PAA *w = PIE *w: 261. PAA *wə d­/*wad­ "to carry": SEM.: PSem. *wad­ay­ Ar. (inf.) taudiya­t "to carry one off; (m.) to send, bring, lead to"; Sheri wudi "to take away". CUSH.: PSC. *wad­ "to carry" Kw'adza walit­ "to wear"; Asa wades­ "to lift, carry"; Dahalo wad, PIE *wə d­/*wad­ "to lead": OIr. fedim "to lead"; Lith. vedù, vesti "to lead, guide, direct, conduct, marry"; OCS. vedq, ves­ ti "to lead". wadat­. Cf. Buck 1949:§10.64; Pokorny 1959:1115­16; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I: 255­56. 262. PAA *wə ­/*wa­ 1st person per­ sonal pronoun: EG.: wy "I", wn "we, us". CHAD.: PChad. *wu/*wa 1st person sg. personal pronoun Buduma wu; Kur i u; Kotoko wu; Mandara wa; Gamargu wa; Bole wo; Hausa wa. Cf. 263. PIE *Wə ­/*wa­, *wə y­ 1 s t p e r s o n personal pronoun: Hitt. ú­i­e­eš "we"; S k t . ( d u . ) v m, ( p 1 . ) vayám "we"; Av. ( d u . ) vā, ( p 1 . ) vaēm "we"; G o t h . ( d u . ) wit, (p1.) w e i s " w e " ; OCS. ( d u . ) ve "we t w o " ; T o c h . A was, B wes " w e " . Verb e n d i n g s : Luw. 1 s t s g . ­wi; H i t t . 1 s t p 1 . ­weni, ­wani, ­wen, ­wasta, ­waštati, ­wastat; Skt. 1 s t d u . ­vas, ­va, ­vahe, ­vahi. Pokorny 1959:1114; Walde­Pokorny PAA * ? a w " o r " : SEM.: PSem. *?aw H e b r . 'ō " o r " ; A r . 'au " o r " ; Akk. ü " o r " ; E t h . 'au " o r " ; Ug. u " o r " ; H a r s ū s i 'aw " o r " ; Gurage we " o r " ; T i g r e wä " o r " . 1973.I:220. PIE *7wə "or": Skt. ­vā "or"; Lat. ­vĕ "or"; Gk. "or". Cf. Pokorny 1959:75; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:188­89. 264. PAA *wə d­/*wad­ "to kill, de­ stroy": SEM.: PSem. *wad­ay­ Ar. wada "to kill, destroy; to perish, die", wadi' "death, ruin, murder, destruction". PIE *wə d­/*wad­ "to slay, kill": Skt. vadhati "to strike, kill, slay, destroy"; Hom. "push­ ing, shoving"; Lith. vedega "a type of ax"; OPruss. wedigo "car­ penter's ax". Cf. Buck 1949:§4.76, §9.21; Pokorny 1959:1115; Walde­Pokorny 1973. I:254­55. COMPARISON OF PIE AND PAA 265. PAA *way "woe!": SEM.: PSem. *way Ar. wai "woe!, shame!"; Harari wāy "woe!, misery!"; Akk. ai "woe!". EG.: wy "woe!". CHAD.: Hausa wâi "woe!". 269 PIE *way "woe!": Lat. vae "alas!, woe!"; Arm. vay "woe!"; Goth, wai "woe!". Cf. Pokorny 1959:1110­11; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:212­13. 266. PAA *wə r­/*war­ "to guard, watch": EG.: "to guard, protect", wrš "to watch, ob­ serve", wršt "watch, vigil". PIE *wə r­/*war­ "to guard, watch": Goth, wardja "guard"; OE. warian "to beware, warn, guard", Wær "cautious, wary"; OHG. wartēn "to guard, watch"; Lett. véru, vērt "to look at, notice"; Lat. vereor "to be afraid, be anxious"; Hitt. ú ­ e ­ r i ­ t e ­ m a ­ a š "anxiety". Cf. Buck 1949:§11.24; Pokorny 1959:1160­62, 1164; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:280­83, 284­85. 267. PAA "to call, cry out": SEM.: PSem. Ar. wa'wa'a "to howl, yelp, bark, bay". EG.: w''' "to cry out, con­ jure, curse, blaspheme". CUSH.: PEC. "to shout, call, in­ vite" Saho wa'­; Somali wa'­; Rendille wah­; Dasenech ve'­; Elmolo we'­; Oromo wā­m­; Dullay o'­. PSC. "to curse, re­ vile" Asa wa?am­; Dahalo CHAD.: PChad. *wa "to call" Bachama wa; Mubi wā. PIE "to call, cry out": Goth, wōpjan "to call, cry out, cry aloud"; Gk. "sound, noise"; Lat. vāgiō "to cry, whimper". Cf. Buck 1949:§18.13; Pokorny 1959:1109, 1110; Walde­Pokorny 1973. I:217, 214­15, 215. 9.46. PAA *y = PIE *y: 268. PAA alive": Hebr. SEM.: "to live, be PSem. "to live"; Ar. "to live"; Ug. hyy "to live"; Eth. "life"; PIE • "alive; life, lifetime": Skt. äyú­h " a l i v e " ; Gk. " l i f e t i m e , age"; L a t . aevum " l i f e t i m e " ; Goth, aiws "time, 270 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC Tna. "to live"; haya " t o l i v e " ; "life". Cf. Buck 1 9 4 9 : § 1 4 . 1 2 , 1973.I:6­7. Tigre §14.74; Pokorny 1959:17­18; 2 6 9 . PAA *?ay(y)­ interrogative pro­ nominal stem: SEM.: PSem. *?ayy­ A r . 'ayy " w h i c h ? , w h a t ? " ; H e b r . 'ay " w h e r e ? " ; Akk. ayyu "who?, w h a t ? " ; Ug. iy " w h e r e " ; ESA. 'y " w h i c h ? " ; E t h . 'ay " w h i c h ? " . CUSH.: PEC. *?ay(y)­ "who, w h i c h " Saho ay "who"; B o n i ai "who"; S o m a l i ay­o " w h o " ; Sidamo ayy­e "who"; Oromo ē ­ n n u "who"; Konso ay­nu "who". Cf. lifetime, age". PIE *?ya­ r e l a t i v e p r o n o m i n a l stem: S k t . ya­h " w h i c h " ; Gk. "which"; Phryg. "whoever". Pokorny 1959:283; Walde­Pokorny 1 9 7 3 . I : 9 8 . 2 7 0 . PAA " t o c o m e " : EG: ķķ " t o c o m e " . BERB.: T u a r e g ayu " t o come". CUSH.: B e j a yi' V " t o c o m e " . CHAD.: PChad. ( i m ­ p e r a t i v e ) *ya " c o m e ! " Hausa yā­ka " c o m e ! " ; Ngizim ye­n " c o m e ! " ; Sukur yo " c o m e ! " . "to go": PIE S k t . émi, éti " t o g o " ; Gk. " t o g o " ; L a t . eō " t o g o " ; O L i t h . " t o g o " . PIE Skt. "to go, proceed"; L i t h . j ó j u , jóti " t o r i d e on h o r s e b a c k " ; T o c h . A ya " t o g o " ; H i t t . i­ya­at­ta(­ri) "to go". Cf. Buck 1949:§10.47, §10.48; Pokorny 1959:293­97; 1973.I:102­05. 9.47. Walde­Pokorny Walde­Pokorny PAA *m = PIE *m: 2 7 1 . PAA *mə g­/*mag­ " t o be e x a l t e d , eminent": SEM.: PSem. *mag­ad­ Hebr. " e x c e l l e n c e " ; Ar. : " t o be g l o r i o u s , eminent, i l l u s t r i o u s , exalted". PIE *mə g­ " t o be e x a l t e d , emi­ nent": Skt. mahdnt­ " g r e a t , l a r g e , powerful, v e n e r a b l e " , mahayati " t o honor, r e v e r e , e s ­ teem h i g h l y , magnify, e x a l t " ; Av. mazant­ "great". Cf. Pokorny 1959:7 08­09; Walde­Pokorny 1 9 7 3 . I I : 2 5 7 ­ 5 9 . COMPARISON OF PIE AND PAA 272. PAA vest": vest". "to r e a p , h a r ­ EG.: m', "to r e a p , h a r ­ 271 PIE "to mow, r e a p " : Gk. àμ бw "to r e a p " ; OE. māwan "to mow"; OHG. māen " t o mow". Cf. Buck 1949:§8.32; Pokorny 1959:703; Walde­Pokorny 1 9 7 3 . I I : 2 5 9 . 273. PAA "middle; in t h e midst of, with, among": EG.: mtt "middle", mtw " w i t h " . PIE *mat­ "middle; in the midst of, with, among": Gk. "in the midst of, among"; Av. "with"; Goth, mip "with, among"; Alb. m¿et "middle". Cf. Pokorny 1959:702­03; Walde­Pokorny 1 9 7 3 . I I : 2 3 6 . 274. PAA "to crush, grind, make s m o o t h " : SEM.: PSem. * m a l ­ ai­ H e b r . mālal " t o r u b , s c r a p e , c r u s h , p o u n d " ; A r . malta " t o be­ come t i r e d , w e a r y , b o r e d " . PSem. *mal­as­ A r . malisa, malusa "to be s m o o t h , l e v e l , e v e n ; t o make s m o o t h " ; E t h . malasa " t o make smooth, p o l i s h " . PSem. Hebr. " t o be s m o o t h , s l i p ­ p e r y " ; Ar. "to g l i d e , s l i p , slide", " ' "smooth". PSem. *mal­id— A r . malida " t o be t e n ­ der". PIE "to crush, grind, soften": Hitt. ma­al­la­i "to grind"; Skt. "to crush, grind", "soft, ten­ der, mild"; Gk. "to soften", "soft"; Lat. mold "to grind", mollis "soft, tender, mild, weak"; Goth. malan "to grind"; Lith. malù "to grind". Cf. Buck 1949:§4.91, §5.56, § 9 . 3 1 , §15.75, §15.77; Pokorny 1959: 716­19; Walde­Pokorny 1 9 7 3 . I I : 2 8 4 ­ 9 1 . 275. PAA *mə n­/*man­ "to count, r e c ­ kon":" SEM.: PSem. *man­ay­ Hebr. mānāh "to count, number, reckon, a s s i g n " , mānāh " p a r t , p o r t i o n " ; Akk. manū "to count, reckon"; Ug. mnt "counting"; Aram, mə nā "to number, count, reckon". PIE "to t h i n k , reflect": S k t . mįnyate "to t h i n k , r e f l e c t " ; Gk. "to remember"; Goth. munan "to t h i n k " ; L i t h . m i n i ù "to t h i n k o f , remember"; L a t . meminī "to rememb e r " , moneo "to remind", mens "mind". Cf. Buck 1949:§11.66, §17.14; Pokorny 1959:726­28; Walde­Pokorny 1973.II:264­66. 276. PAA *mə n­/*man­ "to s t a y , r e ­ main": SEM.: PSem. PIE *mə n­/*man­ main": Gk. . "to s t a y , r e ­ "to s t a y , r e ­ 272 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC H e b r . māna' " t o w i t h h o l d , h o l d b a c k " ; A r . mana'a " t o s t o p , d e ­ tain"; . mķna' " t o t a k e , catch, hold". E G . : mn " t o r e ­ m a i n , a b i d e " , mn­t " p l a c e , abode, h a b i t a t i o n " . CUSH.: PEC. *man­/*min­ "house" S o m a l i min " b r i d a l h o u s e " ; R e n ­ d i l l e min " h o u s e " ; Elmolo min " h o u s e " ; Oromo man­a " h o u s e " ; Konso man­a " h o u s e " ; B u r j i min­a " h o u s e " . PSC. *min­ " h o u s e " Ma'a mi, mķnda; D a h a l o mģni. main", "a s t a y i n g , a b i d i n g " ; L a t . maneō " t o s t a y , r e m a i n " ; Av. man­ " t o r e m a i n " . Cf. Buck 1 9 4 9 : § 1 2 . 1 6 ; P o k o r n y 1 9 5 9 : 7 2 9 ; W a l d e ­ P o k o r n y 267. 2 7 7 . PAA *maw­ " w a t e r , f l u i d , l i q u i d " : SEM.: PSem. *maw/y­ Hebr. (p1.) mayim " w a t e r s " ; Akk. mū " w a t e r , f l u i d , l i q u i d " ; Ug. my " w a t e r " ; A r . mā' " w a t e r " ; E t h . may " w a t e r " ; H a r a r i mī, mīy "wa­ ter"; "water". E G . : mw " w a t e r " , mwy " t o be w a t e r y , f l o w " , mwyt " u r i n e " . 1973.II: PIE "to flow, be w a t e r y " : S k t . mütra­m "ur­ i n e " ; O I r . mùn " u r i n e " ; L i t h . máudyti " t o b a t h e " ; Gk. " t o be damp, clammy", i "to flow". Cf. Buck 1 9 4 9 : § 1 . 3 1 , § 4 . 6 5 , § 1 5 . 8 3 ; P o k o r n y 1 9 5 9 : 7 4 1 ­ 4 3 ; W a l d e ­ Pokorny 1 9 7 3 . I I : 2 4 9 ­ 5 2 . 2 7 8 . PAA " s o n , young m a n " : SEM.: PSem. *mar?­ Akk. māru, mer'u, mar'u " s o n , d e s c e n d a n t , o f f s p r i n g ; y o u n g , o f f s p r i n g of an animal; d a r l i n g , lover". "young m a n " : Skt. PIE *mə r­ya­ márya­h "man, ( e s p . ) young man, l o v e r , s u i t o r " ; Gk. "boy, l a d " . Cf. Buck 1 9 4 9 : § 2 . 2 5 ; P o k o r n y 1 9 5 9 : 7 3 8 ­ 3 9 ; W a l d e ­ P o k o r n y 281. 27 9 . PAA negative par­ ticle: SEM.: PSem. *ma ( ? ) Ar. mā " n o t " ; H a r a r i mē' " n o ! " . EG.: m negative particle. CUSH.: PEC. *ma(?) n e g a t i v e p a r t i c l e Afar ma; S o m a l i ma'; D a s e n e c h ma. Cf. Pokorny 1959:703; Walde­Pokorny 1973.II: PIE *mə ? n e g a t i v e p a r t i c l e : Skt. " n o t " ; Gk. "not"; Arm. mi " n o t " ; T o c h . AB mā "not". 1973.II:236­37. COMPARISON OF PIE AND PAA 280. PAA *mə r­/*mar­ "to fall ill, become sick, die": SEM.: PSem. "to be sick"; Ar. '" : "to fall ill, be sick"; Akk. " : "to be sick"; Ug. "to be sick"; Aram, mə ra' "to fall ill, be­ . mēreź "to come sick"; be unwell, ill". EG.: mr "to be sick, suffer pain; to die; dead; death", mrt "sickness, illness, fatal disease". 273 PIE "to die": Skt. márate "to die", "dead"; Hitt. mi­ir­zi "to die"; Lat. morior "to die", mors ­tis "death"; OIce. "murder"; Lith. "to die". Cf. Buck 1949:§4.75; Pokorny 1959:735; Walde­Pokorny 1973.II:276. 281. PAA *mə t'­/*mat'­ "to stretch, expand, lengthen, draw out": SEM.: PSem. *mat ' ­ Ar. "to expand, stretch, lengthen", : "to draw out, lengthen, expand, stretch", "to stretch"; "to stretch". PIE *mə t'­/*mat'­ "to measure": Goth. mitan "to measure"; Gk. "to provide for, be mindful of"; Lat. meditor "to consider", modus "measure, stan­ dard of measure". Cf. Buck 1949:§9.32, §12.54; Pokorny 1959:705­06; Walde­Pokorny 1973.II:259. 282. PAA *mə l­/*mal­ "to f i l l , be f u l l " : SEM.: PSem. *mal­a?­ Hebr. mālē' "to f i l l , be f u l l " ; Aram, mə lā' "to f i l l , be f u l l " ; Ar. mala'a "to f i l l , become f i l l e d , be f u l l " ; Akk. malū "to f i l l , be f u l l " ; Ug. mlą "to be f u l l " ; Eth. mal'a "to be f u l l " ; H a r a r i mäla'a "to f i l l , f u l f i l l " ; Gurage (Masqan) mälla "to f i l l , be full"; méle' " t o be f u l l " ; ' " móle' "to f i l l " . EG.: " "fullness". PIE "much, many": Lat. multus "many"; Gk. "very, very much", "more", " "most"; Lett. milns "very much". PIE *mə lg­/ *malg­ "to make full, become full": Skt. malhá­h "having teats in the dewlap"; Arm. małj "gall, bile"; Lett, melzu "to swell, fester". Cf. Buck 1949:§13.15; Pokorny 1959:720; Walde­Pokorny 1973.II:292 283. PAA *mar­ "any body of water": EG.: mr "any body of water: lake, pool, cistern, reservoir, PIE *mar­i­ "any body of water: lake, sea": Lat. mare "sea"; Goth, marei "sea"; Lith. mare 274 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC flood, stream, basin, canal", mr "swampy land". "sea"; OIr. muir "sea"; OSax. mōr "marsh". Cf. Buck 1949: §1.32, §1.33; Pokorny 1959:748; Walde­Pokorny 1973: II:234­35. 284. PAA *mə r­/*mar­ "to bind up, tie together": EG.: mr "to bind up, tie together". PIE *mə r­/*mar­ "to bind, tie together": Gk. "cord, string, rope"; OIce. "fish­ trap". Cf. Buck 1949:§9.19; Pokorny 1959:733; Walde­Pokorny 1973.II:272­ 73. 285. PAA *mar­ "mulberry, mulberry­ tree": EG.: mr "mulberry­tree". PIE *mar­ "blackberry, mulberry": Arm. mor­ "blackberry"; Gk. "mulberry, blackberry"; Welsh merwydden "mulberry"; Lat. mōrum "mulberry, blackberry", mōrus "mulberry­tree". Cf. Pokorny 1959:749; Walde­Pokorny 1 9 7 3 . I I : 3 0 6 . 286. PAA *mə n­/*man­ "to project, jut out": EG.: mn, mny "moun­ tain", mnw "monument".  "to pro­ PIE ject, stand out, jut out": Av. mati­ "mountain top"; Lat. mentum "chin", ēmineō "to pro­ ject, stand out", minor "to jut out, project", prōmineō "to pro­ ject, stand out, jut out", mōns "mountain"; Welsh mynydd "moun­ tain", mant "jaw"; Corn, menetln "mountain"; Bret, menez "moun­ tain"; OIce. "to tower". Cf. Buck 1949:§1.22; Pokorny 1959:726; Walde­Pokorny 1973.II:263. 287. PAA *mə nt'Y­/*mant'Y­ "breast": EG.: mnd_ "breast"; Copt, mnot "breast". PIE "breast; to suckle": Ąlb. mënt "to suckle"; OHG. manzon "ud­ ders"; MIr. menn "young animal". Cf. Buck 1949:§4.41, §4.42; Pokorny 1959:729; Walde­Pokorny 1973. II:232. COMPARISON OF PIE AND PAA 288. PAA *mal­ "honey": CUSH.: PEC. *malab­ "honey" Saho­ Afar "honey"; Somali malab "honey"; R e n d i l l e malab "honey"; Boni malub "honey"; Sidamo malab­o "honey". PSC. *mala "mead" Ma'a mála "beer"; Dahalo móla. 275 "honey" (gen. *mə l­ ): Gk. " "honey"; Lat. mel "honey"; Hitt. mi­li­it "honey"; Luw. ma­al­li "honey"; OIr. mil "honey"; Alb. mjal "honey"; Goth, milip "honey". PIE Cf. Buck 1949:§5.84, §5.91; Pokorny 1959:723­24; Walde­Pokomy 1973.II:296. 289. PAA *mə l­/*mal­ "good": PSem. "good"; Ug. mlh "good". SEM.: PIE *mə l­/*mal­ "good": Lat. melior "better"; Hitt. malai­ "to approve". Cf. Buck 1949:§16.71; Pokorny 1959:720; Walde­Pokorny 1973.II:292. 290. PAA *mə t'­/*mat'­ "to be wet, moist": SEM.: PSem. *mat'­ar­ Hebr. "rain"; Akk. "rain"; Ar. "to rain"; Ug. mtr "rain". BERB.: Tarn. "a tear". CUSH.: PSC. or ­ "rain" Burunge PIE *mat­ "to be wet, moist": Gk. "to be moist"; Lat. madeō "to be wet"; Skt. mádati "to be glad; to rejoice, get drunk". "rainy season"; Ma'a máre, CHAD.: N. Bauchi Ch. *mad­ "dew" Warjanci ­ai; Pa'anci Diryanci Siryanci Jimbinanci Cf. Buck 1949:§1.75, §4.98; Pokorny 1959:694­95; Walde­Pokorny 1973.II:230­33. 291. PAA *mə r­/*mar­ "to rub, rub over, anoint": SEM.: PSem. *mar­ax­ Hebr. "to rub"; Aram. ' "to rub"; Ar. "to oil, anoint, rub"; Akk. " "to rub in". PSem. Ar. mara'a "to rub over, anoint". PSem. *mar­ak'­ Hebr. "to scour, polish", "a scrap­ ing, rubbing"; Aram. "to scour, polish". PSem. * m a r ­ a t ' ­ Hebr. "to make smooth, PIE "to rub": Skt. márdati "to rub, stroke, wipe". PIE "to smear, anoint, rub with fat or oil": Gk. "to anoint, rub with ointment", "oint­ ment"; Welsh mer "marrow"; OE. smierwan "to anoint", smeoru "grease, fat". 276 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC scour, polish"; Akk. "to rub, scratch". EG.: "to anoint, rub with fat or oil". BERB.: Tam. mrә y "to rub". CHAD.: PChad. *mar "oil" Hausa mai "oil, fat, grease"; Zaar mir; Tera mor; Mofu mol. Cf. Buck 1949:§6.94; Pokorny 1959:736­37, 735­37, 970­71; Walde­ Pokorny 1973.11:278­79, 276­79, 690­91. 292. PAA *mә /*ma 1st person sg./pl. personal pronoun stem: CHAD.: Kotoko mi "we, us"; Mandara ma "we, us"; Musgu mu "I, me", mi "we, us"; Bole mu "we, us"; Hausa mu "we, us". PIE *mә ­/*ma­, *mi­ , *mu­ 1st person sg. personal pronoun stem: Skt. sg.: (acc.) mā, (gen.) mama, (abl.) mat, (dat.) máhyam, (loc.) máyi, (instr.) mayā, (gen.­dat.) me; Gk. sg.: (acc.) μ ε, έμ έ, (gen.­abl.) μ oυ, (dat.­loc.) (gen.­dat.) Lat. sg.: (acc.­abl.) mē, (gen.) meī, (dat.) mihi, (poss.) meus; OIr. sg.: (nom.) mé, messe, (acc.) mé, messe, Goth. sg.: meina, ­m, (gen.) mo, (acc.) mik, (dat.) mis, Lith. sg.: mu; (gen.) (poss.) (acc.) meins; (gen.) mãno, (dat.) mánei, mi, (loc.) manyjé, (instr.) manimģ; p1.: (nom.) mes, (acc.) mus, (gen.) músū, (dat.) mùms; OCS. sg.: (acc.) mené, (dat.­ 1oc.) moně, (dat.) mi; p1.: (nom.) my; Hitt. ­mi, am­mu­uk. ­mu, mi­iš, Cf. Pokorny 1959:702; Walde­Pokorny 1973.11:236. 9.48. PAA *n = PIE *n: 293. PAA *nә t'­/*nat'­ "to s p r i n k l e , moisten": SEM.: PSem. *nat'­ap­ Hebr. " t o d r i p , drop"; Syr. "to d r i p " ; Ar. "to d r i b b l e , t r i c k l e , d r i p " ; sūsi "a drop"; Eth. PIE * n ә t ' ­ / * n a t ' ­ " t o w e t , make wet, moisten": S k t . nadi "river" Goth. natjan " t o w e t , make w e t " ; OHG. naz " w e t , damp, m o i s t " ; I 1 1 y r . r i v e r names COMPARISON OF PIE AND PAA 277 "to liquefy". PSem. *nat'­ab­ Amh. "to drip". EG.: ndf "to sprinkle, moisten". Cf. Buck 1949:§15.83; Mayrhofer 1963.II:130. 294. PAA *nә k­/*nak­ "to s t r i k e , smite, s l a y " : SEM.: PSem. *nak­ay­ Hebr. nāxāh "to k i l l , murder, s l a y , wound, smite"; Ar. nakä "to cause damage, harm, i n ­ j u r e , h u r t " ; Eth. nakaya "to harm, i n j u r e " ; Akk. nakū "to s t r i k e , smite" ( ? ) . EG.: nk "to smite, a t t a c k , i n j u r e " . BERB.: Tam, nә γ "to k i l l " . PIE *nә k­/*nak­ "to s l a y , smite, k i l l " : L a t . necō "to k i l l , s l a y " , noxa "harm, i n j u r y , damage", noceō "to h u r t , i n j u r e , harm"; Skt. nбśyati "to be l o s t , p e r i s h , d i s a p p e a r " ; Gk. "dead body, c o r p s e " ; OIr. éc " d e a t h " . Cf. Buck 1949:§9.21; Pokorny 1959:762; Walde­Pokorny 1 9 7 3 . I I : 3 2 6 . 295. PAA *nә r­/*nar­ "to be strong, mighty": EG.: nr "to be strong, mighty", nrw "strength, power, victory, valor; mighty one". PIE *nә r­/*nar­/ ­ "to be strong, manly": Skt. nár­ "man", nárya­ "manly, strong"; Gk. "man"; Alb. njer "man"; Welsh ner "hero"; OIr. nert "strength". Cf. Buck 1949:§2.21; Pokorny 1959:765; Walde­Pokorny 1973.II:332­ 33. 296. PAA *nә t'­/*nat'­ "to tie, bind": EG.: nd, ndd "to tie, bind". PIE *nә t'­/*nat'­ "to tie or bind together": Lat. nōdus "knot"; OE. nett "net"; OIr. nascim "to bind", naidm "bind­ ing, surety". Cf. Buck 1949:§9.192; Pokorny 1959:758­59; Walde­Pokorny 1973.II: 328­29. 297. PAA *naw­ " t i m e , hour": nw " t i m e , hour". EG.: PIE *nu "now": Skt. nú, "now"; Av. nū "now"; Lith. nù "now"; Gk. vú, vυ, v v "now"; Lat. nunc "now"; OCS. nyně "now"; Goth, nu "now"; Hitt. nu "now"; Toch. A nu, B no "now". Cf. Buck 1949:§14.18; Pokorny 1959:770; Walde­Pokorny 1 9 7 3 . I I : 3 4 0 . TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC 278 298. PAA *ne­/*na­, *nay, EG.: n, nn, n',, ny, etc. "not": nw "not". PIE *nә ­, *nә y "not": Skt. ná, ná, a­/an­; Av. na­, nae­, a­/an­; OCS. ne, ni; Lith. ne, neĩ; Lat. nĕ­, nē, nī, in­; Goth. ni, nei, un­; Gk. vε­, à­/àv­; 0Ir. ne­, in­/ ē ­ / a n ­ . Cf. Pokorny 1959:756­58; Walde­Pokorny 1973.II:319­20. 299. PAA "to fear": CUSH.: PEC. "to fear" Somali "to pity, be star­ tled"; Oromo nah­ "to fear, take pity on"; Konso nah­ "to be ten­ der hearted"; Gidole nah­ "to be afraid, tremble". Cf. 300. 301. "to fear": Hitt. ' "to fear", ra­az "fear, reverence"; OIr. nār " b a s h f u l " . Buck 1 9 4 9 : § 1 6 . 5 3 ; P o k o r n y 1 9 5 9 : 7 5 4 . PAA s u f f i x e d 1 s t p 1 . p e r s o n a l p r o n o u n *­nә /*­na, prefixed 1 s t p 1 . p e r s o n a l pronoun * n ә ­ / *na­: SEM.: PSem. *ni­/ *na­ A r . ­nā, na­; E t h . ­na, ne­; H e b r . ­nū, ni­; Aram. ­n(ā), ne­; Akk. ­āni/­ānu, na­. PSem. 1 s t p 1 . i n d e p e n d e n t p e r ­ Ar. sonal pronoun Eth. Hebr. ( ' ă ) ­ Akk. nīnu. EG.: inn, n " w e " . CUSH.: Oromo nu " w e " ; Saho nanu " w e " . CHAD.: Hausa ni " I , m e " . Cf. PIE PIE *nә ­/*na­/ "we, u s " : S k t . ( d u . ) nau, ( p 1 . ) nas " u s " ; Gk. ( d u . ) vẃ " u s " ; L a t . nōs " w e , u s " ; G o t h , uns " u s " ; Welsh ni " u s " ; H i t t . an­za­a­as "us"; OCS. "us". Pokorny 1959:758; Walde­Pokorny 1 9 7 3 . I I : 3 2 0 ­ 2 1 . PAA *nә b­/*nab­ "to burst forth, gush f o r t h " : SEM.: PSem. *nab­ H e b r . nāßa' " t o f l o w , spring, bubble u p " ; Ar. naba'a "to w e l l , well u p , gush f o r t h , f l o w , i s s u e " ; E t h . 'anbә ' "a t e a r " ; Akk. nabā'u "to rise ( s a i d of a f l o o d ) " . PSem. *nab­at' ­ Ar. "to well o u t , gush o u t , spout, i s s u e , stream f o r t h " . "to burst, burst PIE *nә b­/*nab­ f o r t h , break open": Skt. nabhate " t o b u r s t f o r t h , be t o r n a s u n d e r " ; O I c e , nćfr ( Gmc. *nāЯizō) "bark of t h e b i r c h " . 279 COMPARISON OF PIE AND PAA Cf. Buck 1949:§10.32; Pokorny 1959:758; Walde­Pokorny 1973.II: 330. 302. PAA *nә g­/*nag­ "to s t r i k e , split, pierce": SEM.: PSem. *nag­al­ H e b r . maggāl " s i c k l e " ; A r . nağala " t o s t r i k e , s p l i t , p i e r c e " , minğal "scythe, sickle". PSem. *nag­ap­ Hebr. nāγaφ " t o s t r i k e , s m i t e " , n e γ e φ "blow, s l a u g h t e r , p l a g u e , p e s t i ­ lence". PSem. Ug. " t o g o r e " ; Hebr. " "to push, t h r u s t , g o r e " ; Gurage (tä)nagga "to clash, c o l l i d e " . EG.: ng, ng'' " t o s t r i k e , s m i t e , c u t o f f , c u t o p e n , hew, s l a y , c r u s h " , ngb " t o b r e a k , be d e ­ s t r o y e d " , ngbgb " t o b r e a k " . Cf. Buck 1 9 4 9 : § 4 . 8 5 , § 9 . 2 1 , 1973.II:326­27. 9.49. 303. PIE *nә g­/*nag­ "to s t r i k e , split, pierce": OIr. ness "wound"; OCS. nožo " k n i f e " , pvo­noziti "to pierce through". § 9 . 2 3 ; Pokorny 1959:760; Walde­Pokorny PAA *l = PIE *l: PAA *lә k'­/*lak'­ "to gather, "to gather": PIE *lә k'/*lak'­ collect": SEM.: PSem. lak'­at'­ L a t . lego " t o o r d a i n , a p p o i n t " ; Hebr. "to gather up, Gk. "to pick, gather, speak". p i c k u p " ; Akk. "to c o l l e c t , g a t h e r " ; Ar. "to gather, pick up, c o l l e c t " . PSem. *lak'­ in­ Ar. "to gather, in­ fer, teach". Cf. Buck 1 9 4 9 : § 1 2 . 2 1 , § 1 8 . 2 1 ; P o k o r n y 1 9 5 9 : 6 5 8 ; W a l d e ­ P o k o r n y 1 9 7 3 . II:422. 304. PAA *lә w­/*law­ "to stain, t a r ­ n i s h , s o i l , make d i r t y " : SEM.: PSem. *law­ A r . lāta " t o s t a i n , t a r n i s h , s o i l " , lauta "stain, b l o t , s p o t " ; Akk. l u ' ū " t o s o i l , make d i r t y " . Cf. PIE *lu­ " d i r t " : Gk. "dirt (removed by w a s h i n g ) , f i l t h " ; L a t . lutum "mud, m i r e , d i r t " ; O I r . loth " d i r t , f i l t h " . Buck 1 9 4 9 : § 1 5 . 8 8 ; P o k o r n y 1 9 5 9 : 6 8 1 ; W a l d e ­ P o k o r n y 1973.II:406. 280 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC 305. PAA *lә w­/*law­ "to shine": SEM. : PSem. Ar. "to shine, gleam, flash, glimmer, sparkle; to appear, show, come into sight". PIE "to shine, be bright": Skt. rócate "to shine, be bright"; Gk. "bright, white", "to gaze, look at, see"; Lat. lūceō "to shine"; Goth, liuhap "light"; OE. lēoht "light". Cf. Buck 1949:§15.56; Pokorny 1959:687­90; Walde­Pokorny 1973.II: 408­12. 306. PAA *lә k­/*lak­ "leg, foot": CUSH.: PEC. *lak­/*lik­/*luk­ "leg, foot" Saho lak; Somali lug; Arbore luk­a; Sidamo lekk­a; Oromo luk­a "thigh". PIE *lak­ (adv.) "leg, foot": Gk. "with the foot", "to kick with the heel or foot"; Lat. lacertus "upper arm"; OIce, leggr ( Gmc. *lag­ yaz) "leg"; Swed. "thigh". Cf. Buck 1949:§4.35; Pokorny 1959:673; Walde­Pokorny 1973.II:420­ 21. "to bend, twist, 307. PAA * lә w­/*law­ turn": SEM.: PSem. * law­ay­ Ar. lawā "to bend, twist, turn"; Hebr. liwyāh "wreath", liwyāө ān "serpent, dragon"; Akk. lawū "to move in a circle, encircle, wrap, wrap up, surround"; Harsūsi lewd "to bend, wrap up"; Eth. (ta)lawya "to be bent"; Tna. lдwдyд "to bend"; Phoen. lwy "to writhe, crouch". PSem. *law­ak'— Ar. lāka "to soften, distort, curve". PSem. *law­at'­ Hebr. lūt "to wrap closely, enwrap, envelop". PIE *lu­k'­ "to bend, turn, wind": Gk. "to bend, twist, writhe"; Lat. luctor, l u c t ō "to wrestle"; OE. lūcan "to close, shut up, confine". Cf. Buck 1949:§9.14; Pokorny 1959:685; Walde­Pokorny 1973.II:413­ 14. 308. PAA *lә w­/*law­ "to yearn for, feel burning love": SEM.: PSem. *law­t ­ Ar. lā'a "to be burn­ ing, inflamed, languishing (with love, longing)", lau'a "ardor of love". PIE "to yearn for, desire greatly, feel burning love or desire": Skt. lϊbhyati "to desire greatly, long for"; Lat. libet, lubet "to be pleasing, agreeable", lubīdō, l i b ī d ō "violent desire, longing"; COMPARISON OF PIE AND PAA 281 Goth, liufs "dear, beloved"; OCS. "dear", l j u b i t i "to love". PIE *lu­s­ "to yearn for, desire": Goth, lustus "desire, lust"; OE. lystan "to desire", lust "pleasure, desire, lust". Cf. Buck 1949:§16.27; Feist 1939:333, 338; Onions 1966:538, 541; Pokorny 1959:683; Walde­Pokorny 1973.II:419. 9.50. PAA *r = PIE *r: 309. PAA *rә k*­/*rak>­ "to stretch out": SEM.: PSem. *rak'­ak'­ Hebr. "thin"; Ar. "to be or become thin, delicate, fine; to flatten, roll out; to make thin, fine, tender"; Eth. "to be minute, fine"; Harsūsi "fine, transparent, soft (cloth)". PSem. *rak'­ ­ Hebr. ' "to stretch, flatten, beat out (metal), spread out"; Aram. "to spread out". "to stretch PIE *rә k'­/*rak'­ out, straighten, make straight": Lat. regō "to guide, direct, lead"; Gk. óp γw "to reach out, stretch"; OIr. rigirn "to stretch out"; Goth, raihts "right"; Skt. "straight, upright, right". Cf. Buck 1949:§9.32, §12.65, §12.73; Pokorny 1959:854­57; Walde­ Pokorny 1973.II:362­65. 310. PAA *rə k­/*rak­ "to bind": SEM.: PIE *rә k­/*rak­ "to, twist, turn, PSem. *rak­as­ Hebr. rāxas "to bind": Skt. rasarķa "rope, cord". bind"; Akk. rakāsu "to bind"; Ug. rks "to bind". CUSH.: PSC. *rak­ "to turn" Alagwa rankus­ "to bend around; to bow down; to curve"; Ma'a ­re "to return (some­ thing)". Cf. Buck 1949:§9.19; Pokorny 1959:863; Walde­Pokorny 1973.II:362. 311. PAA '­ "to plow": SEM. : PSem. ­ Hebr. hāraš "to plow"; Aram. hә raө "to plow"; Ar. harata "to plow"; Ug. "to plow"; Eth. PIE "to plow": Hitt. "to plow"; Lat. arō "to plow"; Gk. àpów "to plow"; Goth, arjan "to plow". TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC 282 " t o p l o w " ; H a r a r i haräsa " t o p l o w " ; Akk. erēšu " t o p l o w , till". Cf. 79. Buck 1 9 4 9 : § 8 . 2 1 ; P o k o r n y 1 9 5 9 : 6 2 ­ 6 3 ; W a l d e ­ P o k o r n y 1 9 7 3 . I : 7 8 ­ 312. PAA *?әr­/*?ar­ "to go, journey": SEM.: PSem. *?ar­ax­ Hebr. "to go, wander, journey"; Akk. "to hasten, hurry", "road, path"; Palm, "way, journey". PIE "to go, come, s e t i n m o t i o n " : Hitt. a­ri " t o a r r i v e , come", a­ar­ aš­ki­iz­zi " t o be a r r i v i n g " , " t o move, b r i n g " ; ar­nu­(uz­)zi S k t . rccháti " t o g o , move, s e n d " , " t o g o , move, a r i s e " ; Gk. rnóti " t o u r g e o n , i n c i t e , move, s t i r o n e s e l f , make t o a r i s e " ; "to rise, arise". L a t . orior Cf. Buck 1 9 4 9 : § 1 0 . 1 1 ; P o k o r n y 1 9 5 9 : 3 2 6 ­ 3 2 ; W a l d e ­ P o k o r n y 136­42. 3 1 3 . PAA " t o be w i d e , SEM.: PSem. spacious": H e b r . rāwah " t o b e w i d e , s p a ­ c i o u s " ; Aram. " t o be w i d e " ; " t o be w i d e , s p a c i o u s " , Ar. "wide, spacious". 1973.I: PAA " t o be wide, s p a c i o u s " : Av. ravah­ "space"; L a t . rūs " c o u n t r y " ; G o t h , rūm " r o o m , s p a c e " ; OE. rūm " s p a c i o u s , wide". Cf. Buck 1 9 4 9 : § 7 . 2 1 , § 1 9 . 1 3 ; P o k o r n y 1 9 5 9 : 8 7 4 ; W a l d e ­ P o k o r n y 1 9 7 3 . II:356­57. 314. PAA *rә ?y­/*ra?y­ "to see, per­ ceive": SEM.: PSem. *ra?ay­ H e b r . rā'āh "to see, perceive, look a t , observe, watch, c o n s i d e r , r e f l e c t , gaze a t , behold"; Ar. ra'ā " t o s e e , b e h o l d , p e r c e i v e , n o t i c e , observe, discern, look ( a t ) , r e g a r d , c o n s i d e r , deem, think"; Eth. rә'әya "to see", ra'ә y " v i s i o n " ; H a r a r i rVa " t o see". PIE * r ī ­ / * r ē ­ , *re7y­/*ra?y— *rey?­/*ray?­ *rey­/*ray­ "to reckon, t h i n k " : L a t . reor, rērī " t o reckon, t h i n k , be of t h e o p i n i o n , suppose, j u d g e " , ratio " r e c k o n i n g , a c c o u n t , computation, c a l c u l a t i o n " , rītus "religious custom, ceremony, r i t e " ; Goth. rapjō "number, a c c o u n t " , ga­ rapjan " t o c o u n t " , rōdjan " t o speak", ga­rēdan " t o r e f l e c t upon", raidjan "to determine, f i x , o r d e r , a p p o i n t " ; OHG. radia, redia " a c c o u n t " , rāten " t o a d ­ COMPARISON OF PIE AND PAA 283 vise"; OE. "advice", rïm "number", rīman "to count, cal­ culate"; OIr. rнm "number"; OCS. raditi "to care for"; Lett. viedu "to arrange, put in order", raids "ready, prepared"; Skt. rādhnóti, rādhyati "to succeed, be accomplished or finished". Cf. Buck 1949:§17.13, §17.14, §18.21; Pokorny 1959:59­61; Walde­ Pokorny 1973.I:73­75. 315. PAA *rә k­/*rak­ "to stick up­ right in the ground": SEM.: PSem. Ar. vakaza "to plant or ram in the ground, set up, embed, position, emplace", vaklza "support, brace, shore, stanchion, pillar, pier, post, pile, shoring"; Harsūsi vekdz "to stick upright in the ground", "to stand firm"; Sheri vбtkez votkez "to stand up, be stuck in the ground". PIE *rә k­/*rak­ "to stand up­ right; pole, post, stake": OIce. rā ( Gmc. *raxō) "pole, sail­yard"; MHG. vahe "pole, post, stake", reek (e) "long, thin pole", vagen "to stick ut, project"; Lith. "rack". Cf. Pokorny 1959:863; Walde­Pokorny 1973.II:361­62. 316. PAA *rә y­/*ray­ "to prosper, flourish, thrive": SEM.: PSem. Ar. rā'a "to increase, grow, flourish, thrive, prosper", rai' "yield, returns, proceeds, income, interest, profit, share". PIE *rә y­/*ray­ (*rīC­/)*rēC­, *rә yV­/*rayV­ "to prosper, ob­ tain wealth, obtain property": Skt. "property, pos­ sessions, goods, wealth, riches", "to grant, give, bestow", "jewel, gift", "generous, favorable, gracious"; Av. raēvant­ "rich, wealthy"; Lat. rēs, reī "thing, object, matter, affair, circumstance"; Umbr. ri, "thing, ceremony, ac­ count". Cf. Buck 1949:§11.41, §11.42; Pokorny 1959:860; Schmalstieg 1980: 57­59; Walde­Pokorny 1973.II:343. 317. PAA *?ә rb­/*?arb­ "to lack, need, be poor": SEM.: PSem. *?arib­ Ar. ' a r i b a "to be poor, be PIE *?arb­ "to be lacking (par­ ents)": Gk. "orphan; bereft"; Lat. ovbus "orphan; 284 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC needy; to need", 'arab "wish, de­ sire, need", ma'rab "wish, de­ sire", 'urb "misfortune". b e r e f t " ; Arm. orb "orphan". Cf. Buck 1949:§2.75, §9.93; Pokorny 1959:781­82; Walde­Pokorny 1973.I:183­84. . PAA *rә m­/*ram­ "to s t o p , r e s t , r e l a x " : SEM.: PSem. *ram­a?­ Ar. rama'a "to s t o p , remain, a b i d e " ; Akk. ramū "to become s l a c k , l o o s e " ; Hebr. rә mīyyāh "laxness, slackness". PIE *rә m­/*ram­/*rm­ "to s t o p , r e s t " : Skt. rámate "to s t o p , s t a y , r e s t , a b i d e " ; Av. rāman­ " q u i e t " ; Goth, rimis " q u i e t , r e s t , t r a n q u i l i t y " ; L i t h . ramas " q u i e t " , rģmti "to be q u i e t " . Cf. Buck 1949:§12.16, §12.19; Pokorny 1959:864; Walde­Pokorny 1973.II:371­72. 10 PROBLEMS OF ROOT STRUCTURE 10.1. INTRODUCTION It is necessary to begin by defining several basic terms. A "root" may be defined as the base form of a word. It carries the primary meaning, and it cannot be further analyzed without total loss of identity (cf. Crystal 1980:308). A "stem", on the other hand, may be defined as an inflectional base. A stem may or may not be coequal with a root. 10.2. ROOT STRUCTURE IN PROTO­INDO­EUROPEAN There have been several attempts to formulate the rules governing the structural patterning of roots in Proto­Indo­European. Without going into details, it may simply be noted that none of the proposals advanced to date has escaped criticism, including the theories of Benveniste (1935:147­73, especially pp. 170­71). The problem is com­ plicated by the fact that the form of Proto­Indo­European traditionally reconstructed — what I call "Disintegrating Indo­European" ­­ is the end product of a very long, largely unknown evolution. Disintegrating Indo­European contained the debris of earlier successive periods of development. For Disintegrating Indo­European, Kurylowicz's (1935:121) descrip­ tion is adequate: "The root is the part of a word made up of (1) the initial consonant or consonantal group, (2) the fundamental vowel, (3) TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC 286 the final consonant or consonantal group. — The final group can con­ sist of no more than two consonantal elements, the first of which has greater syllabicity than the second. In other words, the first con­ sonantal element is while the second is a consonant in the strictest sense of the term: occlusive, s, or laryngeal A careful analysis of the root structure patterning led Benveniste to the discovery of the basic laws governing that patterning. Accord­ ing to Benveniste (1935:170­71), these laws may be stated as follows (see also Lehmann 1952:17­18): 1. The Indo­European root is monosyllabic, composed of the fun­ damental vowel ě between two different consonants. 2. In this constant scheme: consonant plus e plus consonant, the consonants can be of any order provided that they are different: however, the cooccurrence of both a voiceless stop and an aspirated voiced stop is forbidden. 3. The addition of a suffix to the root gives rise to two alter­ nating stem types: Type I: root in full­grade and accented, suffix in zero­grade; Type II: root in zero­grade, suffix in full­grade and accented. 4. A single determinative can be added to the suffix, either after the suffix of stem type II or, if n, inserted between the root element and the suffix of stem type II. 5. Further addition of determinatives or suffixes points to a nominal stem. Benveniste's views are not necessarily incompatible with those of Kurylowicz. These theories can be reconciled by assuming that they describe the root structure patterning at different chronological stages. Now, comparison of Proto­Indo­European with Proto­Afroasiatic allows us to refine Benveniste's theories. The most ancient patterning was probably as follows: 1. There were no initial vowels in the earliest form of pre­ Proto­Indo­European. Therefore, every root began with a PROBLEMS OF ROOT STRUCTURE 287 consonant. 2. Originally, there were no initial consonant clusters either. Consequently, every root began with one and only one con­ sonant. 3. Two basic syllable types existed: (A) *CV and (B) *CVC, where C = any non­syllabic and V = *a, *i, or *u. Permis­ sible root forms coincided exactly with these two syllable types. 4. A stem could either be identical with a root or it could con­ sist of a root plus one or more derivational morphemes. 5. A stem could thus assume any one of the following shapes: (A) *CV, (B) *CVC, (C) *CVCV, (D) *CVCVC, (E) *CVCCV, or (F) *CVCCVC. The phonemicization of a strong stress accent disrupted the pat­ terning outlined above. The positioning of the stress was morpholog­ ically distinctive, serving as a means to differentiate grammatical categories (cf. section 4.8). All vowels were retained when stressed but were either weakened (= "reduced­grade") or totally eliminated altogether (= "zero­grade") when unstressed: the choice between the reduced­grade versus the zero­grade depended upon the position of the unstressed syllable relative to the stressed syllable as well as upon the laws of syllabicity in effect at that time. The reduced­grade forms of the vowels *i and *u were identical to the full­grade forms. The vowel *a, on the other hand, was weakened to *ә in the reducedgrade. At this time, there were three fundamental stem types: (A) verbal stems, (B) nominal and adjectival stems, and (C) pronominal and indeclinable stems. Finally, it was at this stage of development that the syllabic allophones of the resonants came into being. The stress-conditioned ablaut alternations gave rise to two distinct forms of extended stems: Type 1: Root in full­grade and accented, suffix in zero­grade: *cvcc. 288 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC Type 2: Root in zero­grade, suffix in full­grade and accented: *ccvc. When used as a verbal stem, type 1 could undergo no further extension. However, type 2 could be further extended by means of a "determinative". Further addition of determinatives or suffixes pointed to a nominal stem (cf. Benveniste 1935:171; Lehmann 1952:17). According to Ben­ veniste (1935:148), a "suffix" was characterized by the fact that it had two alternating forms (*­et­/­t­, * ­ e n ­ / ­ n ­ , *­ek­/­k­, etc.), while a "determinative" was characterized by a fixed consonantal form (*­t­, *­n­, *­k­, etc.). Finally, Benveniste (1935:164) notes that "in the numerous cases where the initial [consonant group has been reconstructed in the shape] * ( s ) k ­ , * ( s ) t ­ , * ( s ) p ­ , etc., with unstable sibilant, it is generally a question of prefixation, and it may be ob­ served that the root begins with the [plain] consonant [alone excluding the sibilant]". At this stage, ablaut was merely a phonological alternation. The grammaticalization of ablaut began when stress was shifted to former unstressed syllables. The further prehistoric development of the Proto­ Indo­European vowel system is discussed in detail in Chapter 3. Whether or not the series of changes affecting vowel gradation in Proto­Indo­ European was influenced by or itself exerted influence upon the pattern­ ing developing in neighboring languages cannot yet be ascertained with absolute certainty. What is certain, though, is that the parallels be­ tween the systems of vowel gradation found in Proto­Indo­European and some of the Caucasian languages, especially the Kartvelian languages (cf. Gamkrelidze 1966:69­83 and 1967:707­17), are so close that coin­ cidence can be all but ruled out. What needs to be determined still is the extent, nature, and direction of any influence that may have occurred. Proto­Indo­European had constraints on permissible root structure sequences. These constraint laws may be stated as follows (cf. Hopper 1973:§3.2.6; Gamkrelidze 1976:404­05 and 1981:608­09): PROBLEMS OF ROOT STRUCTURE 289 1. Each root contained at least one non­glottalic consonant. 2. When both obstruents were non­glottalic, they had to agree in voicing. The Proto­Indo­European root structure constraint laws thus become simply a voicing agreement rule with the corollary that two glottalics cannot cooccur in a root. Comparison of Proto­Indo­European with Proto­Afroasiatic indicates, however, that the forbidden root types must have once existed. Two rules may be formulated to account for the elimination of the forbidden types: 1. A rule of progressive voicing assimilation may be set up to account for the elimination of roots whose consonantal ele­ ments originally did not agree in voicing: *T ~ *B *T ~ *P, *B ~ *T *B ~ *D, etc. 2. A rule of regressive deglottalization may be set up to ac­ count for the elimination of roots containing two glottalics: *T' ~ *K' *T ~ *K' , etc. This rule finds a close parallel in Geers' Law in Akkadian (cf. section 7.2). According to Gamkrelidze (1976:404 and 1981:608), Bartholomae's Law is a later manifestation of the progressive voicing assimilation rule, applied to contact sequences. 10.3. ROOT STRUCTURE IN PROTO­AFROASIATIC The rules governing the structural patterning of roots and stems in Proto­Afroasiatic are virtually identical to the rules posited in the preceding section for the earliest form of pre­Proto­Indo­Euro­ pean: 1. There were no initial vowels in Proto­Afroasiatic. every root began with a consonant. Therefore, 2. There were no initial consonant clusters either. Consequently, every root began with one and only one consonant. TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC 290 3. Two b a s i c s y l l a b l e types e x i s t e d : (A) *CV and (B) *CVC, where C = any n o n ­ s y l l a b i c and V ­ *a or * ә . P e r m i s s i b l e r o o t forms coincided with t h e s e two s y l l a b l e t y p e s . 4. A stem could e i t h e r be i d e n t i c a l with a r o o t or i t could c o n s i s t of a r o o t p l u s one or more d e r i v a t i o n a l morphemes. 5. A stem could assume any one of t h e following shapes: *CV, (B) *CVC, *CVCCVC. 6. (C) *CVCV, (D) *CVCVC, (E) *CVCCV, o r (A) (F) There were t h r e e fundamental stem t y p e s : (A) v e r b a l stems, (B) nominal and a d j e c t i v a l stems, and (C) pronominal and i n d e c l i n a b l e stems. As in Proto­Indo­European, the consonants carried the basic mean­ ing of the root, while the vowels were used as modifiers: that is to say that grammatical categorization was partially achieved by means of fixed vocalic patterning, at least in the verbal stems. In the Semitic branch, the vast majority of roots are triconsonan­ tal. Internal analysis of these roots plus comparison with the other branches of Afroasiatic indicates that at one time there were more bicon­ sonantal roots and that the triconsonantal system has been greatly ex­ panded in Semitic at the expense of roots with other than three conson­ ants (cf. Moscati 1964:72­75; Ullendorff 1958:69­72). POSTSCRIPT The similarities between Indo­European and Afroasiatic are so numerous that the possibility of common genetic origin can no longer be dismissed ­­ in fact, the data presented in this study compel us to dismiss any other possibility. That is not to say that all questions have been answered, for they have not. The present work is merely a beginning, a foundation on which to build. There are whole areas (such as morphology, for example) that must yet be explored. In due time, these areas will be investigated, and, before long, the common origin of these two great language families will be an accepted fact. Wider horizons await us. We cannot assume that our work is done once we have finally proven that Indo­European and Afroasiatic are in fact genetically related. We must also consider further relationship to other language families — here, a group of gifted Soviet scholars (Dolgopol'skij, Dybo, Illič­Svityč) has already led the way. Holger Pedersen's theory setting up a great "Nostratic" macrofamily (redefined by Birnbaum [1977:51] to include Indo­European, Afroasiatic, Kartvelian, Uralic, Altaic, and Dravidian), first proposed in 1903 and long looked upon as little more than the fanciful dream of a brilliant mind, is finally on its way to being provable, if not yet proven. REFERENCES Adrados, Francisco R ( o d r i g u e z ) . 1961. Estudios sobre las laryngales indoeuropeas (= Manuales y anejos de "Emerita", v o l . 1 9 ) . Madrid: C.S.I.C. Adrados, Francisco R(odriguez). 1963. Evolución y estructura del verbo indoeuropeo. Madrid : C.S.I.C. Adrados, Francisco R(odriguez). 1975. Lingüística indoeuropea. Mad­ rid: Gredos. Adrados, Francisco R(odriguez). 1982. "The Archaic Structure of Hit­ tite: The Crux of the Problem", JIES 10.1/2:1­35. Aistleitner, Joseph. 1967. Wörterbuch der ugaritischen Sprache. Ber­ lin: Akademie­Verlag. Al­Ani, Salman H. 1970. Arabic Phonology. The Hague: Mouton. 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ANATOLIAN HAYAŠA ḫ fyigga­ 101 paḫ ḫ (u)­ 124 tama­ 111 HIEROGLYPHIC LUWIAN apan 130 arha 124, 129 asharmis 99> 105 a s t a 104 a s t i 99 hawin 107 hawis 83, 120, 265 huza 102 huhas 82, 101 ivha­ 129 i s ( a ) ­ 102, 105 istvi 105, 112 parnutu 124 pati 110 pia­ 203 takami­ n o , 217 Tarkunt­ 110 tas 101, 208 ti 102, 105 Tiwat­ ui tuwa­ 212 tuwaha 111, 125 wasu 112 VERBORUM INDO­EUROPEAN atanzi 100 atta­ 129 0LD HITTITE attan 107 a t ­ t a ­ a š 251 ešti 99 awan 130 dagan 110 HITTITE daiezzi 131 daizzi 131 d a ­ l u ­ g a ­ e ­ e š 214 adanteš 100 damašzi 111 adxmzi 100 dankuiš 115 akvwanzi 128 al­pa­aš 255 dayazzi 131 e­ḫ u 51 amnmgga 116 am­mu­uk 116, 276 ekuzi 128 conmuqqa 116 epzi 128 amuga 116 ešanzi 105 esdu 99 annaš 130 ešhar 99, 105 an­za­aš 107, 278 ešḫ aš 129 a­ap­pa 130, 255 ešta 99, 104 appan 130 e­eš­zi 99, 102, 105, appanzi 128 ara­ 250 252 arḫ a 124, 129 e­it­mi, 99 9 248 arḫ aš 129 ga­an­ki 225 a­ri 282 gemi 112 a­ar­ki 250 genu 103 a r ­ k i ­ i ­ e ­ e š 250 gimmanza 112 arkuwanzi 116 gimmi 112 ar­nu­(uz­)zi 282 ginu 103 a­ar­aë­ki­iz­zi 108, g u r ­ t a ­ a n 115, 244 ḫ annaš 83, 101 282 ḫ a n t e z z i š 120 a­av­aš­zi 251 ḫ xntezziyaš 120 a­ra­ua­aḫ ­ḫ i 255 a­ra­u­(wa­)aš 255 ḫ a­arc­ti 120, 263 ašandu 100 ḫ a­an­za 120, 262 ašanzi 100, 105 ḫ a­pa­a 120, 262 a ­ a š ­ š u ­ u š 55, 129 ḫ a p p i n ­ 122, 259 HITTITE 318 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC appinant­ 122, 259 apzi 122, 259 ar­ak­zi 83, 122, 262 aranas 126 a­a­ra­as 267 ar­as­zi 83, 121, 281 ar­na­a­us 52 ar­na­a­u­wa­aš 52 aarkanzi 121 ar­ki­is 84, 113, 262 artaggas 127 a r s t 121 a­as­sa­an 257 ašduir 125 a f s t 122 GIs a š š k k a ­ 83 a ­ a š ­ t a ­ (a­) i 5 1 , 52, 58, 128 ha­as­ti­ya­as É 51, i­ya­at­ta(­ri) 58, 126 Hayaša 83 egur 115 ekur 115 enkan 126 58, 126 É è­es­ti Iringan 126 i­in­ik­zi 58, 266 inkan 126 išša­ 103 uekzi 118, 127 u aš 82, 101 uišzi 123 uitar 123 u­ul­la­a­i 58 u­u­ma­an­za 58 ur­da­a­e­es urkel 120 ur­na­a­iš ur­na­an­zi ur­ta­(a­)is ur­ti­ya­as uwanza 51 121, 257 121, 257 51 51 83, 122 ir aš 129 iš ar 99, 105 is arnumaizzi 99 iš zaš 129 iyadduma 116 106, 270 kalmara 229 kar­as­zi 234 K i ­ e š ­ š a r 105, 112, 237 ki­it­ta(­ri) 51, 113, 227 ku­en­zi 114, 244 kuerzi 114 Kuiš 103 kuiska 103, 118 kuiski 103, 118 kuisku 103, 118 Kuit 103 kunna ­ 113 kunanzi 114 kunnas 113 kurannan 114 kuranzi 114 kussan 103 kuššaniyazi 103 kus a at 103 kutrnwaš 114 la a 102 la­a­hu­i 56, 123 lippanzi 108 lu­uk­zi 51 ma an 125 maklantan 131 matai­ 275 ma­al­la­i 271 108, 194 pa­ra­a 108, 191 pdr­as­zi 193 pdr­si­ya­az­zi 189 par anuzi 124 para zi 124 pár­ku­is 109, 200 pdr­ku­us 109, 201 pa­aš­zi ta 276 na an 124 na­a ­mi 124, 278 278 na šarnut 124 ne­ku­ma­an­za 57, 116 newa iv 123 ne­ku­uz 203 pal­hi­is 130, 191 204 mi­li­it 106, 275 mi­ir­zi 273 mi­is 276 newtt pat šiunas siwatti me­Zzur 15, 127, 267 ­mi 276 na­a ­ša­ra­as 277 patan 110 pedan 107 pid­da­i 201 pi­va­an 191 sa­a­ag­ga­a ­ i 116 sa­ak­ i 116 sakuwa 114 sal­li­is 55 sanahzi 124 šanhazi 124 šehur 127 56, š e s z i 112 š i p a n t i 101 š i ­ i p ­ t a ­ m i ­ y a 106, la­ (a ­) u­u~wa­i 123 ­mu nu pád­da­i 201 pa aš a 125 pa asmi 124 pa­a ­ ur 109, 192 123 57, 107 111 111 101 ták­ki­(e­)es­zi 213 tamašzi 111 tapašša­ 205 tar­a ­zi 110, 216 tarkuzi 115, 118 ta­ru 218 tayazzi 131 tayazzil 102 te­(e­)Káo 110, 116 tekkuššami 115 tittami 131 tittanuzi 131 tittanuzzi 131 tu uiš 124 tu­u­wa 213 ugga 116 INDEX VERBORUM wa nu­ 15 ­wani 268 warnu­ 15 wa­aš­ši­ya­zi 256 ­wašta 268 ­waštat 268 ­waëtati 268 watar 121 ­Wen 268 ­went 268 ú ­ e ­ r ï ­ t e ­ m a ­ a ë 269 werïyazi 99, 105 ú ­ e ­ e s ­ t i n 106, 256 weteni 105 ы­i­e­eл 268 wiaaizzi 105 witi 111 yugan 101 i­ú­ga­aл 51 yukan 101 zi­ik 102, 105, 208 LUWIAN a­ a 125 a­ku­wa­at­ta 128 an­ni­iљ 130 a­ap­pa 130 ap­pa­an 130 a­љa­an­du 100 a­aљ­ rvov­^nu­vm^ma­iri­ z[i] 99, 105 a­aл­ta 99, 104 da­ma­aљ­ti 111 du­ú­wa­at­ta 111, 112 eљ­љa­an­ti 105 eљ­ti 105 a­an­da­wa­té­gn 120 љ a ­ a n ­ t e ­ l e ­ e љ 120 a­ap­pí­na­an­za 122 i­a­aл­лa 58, 126 ha­aљ­љa­ni­it­ti­iљ 122 a ­ a ­ u ­ i ­ i љ 83, 120, 265 u­i­du­^ьa­li­iл 123 u­(i,­) it­wa­la­hi­ti 123 urki; 120 ur­ki­la­aл­лi—in­za 120 ir­ a­at­ta­an­za 129 (i­)iљ­љa­ri­iљ 105, 112 i­i­ta 51 ku­iљ 103 Ku­ra­a[ n ]­ni 114 ku­wa­ar­ti 114 la­ u­ni­i­ a 123 lu­u­ a ­ a љ 51 ma­al­li 106, 275 pa­a­ u­u­ur 109 pa­ra­ad­du 124 pár­ku­wa—i­mi­in­zi 109 pa­aл­su­u­na 130 p a ­ t a ­ a ­ a љ 110, 192 piya­ 203 љakuwa 114 љ a ­ a љ ­ љ a 112 110 Tar­ u­un­za tarwai­ 115, 118 ta­a­ti—in 107 titai­ 110 tí­ta­i­ (im­)me­iљ 110 Ti­wa­az 111 ы­i­da­a­in­du 105 ú i ­ i ­ t i 105 wa­aљ­љa­an­ti 106 wa­a­љu 112 ­wi 268 319 eri 129 esecfe­ 99 esedeñnewe 99 esste 99 essti 99 isri­ 105, 112 kbatra 118 Kbi­ 98 ñtariyeusehe 118 pede­ 110 piye­ 203 prñnawaxa 125 tati 118 tbi­ 98 ti­ 103 tideimi 110 ti­ke 103 trqqas 110 tuve­ 111, 212 xñna­ 83, 101 xñtawata 120 Xñtewete 120 Xuga 82, 101 LYDIAN aara­ 129 ata­ 129 rcaś 130 qid 103 qis­k 103, 119 qis 103 PALAIC LYCIAN adi 118 aga 125 aiti 118 arawã 255 edi 118 ni­ 130 epñ 130 'Epeúag 255 a­da­a­an[­ti ?] loo a­ u­wa­ (a­) an­ti 128 an­na­as 130 a­ša­an­du 100 a­as­du 99 a­se­en­du 100 a­ta­a­an­ti 100 da­a ­ a 125 (­)e­eš­ a(r?) 99, 105 (­)eš­ u­ur 99, 105 320 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC e­eš­ta 99, 104, 105 i­an­ti­li[ (­) 120 a­a­ap­na­aš 120, 262 z­ra­a­aë 126 ] ar­kán­du 121 u­wa­ar­ni­na­i 121 altus 264 amārus 258 ambō 203 amnis 121, 262 [ u­i­]tu­mar­ša i­ú 51 123 ki­i­ta­ar 5 1 , 113 kuiš 103 Ku­wa­ar[­ 114 ma­li­ta­an­na­aë 106 pa­ar­ku­i­ti 109, 200 piša­ 203 ta­ba­ar­na­i 102 t ]a­ba­ap­na­an ti­i 102, 105, 107 208 Ti­ya­az(­) 111 wa­a­šu 112 wa­šu­u­ha 125 ы­e­er­tl 99, 105 ITALIC ampia 264 ancus 126, 261 anaō 256 angulus 261 anima 265 animal 265 animus 265 anna 130 annus 263 ante 120, 263 anus 83, 101 apīscor 129 aptus 129 āra 122, 257 arceō 121 arcus 258 ariēs 253 argentum 84, 113, 262 arguō 116 arō 83, 121, 281 ars 258 LATIN assyr atta OLD LATIN au­ 131 aurōra 260 duenos 212 t ē d 207 LATIN ab 130, 255 aboleō 58 āeer 261 aciēs 261 acus 261 acutus 261 ador 215 aetäs 71 *aevitās 71 aevum 269 ager 261 agō 261 albus 255 alō 264 aut afeo 99 129, 251 255 255 avis 83, 265 avus 82, 101 brarba 196 beätus 212 bibit 14, 30, 130 bibo 191 bonus 212 ­bus 203 cachinnō 19 cacūmen 235 calamitās 234 calō 234 camisia 225 caper 236 capiō 233 carbō 226 caries 226 c a s t r ō 233 centum cercfō cerebrum Cerēs cieō clades coēpī cohors collis cornū corpus 66 226 224 226 229 234 129 231 229 179, 224 242 crēdō 227 creō 226 crēscō 226 defendo 114 aens 100 dentis 100 deus 212 dīcō 115 diēs 212 dō 212 domō 111 duim 212 duīs 212 duit 212 dūrō 213 edō 99, 248 116, 252 ēmineō 274 emō 250 eō 270 erus 130 est 99 ex 267 faber 209 far 203 fārī: 202 fermentum 196 ferō 197 ferveō 196 fepvō 196 f l a g r ō 200 ƒiō 198 fiuō 198 fodiō 201 folium 199 follis 198 foro 196 foveō 217 INDEX VERBORUM fraoēs 211 frāter 66 f r e n d ō 238 fulgor 200 fūmus 124 fūnus 214 fugiō 232 gemō 240 gener 228 genō 239 genū 103 gleba 229 globus 228 glomerō 229 glomus 229 gignd 239 grāmen 228 grānum 232 grātes 246 grätus 246 gravis 247 hiems 112 homō 216 hordeum 238 hortus 231 humus 110, 216 in 251 in­ 278 intro 216 iugum 101 lacertus 280 lazō 57, 123 Zegō 279 libet 280 l i b ī d ō 280 lubet 280 lubldd 280 Zūceō 280 luctō 280 luctor 280 lupum 107 lutum 279 maoer 131 madeō 275 maneō 272 mare 273 mē 276 meditor 273 meī 276 mel 107, 275 melior 275 meminl 271 mēns 271 mentum 274 mētior 15, 128, 267 meus 276 mihī 276 minor 274 modus 273 mollis 271 mold 271 moneō 271 wōns 274 morior 273 mors 273 mōrum 274 mōrus 274 multus 273 nancior 58, 266 nanoisoor 266 nāris 223 ně­ 278 nē 278 necō 277 nepōs 66 ni 278 nooeō 277 noctis 57, 107 nōdus 277 nōs 278 novō 123 novus 123 nox 57, 107 noxa 277 nūdus 116 nunc 277 odor 83, 265 oZe 251 ōlim 251 oZZe 251 ollus 251 olus 251 omnis 58 onus 249 opēs 122, 259 Ops 122, 259 opulens 122, 260 ōra 129 321 orbus 283 orior 282 os 58, 126 ovis 83, 120, 265 pabulum 195 palma 194 pānis 195 pār 189 parid 190 pars 189 pāseō 195 pateō 190 pater 67 pecū 66 pedis 110, 192 pēdō 192 pellis 203 pēnis 194 per 191 pēs 110, 192 petō 192 plānus 194 pōdex 192 p o r t i ō 189 pōtō 130, 191 prae 191 praestd 113, 237 prehendō 239 primus 191 pro 108, 191 prōmineō 274 qui 66 quid 103 quinque 243 quis 103 quisque 119 quot 243 ratio 282 regō 281 rei 283 reor 282 rērī 282 res 283 ritus 282 rūs 282 saliō 221 salvus 111 senex 113 sentid 111 322 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC Septem 67, 106, 204 serpēns 222 serpō 222 sërus 221 similis 220 spargō 193 spondeō 101 stō 131 sūgō 221 sunt 100 tanaō 207 tardus 206 taurus 216 tē 102, 207 tēmētum 216 tempestātem 71 tēmulentus 216 tendō 209 tenebrae 207 teneō 209 tenuis 209 tepeō 205 torra 207 t e r r e ō 206 texō 213 t o l e r ō 206 tollō 206 torqueō 115 t o r r e ō 207 ti­bī 207 trāns 216 tremo 206 trēs 66 triquetrus 247 tūber 208 vestis vetus tumeō 106, 256 111 vieō 260 vōx 127 bedo­ GALLO­LATIN Bello­vesus Sigo­vesus 201 112 112 112 Vesu­avus galba 247 IRISH OSCAN OLD IRISH aasaķ 122 mais 249 ­pert 114 petiro­pert pнd 103 114 pis 103 sent 100 UMBRIAN erietu 253 pir 109, 192 ri 283 tiu 102 ulo 251 ulu 251 CELTIC 208 tūtēla 102 u l t r ā 264 ūrīna 121, 257 ursus 127 vae 269 vāgiō 269 ­vĕ 268 vehō 230 v e n i ō 245 ventūs 83, 122 vereor 269 verrēs 250 vestid 256 GAULISH BRETON menez 274 ail 189 aire 259 al 264 alim 264 all(a)e anál 264 265 hairgen co(i)re crenaim cretim anken meneth 126 274 243 242 227 crod 235 derb 218 die 212 dнth 214 dū 216 duine 216 éc 277 écen 126 erb(b) CORNISH 196 bán 202 biru 197 bláth 199 bolg 198 bongid 202 brú 196 226 cerd cét 66 cóic 243 253 ere 193 fedim 268 feraim 121, 257 gonim 114, 244 grán 232 heirp 253 ibid 14, 30, 130, 191 in­/ē­/an­ 278 INDEX VERBORUM loth 279 ­m 276 már 249 we' 276 messe 276 mil 275 mo 276 mu 276 muir 274 mún 272 naķdm 277 nār 124, 278 nascim 277 ne­ 278 nert 277 ness 279 n 278 oķ 265 oll 264 orgaim 83, 122, 262 rann 189 rigim 281 rнm 283 sam 223 sellaim 222 sen 223 so­ 129 srúaim 222 su­ 129 té 205 temel 207 ten 205 terc 206 ting 208 uirge 250 WELSH angen 126 ballu 246 bedd 201 berth 109, 200 blif 245 briw 197 cordd 235 dew 115 erw 248 gylym 238 llydan 194 mant 274 mer 275 merwydden 274 mynydd 274 ner 277 ni 278 peir 243 pimp 243 pryt 114 tew 208 ynt 100 GERMANIC ENGLISH OLD ENGLISH acan ęx MIDDLE IRISH abor­ 254 ag 263 ál 263 berbain 196 celg 230 cin 241 daig 217 delt 211 frass 257 menn 274 tlenaim 206 256 262 anclēow 261 beald 198 bealo 199 begietan 239 beorg 201 beorh 201 bere 203 be­telden 218 bielg 198 blāc 199 blācern 200 blćcern 200 bl d 198 323 blćse 199 blāwan 198 blēat 199 blēd 199 blēo 199 blīcan 199 blōwan 199 blysa 199 bōian 202 bolla 198 bōnian 202 bord 196 borian 196 bred 196 brēost 196 brēowan 196 brōþor 66 bylig 198 byrst 196 calu 232 camb 240 ceorian 239 ceorran 239 cēowan 229 cīegan 241 cimb 240 cimbe 240 cīnan 240 clīwen 229 cnedan 233 cnīf 233 cnotta 233 c n y t t a n 233 corn 232 cwelan 246 cwellan 246 cwield 246 c y r n e l 232 dćrste 211 dēaþ 214 dēaw 218 dengan 210 deorc 211 drōsne 211 dyne 211 dynian 211 dynt 210 ēar 121, 257 earh 258 324 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC 267 earp ege 230 ende 263 eorp 267 ēow 265 ēowe 265 ēowu 265 ēst 258 etan 9 9 , 248 fćder 67 fearr 194 fell 203 feoh 66 fīf 66 flēan 188 fn s 204 fnēosan 204 fōda 195 gadrian 237 geard 231 glīdan 230 glidder 230 gr d 238 arćs 238 grēne 238 grindan 238 grōwan 238 guma 216 haca 224 h r 225 halōn 234 hām 227 hama 225 hamm 225 hār 224 healdan 234 hemeþ 225 heorđ 226 hēr 225 hōc 224 hōf 236 hrif 242 hund 66 hunig 235 hwā 66 hwćss 247 hwćt 247 hwer 243 hwettan 247 hylc 230 hyll 229 hӯ r 103 hӯ rian 103 in 251 lēoht 280 lūcan 280 lust 281 lystan 281 māwan 271 mćger 131 nacod 116 neѓa 66 nett 277 nosu 223 ōht 126 on­sēon 67 r d 283 rīm 283 rīman 283 rūm 282 sēaw 221 smeoru 275 smierwan 275 snoru 67 sumor 223 sweger 67 swelgan 221 swilian 221 swillan 221 tāwian 111 tēawian 111 teran 220 tōl 111 trēou 218 þaccian 207 pæt 101 þenian 209 þennan 209 þicce 208 þynne 209 wær 269 w r 121, 257 wearg 120 warian 269 wearþ 67 weorþe 67 wegan 230 wesan 123 wiergan worden wurdon 120 67 67 MIDDLE ENGLISH cnag 233 enap 233 cnarre 233 MODERN ENGLISH beget bloat 239 198 OLD FRISIAN diunk 115 gadia 237 hemme 225 siōne 67 siūne 67 thrē 66 GERMAN OLD HIGH GERMAN amma 253 aran 249 ask 83 berg 109 blāsen 198 bolca 198 bora­ 201 bulchunna 198 dampf 213 denen 209 eiz 259 erda 248 ero 248 ezzisc 215 faro 193 faselt 194 felis 189 fihu 66 INDEX VERBORUM finf 66 fnehan 204 geban 231 gersta 238 gi­wortan 67 glītan 230 graz 238 gruoan 238 haft 233 hank 225 hār 225 hirso 226 houc 235 (h)waz 247 hwelf 241 kalb 247 kalo 232 kilbur 247 kiuwan 229 māen 271 manzon 274 nackut 116 naz 276 queran 246 radia 282 rāten 282 redia 282 sehan 114 sibun 67 sin 221 snur(a) 67 spaltan 188 spreiten 193 swigar 67 tanna 217 ward 67 warg 120 wartēn 269 weban 260 wezzan 247 wirdu 67 wurgen 120 wurtum 67 zelt 218 zorft 215 zouwen 111 MIDDLE HIGH GERMAN kürre 246 ragen 283 rahe 283 reck(e) 283 NEW HIGH GERMAN 215 dämlich ge­worden 67 kabnel 231 knabbern 232 kneifen 232 knicken 232 kniff 232 Knorren 232 leihe 66 Neffe 66 Schwieger 67 ward 67 werde 67 wurde 67 wurden 67 GOTHIC aba 254 abrs 254 af 130, 255 aggws 256 agis 230 airþa 248 aiws 269 akrs 261 alan 264 alds 264 alls 264 ana 251 and 263 andeis 120 ansts 258 anþar 266 aqizi 262 ara 127, 267 arhwazna 258 arjan 83, 121, 281 asans 249 asts 125 atisk 215 atta 129, 251 325 aþnam 264 awēþi 265 bai 203 bairan 197 bairhts 109, 200 balgs 198 balwjan 199 barn 197 bauan 197 baur 197 bi 203 bigitan 239 blauþjan 199 blōma 199 brōþar 66 dauhtar 118 dauþs 214 dauþus 214 fadar 67 faihu 66 fairra 191 faur 191 fimf 66, 243 fōdjan 195 fōn 192 fōtus 110, 192 frauja 191 ga­daban 209 ga­hwatjan 247 ga­raþjan 282 ga­rēdan 282 ga­tamjan 111 ga­wargjan 120 giban 231 gibla 236 gilþa 238 graban 237 gramsta 237 guma 216 haims 227 hairda 235 haldan 234 hauhs 235 haurn 224 hiuhma 235 huhjan 235 hund 66 hwas 66 ik 252 in 251 326 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC juk 101 kalbō 247 kaurn 232 kaurus 247 keinen 240 kniu 103 leihwa 66 liufs 281 taz­ žata liuhaþ 280 tustus 281 249 mais 271 273 276 276 matan marei meina meins mēl 15, 128, 267 mik 276 miliž 107, 275 mis 276 mitan 273 miž 271 munan 271 nahts 57, 107 naqaþs 57, 116 natjan 276 219 101, 208 þaursjan 207 þaursus 207 þrafstjan 205 þ r e i s 66 žulan 206 ­uh­ 68 um­ 278 uns 107, 278 wai 269 wairþa 67 wardja 269 wargiþa 120 warž 67 wasjan 256 waurþans 67 waurþum 67 weis 268 winds 83, 122 123 wisan wit 268 wōpjan 269 nei 278 ni 278 nu 277 OLD ICELANDIC qairrus 246 qiman 245 raidjan 282 raihts 281 raþjō 282 rimis 284 rōdjan 282 gir rūm 282 saihwan 114 sama 220 sibun 67, 204 sigis 220 sind 100 sineigs 223 siuns 67 taujan 111 tawida 111 triggws 218 triu trudan tunpus 218 220 100 128 afar­ 254 afi 254 afl 254 askr 83, 122, 257 āst 258 aur 257 aurr 121 austr 260 barr 195, 203 blauþr 199 bōl 197 brauð 196 brjā 200 dengja 210 deyja 214 døkkr 115 dregg 211 drit 211 dyja 214 faðir 67 faðmr 190 fimm 66 flakna 188 flaska 188 flatr 194 fnasa 204 dnżsa 204 fōða 195 fúrr 109, 192 gefa 231 gelda 238 geta 239 grōði 238 grōa 238 hafr 236 hanga 225 haugr 235 hemja 225 hjarni 224 hōfr 236 hvar 66 hvass 247 hvelpr 242 hverr 243 hyrr 226 kafli kefli kjarni knappr kneikia knoða kunta kveisa kvirr kyrr 231 231 232 232 233 233 241 244 246 246 leggr 280 merð 274 morð 273 męna 274 nęfr 278 nefi 66 orðenn 67 rā 283 saurr 127 selja 222 sjōn 67 snor 67 sūpa 221 svelga 221 INDEX VERBORUM tauiu 111 tawibo 111 tebr 100 teitr 212 tenn 100 tennr 100 tlvcœ 212 tïvorr 212 tj'ald 218 t<5Z 111 tô'nn 100 traf 211 £¿k 102 pjdrr 216 £oZa 206 ^r^r 66 pykkr 208 lœbom 67 uarö 67 î^argp 120 yer 121, 257 ver ña 67 OLD SAXON bigetan 239 brada 196 bröthar 66 /efo¿ 66 / e i t 191 flf 66 furist 191 furisto 191 gi­wordan 67 /zuna7 66 were? 249 tf?ör 274 sehan 114 si­dun 67 siuft 67 ¿H/???? 207 tögean 111 worth 67 wirthu 67 wurdon 67 LOW GERMAN SWEDISH OLD LOW GERMAN dennia 217 MIDDLE LOW GERMAN klumpe 229 quëse 245 touwen 111 tawen 111 touwen 111 a^Za 239 diZ­Za 209 glinta 230 knaaa 232 Zar 280 taZa 211 TOCHARIAN MODERN LOW GERMAN daUen 210 NORWEGIAN knapp 232 knast 232 TOCHARIAN A âk­ 261 O T O 83 â r H 262 enis­ 58, 266 kam 240 käw­ 245 känt 66 327 körst­ 234 köryap 226 fcoc 235 kuryar 242 ma 272 nu 277 päk 202 palt 199 p<2ñ 243 por 109, 192 salu 222 späZ­ 236 swätsi 229 täZ­ 206 tön 208 tfcaw? 110, 217 tsar 113, 218 tsak­ 217 tsak­ 217 tsâk­ 217 war 121, 257 was 268 want 83, 122 wänt 122 z/5 106, 270 yoktsi 128 z/fîâr 99 TOCHARIAN B äp 121, 262 ore 121 eñk- 58, 266 kern 217 kerne 240 ma 272 no 277 pake 202 päsk­ 124 p¿Zta 199 puwar 109, 192 sar 113, 218 tetarkuwa 115 wäp- 260 wastsi 106, 256 wek 127 wes 268 328 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC GREEK ap 259 apa 259 ápaptaxu) 258 àpydç 8 4 , 1 1 3 , 262 ápxeu) 121 apxxoç 127 ápda) 8 3 , 1 2 1 , 281 ana 1 2 9 , 251 al 254 aú­ 131 aúyn 260 auptov 260 aSie 254 5¿xa 269 àxXus 259 axos 230 3aúvoo 245 3dXXw 245 3apeoa 63 3apús 247 36 eco 192 3pécpos 246 yay3pdg 228 yayéo) 228 ye 65 yeyu) 240 yevvdto 239 yévog 239 yuyyXuyoç 228 à­/âv­ 278 àyMctÇu) 126 ayndXri 126 ayxaXuçoyau 126 àyxuXos 64 *àyxuXdç 64 àyxoav 1 2 6 , 261 ayxoç 256 àypdç 261 ayxœ 256 aya> 4 1 , 261 aeoa 265 aça) 1 2 2 , 257 ariyu 8 3 , 122 au 65 aûcjv 269 àxn 261 àxuç 261 àxyn 261 axpoç 261 áXéw 263 aX­^atVü) 257 aXdoyau 257 aXXoyat 221 àXcpdç, 255 àyaXôûvu) 271 áyda) 271 àyyct 253 àyydç 253 àyyua 253 ày­<pt 203 ay­ça) 203 ava 251 àvd 251 àva 65 àv(a)­ 126 àvayxdça) 126 àvdyxn 126 aveyoç 265 àvTip 277 àvTL 1 2 0 , 263 áv\5a) 124 a£tVTi 262 âïï­epdu) 251 ano 1 3 0 , 255 and 1 3 0 , 255 ytyvoyat 239 yXooTOs 228 yvdyiiTü) 232 yodw 241 ydycpoç 240 ydvu 103 ypda) 228 yúnri 241 yûpdç 241 yftçoç 241 ôal'­cppcûv 219 Acipebog 118 oeúxvüyt 115 ôeupdg 1 1 5 , 244 Ôetaa 244 oeXcpús 247 ôe'poo 219 ôn'v 213 ônvea 219 ôu­ouî­yt 212 ÔLTOVOS 63 ôopevau 212 ôoÀuxds 214 ôdpu 218 ópaya 212 ôpdoa 2 1 2 , 215 ôpéica) 211 ôpnayds 220 öpdyos 220 ôpoaïïdço} 215 ôua­ 219 è 65 eap 99 èyw 116 èyw(v) 252 eôoyau 248 eôovxeç 100 *éôdvxes 100 eôpayov 220 eôoa 99 *éöüjv 100 ë'doov 268 eïyu 270 eûyu 65 etpa) 99 eïxu 51 ex 6 5 , 267 exaxdv 66 e­xeuxo 113 eXeuv 222 ¿ye' 276 èyeye 116 éytv 276 èyou 276 éyou 276 ev 6 5 , 251 évôeXexns 214 éveyxeuv 5 8 , 227 evL 251 evt 251 evvûyt 256 evos 249 ¿vit 100 éÇ 267 EÏÏL ¿TTU 252 252 lieos 1 1 8 , 127 ¿ïïxd 6 7 , 1 0 6 , 204 ëpâ 248 INDEX VERBORUM eptcpos 253 epuoo 222 epan 257 toxi 99 exos 111 eS 129 eú$nvé(jú 244 euvñ 248 êüs 129 è'xo) 220 êipü) 253 çetiyos 51 Zeug 112 çuydv 101 n 65 n 270 n ­ ( F ) é 268 Wat 1 0 2 , 252 fiauxLos 221 nauxos 221 ni3s 129 nxn 269 ñus 260 Seúvu) 1 1 4 , 244 dew 218 %oÓ£ 218 Sopn 214 Vopo's 214 ftoupos 214 $üyds 124 uaúü) 265 i%v$ 56 Laxayt 1 8 , 131 t a x r i y t 1 8 , 131 Kat 236 xaAeu) 234 xáiipos 236 xapâ 224 xaxaCü) 19 xáxpus 238 xeaçw 233 xéyXPOS 238 xeúpu) 234 xetxat 5 1 , 1 1 3 , 227 xepal'Çu) 226 xepas 224 xépôos 226 xe(paÀn 236 KTÎP 226 xuvew 229 xta) 229 xvctxds 235 xvrixds 235 xoÀoavds 229 xdpos 226 xopu(pn 224 xpû 238 ÀaxxtÇiu 280 Adfë 280 Aéyw 279 AeÚTtto 66 Aeuxo's 5 1 , 280 Aeúaaw 280 Xuïïapdg 108 ALTEO s 108 Aoexpdv 5 7 , 123 Aoúco 5 7 , 123 Auyúcü) 280 Aúxov 107 Auya 279 yaóctw 275 yaxos 131 yaxpds 131 yá*Aa 273 yaAaxds 271 ydAuaxa 273 yaAAov 273 yâv 125 ye 276 yeôoyau 273 yeupdxLov 272 ye'ÀL 1 0 6 , 275 ydvü) 271 yepyüs 274 yeaos 63 yexa 271 yexa 65 yex­epdoa 251 yn 272 yîi 65 yrixos 1 3 1 yriTLCÎa) 128 yuyvnaxa) 271 yot 6 5 , 276 yovn 272 ydpov 274 you 6 5 , 276 yuôdco 272 329 yupuçco 275 yupov 275 yupa) 272 y&pov 274 ve­ 278 veav 123 véxus 277 veos 123 vu 277 vu 6 5 , 277 vûv 277 vu£ 107 vw 278 o 270 ó 65 oyxos 58 oyyos 41 oôdvxes 100 OÔÙJV 100 oçoç 125 oçw 8 3 , 265 ou 65 oïôa 125 OLÔCUJO 259 ouôéa) 259 ouôya 259 oiôog 259 oïs 8 3 , 1 2 0 , 265 ol's 8 3 , 1 2 0 , 265 oxpus 261 oAAûyt 58 oAos 222 óyo's 220 ó£eua 63 ¿ÇuBapeta 63 ¿Sus 261 ¿TIXO'S 253 opéyw 281 ôpyn' 222 o p v u s 1 2 7 , 267 dpvûyu 282 ¿pcpavo's 283 opcpvâ 267 ¿pcpvatos 267 opcpvn 267 opcpvds 267 opXts 250 5s 270 ¿axe'ov 5 8 , 126 330 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC ou 65 où 65 oî)K 65 o&pov 1 2 1 , 257 oûx 65 Ttapd 191 ïïapat 191 Ttapos 191 ïïonrep­ 67 itéôov 107 néXas 203 icéXXa 189 ïïévxe 6 6 , 243 Tiéog 194 ïïépâv 191 Tcepcta) 1 2 4 , 189 ïïepnv 191 ïïepu 191 icept 65 lepLOirooyévrt 63 itepxvds 193 TlépUTL 111 TtexavvüpL 190 ïïexoyau 192 ieu$oyaL 195 ïïdaos 243 ïïoa­au 65 itotfs 6 4 , 6 5 , 192 uprfàu) 193 ïïpuayau 242 upo 1 0 8 , 191 Tcp.ö 65 lipona 191 itpdyos 191 Tipdg 191 Ttpoa­ävTis 258 ïïpoa­rivns 258 ïïpdxepos 191 TipOTL 191 ïïpwTos 191 itüp 1 0 9 , 192 ïï&ya 130 UCVÜJ TtLÏÏTU) ÏÏÜÜJV 191 192 191 TtXaTÚs 1 0 8 , nveîjya 204 Tcvéo) 204 ïïdô­a 65 icdô­aç 65 ïïdô­e 65 ïïdô­es 65 ÏÏOÔ­L ÏÏOÔ­OLV ÏÏOÔ­O'S 7C0Ô­U3V 65 Tiobéo) 242 64 *iuoLMuXds 241 ïïopeuv 189 TcdpLs 194 udpTaÇ 194 TtOpTLÇ 194 ïïdadn. 194 ÏÏOOL 194 65 65, 110, 65 TCOLHLXOS ÎUOLVTÎ ÏÏÜ3VW 1 3 0 , pa 259 65 64 192 191 peu) 222 aaya 210 ae 65 ae\5w 229 OOL 65 aou 65 aiteLpu) 193 oiiévąw 101 ateyo) 19 auv­epaœ 251 TolXavTov 206 xavúüj 209 xardoyau 131 Taïïpos 216 xé 1 0 2 , 207 Te 65 ­Te 207 Teuvcú 209 TéxTtjjv 213 Te'XXa) 206 Tepnv 205 Tepïïü) 205 Tepaoyac 207 TCTayoóv 207 Tecppâ 217 TTiTaoyau 131 TriTTl 131 TU' 103 TU 65 TL Vu) 241 TLS 65 TL S 103 TXTÎVOIL 206 TO 1 0 1 , 208 TOL 207 TpeLç 66 Tpéya) 206 Tpe'a) 206 TÚXn 208 TÚXOS 208 Tucpos 125 ù ­ . 129 UYLTÎS 129 6<pn 260 cpayeLv 202 (paLVü) 201 (paXXo's 198 cpaXds 199 cpâyL 202 (pâvdç 201 (paos 202 (papáü) 196 (papos 197 (papdw 196 (paco 201 (pépLOTOs 201 (pépTaTOs 201 (pepTepos 201 (pepa) 197 cpeuya) 232 (pnyL 65 ­<pt, 203 cpXaupos 199 (pXéyü) 200 (pXé> 198 (pXew 198 (pXLoáoj 198 (pXoLoáa) 198 (pXoLóéü) 198 (pXtfçw 198 (pXúü) 198 cpoçyds 197 (ppótTep­ 66 (púXXov 199 (puaa 1 9 , 188 (püadoo 188 *(pÛTLa 19 (país 202 xayaL 216 INDEX VERBORUM xapdtoaw 237 Xetya 112 XeiTp 237 X^o3v 110, 216 acdö aoZ?? gora jeZa ¿esenb kaditi £ani Zjwto Ijubiti XL.Ü3V 112 xovôpos 238 XopTOs 231 CJ;ÛXU3 196 ¿yds 83, 258 77ZÇ MYCENAEAN aqiyai 262 re­wo­te­re­yo 123 57, BALTO­SLAVIC OLD CHURCH SLAVIC azD 252 befo 199 blagv 200 bleąb 199 bljucq 198 bodo 201 boleti 199 for» 195 brada 196 brasbno 203 Zrráéti 195 ifoar'ö 195 buditi 195 c?l 236 öê?^a 241 oiniti 242 crew? 242 d a t i 212 deti 110 dt>rct> 212 dVöffö 214 do¿iti 110 drèyo 218 dwrç 213 dz/m?? 125 glava 232 237 232 115, 244 252 249 245 251 281 281 276 wene 276 mbne 276 mi 276 mz/ 276 nasiD 21S ne 278 nesti 227 n i 278 nositi 227 rcostb 107 tto;s& 279 nyne 277 o s t r o 261 p a r a 193 paxati 192 pro­ 108 pro­moziti 279 radit­z: 283 së>ö 224 sqtv 100 * s t a j ç 131 stati 131 stojati 131 stojq 131 svçtz? 113 £a*t> 131 ­ t e 207 t ç 207 t e ­ i è 207 tesati 213 t e s ? 213 tt>ma 207 topl­ö 205 trqsti 206 vè 268 üedc 268 Vesti 268 xoxott) 19 saZ??? 240 331 zemlja 2^t& sima £^ti 2&m<^ zidvk?) ¿srèZ?^ 216 228 112 240 240 244 246 CZECH OLD CZECH ercha 242 CZECH blyskati 200 cara 242 carati 242 j e A & 267 pesd 192 prchnouti 193 P2/r 192 LATVIAN (LETTISH) avuöts 257 dang a 115 gianstu 240 melzu 273 wiltts 273 raids 283 riedu 283 saime 227 svinèt 113 yersi 250 vźrt 269 vé*ru 269 zièdu 240 LITHUANIAN OLD LITHUANIAN eïmi 270 332 evti ësti TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC 51 99 LITHUANIAN as 252 adata 252 adyti 252 añtras 266 a? 259 arëlis 127, 267 ariu 83, 121 arzus 250 áudziau 260 dudziu 260 dusti 260 ausra 260 at¿t¿ 256 atfèfo 256 atfls 265 MZ­as 199 boitas beau 199 201 bernas bluksti breksti brésti 197 199 200 196 tolSti 197 budê't­z; 195 2>ùrè 197 frù^a 197 dablnti 209 aa¿Zus âantls 212 100 daraus 211 dar¿aь darz/t­z: 212 212, 218 daviaü 212 âé^i­z: 217 deaw 217 dêrgti 211 derfcti 211 dienа diлvas dovanа dыmai dumiù . durnti 212 212 212 125 213 213 âuoti 212 driutas 218 ealè 252 êras 253 erлlis 127, 267 erzilas 250 mare maZ­w aalyà 232 aana 244 ¿7ar<áas 231 miniù gaudziù gaьsti 241 241 aêlà 246 agZt¿ 246 aenù 114 alrè 244 #¿r¿a 115, 244 giriù 246 gnybiu 233 gnybti 233 grandyti 238 grémziu 237 gréndu 238 gudrùs 114 awrt¿ 238 ¿mù 250 ¿r 259 jtfju 270 jot¿ 270 ka£ 236 káimas 227 ^a^ria 241 kaZè 242 fcaZù 234 kamuoti kars tas fcąs 66 225 226 kaukara 235 kaьkas 235 keliu 229 fceZfri 229 kenaê 225 kerdzius 235 kiлmas 227 liekù 66 rna^ 276 mânei 276 marias 276 manimï 276 ^arzo manyje 276 276 273 271 272 mâudyti mes 276 tf?¿ 276 271 mirt^ 273 fffttffls 276 mus 276 mwsû 276 nantis 57, 107 ne 278 ne£ 278 nèst-z: 227 nósis 223 rcù 277 nuogas per'eti p­Cenas pirkti pionas piótas 116 190 191 189 194 194 p£z/st¿ 188 prie 191 pries pro 191 191 puota 130 pust¿ 19, 188 ramas rekles rïmti sënas seriù sifhtas 284 283 284 223 226 66 sientas tamsa tarnas tarpti tas 101, 208 taukal tawras tumeti ûodziu ûosti vedega 113 207 206 205 208 216 208 265 265 268 iteâu 268 tfèjas 83, 122 ttejw 260 versis 250 INDEX VERBORUM vesti 268 vezti 230 vezu 230 Vyti 260 zaba 231 zabangai 231 zabas 231 zaboklas 231 zéntas 228 zeriu 237 ziema 112 ¿simas 232 ¿ÍWUO 216 POLISH 229 zevat' RUSSIAN CHURCH SLAVIC bajati 202 2?r¿ju 197 pero 193 p e r ç 193 pvrati 193 tomiti 216 SERBO­CROATIAN grebsti jareb prhati 237 267 193 Mi/sfc 199 gnebic 233 pierzehnao 193 OLD SORBĶAN OLD PRUSSIAN cara addZe 252 aalo 259 arce 130 ape 121, 262 assortis 249 dagis 217 gallan 246 kermens 242 wedigo 268 ALBANIAN RUSSIAN cad 245 drapat' 211 drapât' 211 aoZ­ 232 govorit' 241 ¿eZ' 252 feogrot' 224 paxnut' 192 porxat' 193 242 aa 260 amé' 253 a t 129, 251 te 197 bwj 197 frurré' 197 dhândërr 228 dTze 216 d/zand 210 dhëndërr 228 dhènn 210 g¿­indem 239 ai¿r 244 herdhë 250 went 274 mj'aZ­ 275 mjet 271 n j e r 277 s/zur 127 shurr 127 333 shurrë 127 t/zer 226 fes/z 256 ARMENIAN acem 261 aganim 265 aitnum 259 aiam 263 alljaVj 259 aloamulok' 259 aw 223 aman 264 arawr 83, 121 arcat' 84, 262 ariwn 99 arnem 258 atamn 100 b a r i 201 frarjr 109, 201 bekanem 202 berem 197 darbin 209 doïam 209 ep'ew 253 es 252 ganem 244 /za¿?¿ 83 /zañ 83, 101 haravunk' 83, 121 harkanem 83, 122, 262 te> 82, 83, 101, 265 #az/ 83 /zoai 83, 84, 122 /zot 8 3 , 265 /zoz; 83 hovem 83 fawiw 83, 120, 265 to 83, 258 /zur 109, 192 ¿ern 237 j'­wrfw 112 j Zero 239 kelek' 230 /ceiew klani 246 243 334 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC loganam 57, 123 malj 273 mi 272 mor­ 274 ogi 84 orb 284 orjik' 250 tfr­oj 253 ort' 194 0sfo? 126 o s t 125 p'arat 193 p c u k ' 19, 188 sar 224 SOP 226 tel 211 til? 212 t'ek'em 213 yaz/ 269 xaxank' 19 2/o^n 244 kaena­ 241 karsa­ 242 karsü­ 242 kehrp­ 242 man­ 272 mat­ 271 mati­ 274 mazant­ 270 na­ 278 rae­ 278 nü 277 pa0ana­ 190 pa9öo 19 pantä 19 raevant­ 283 räman­ 284 ravah­ 282 saête 113 sa/a 236 spenta­ 113 tarsu­ 207 tBmah­ 207 uä 268 yaëm 268 vairi­ 121, 257 vor­ 121, 257 zämätar­ 228 zasta­ 113 INDO­IRANIAN AVESTAN a­/an­ 278 ana 251 anu 251 arante 258 a^a 131 azan­ 256 asem 252 asi 263 bairista­ 201 caiti 243 cikayat 241 daemon­ 210 dqhista­ 219 daxs­ 115 daxsta­ 115 dafyj­ 210 dus­ 219 eresi 250 gairi­s 115 histaiti 131 0SSETIC taccun 213 PASHTO (AFGHAN) parea 189 pü "l88 pük 188 PERSIAN OLD PERSIAN adam 252 apiz/ 252 asiyava 229 Därayavaus 118 dasta­ 112 FARSI (MODERN PERSIAN) cana 225 âamââ7 228 Qâvldan 229 SANSKRIT a­/an­ 278 áfefcao­ 126 amhu­h 256 agni­h 54 agra­m 115 ahkura­h 64 dhga­m 261 ahgúri­h 261 ajati 261 ájra­h 261 áñoati Ylb> 261 dnu­h 263 átati 263 aítá 251 a'aVz: 99, 248 ana­7z 265 anati 265 anas­ 249 âniti 265 anu 251 anudatta­ 61, 62, 63 anudattatara­ 61 crnta­h 120, 262 ántara­h 266 a n t i 120, 262 anyá­h 266 apa Í 3 0 , 255 a p i 252 apnas­ 122, 260 a­Z>tó 203 ¿matra­m 264 amZa­7z 258 ar¿­fc' 250 arjuna­h 113, 262 INDEX VERBORUM drdati 251 drya­fy 259 drsati 251 dva 131 ava­ 254 avatd­h 257 dvati 255 avi­Ji 8 3 , 120, 265 a­seta 113 asnäti 248 asnóti 58, 266 dsri­h 261 asrZc " 99 a s t i 99 a s t H 58, 126 ató 252 dhar 256 a/zcjs­ 256 a M 263 dlnnáh 256 q ^ a s ­ 256 âpas­ 120, 262 äpndti 129 ämd­h 83 ât/^­fr 269 â r â t 129 a r e 129 öpya­h 259 ^ s a ­ ^ ' 122, 257 â s t ô ' ^102, 252 ä­hand­h 244 iua, 63* Isa 103 M" ^63, 254 uta 254 udâtta­ 6 1 , 62, 63 u­lßvxu 203 usâft 260 rksa­h 127 robhdti 108, 282 zyzi­fc 281 rjrd­h 113 r t a ­ ^ # 258 r£¿­ft 258 rtzí­fr 258 r á a t í 251 raw­ 251 rrcöti 282 eti 5 1 , 270 ena­ 63 émi 270 ¿jas­ 260 ¿tave 260 ¿tw? 260 fca­fo 66 kakud­ 235 kakubh­ 235 kdkhati 19 fozti 243 kddru­h 245 kartapi 234 karsü­h 242 fcársati 242 kânoana­ 235 fo'­fc 103 ­fcji 114 krpa 242 k r s a ^ i 242 krïnàti 242 ksaw­ 110, 216 khadana­m 55 kTzàa7­ 55, 56 Zcfced­ 55, 56 khedä 55 gddhya­h 237 gdmati 245 gdrbha­h 246 gavate 241 giri­h 115, 244 guru­)} 247 au££ " 228 grnati 246 grdsati 228 gr ásate 228 arâsa­/z 228 gldu­h 228 ghndnti 114 ea 63 oáyati 242 cay ate 241 earzí­7z 243 oiti­h 241 cinóti 242 oyávate 229 jdnati 239 ¿dbhate 240 jámbha­h 240 ¿dmbhate 240 335 ¿epate 239 jättu 103 ¿amatar­ 228 ¿amí­h 228 ­ t a 207 tdksati 213 ta¿" 101, 208 tanú­h 209 tanoti 209 tdvati 205 tapu­h 205 tamas­ 207 tdmisrä 207 t a r a t i 110, 216 taruna­h 205 tavds­ '208 tamyati 215 täyu­h 131 tirdti 111 tísthati 18, 131 tuloMati 206 t u l a 206 turvati 216 trpyatt 205 t r s t á ­ A 207 trsyati 207 té" 63, 207 trdyah 66 t r a s a t i 206 trayate 111, 216 t v a ­ 63 £i>5 63 ááwsas­ 219 da'­da­t¿ 212 dddlnjâti 118 dan 100 ddntam 100 dabknóti 217 ddrpana­h 215 á a W ¿ 217 damyati 111 daru 218 dävdne 212 divyá­h 212 dißdti 115 dldeti 211 dídheti 210 d%rghá­h 214 âut>a­?z '212 336 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC dus­ 219 duhitár­ 118 dü­rá­ 213 d дti' 219 devá­h 211 dyáuh 212 dyáus 111 drámati 220 dravá­ 220 drávati 220 dravanti 220 d r a t i 220 dhánu­ 217 dhánvan­ 217 dhámati 213 dháyati 110 dhavate 217 dhccráyati 218 dhcœa 214 dhävati 217 dhltá­h 110 dhunoti 214 dhuvdti 214 dhünóti 214 dhūmá­h 124 dhautķ­ 217 dhvánati 211 na 278 nad 276 nбk 107 nagná­ 57, 116 nápāt 66 nábhate 278 n б r ­ 277 nárya­ 277 náśyati 277 nas 63, 278 nasб 223 nб 278 nú 277 nú 277 nau 63, 273 páñoa 66, 243 pátati 192 patha 19 p a d ­ 62 pada 192 padám 107 pad­ás 62, 110 pad­a 62 bhala­m 199 pad­í 62 ­ M i s 203 pad­é 62 bhurváni­h 196 pánthah 19 bhümi­h 197 bhrsti­ 196 páyate 190, 191 ­bhyas 203 páyas­ 191 ­bhycon 203 pára 191 bhrajate 200 p á r i 191 bhrätar­ 66 parút 111 bhrasate 200 parná­m 193 bhrïnàti 197 pásu­ 66 mát 276 p a s a s ­ 194 mádati 275 pd sú­ 192 mányate 271 pát 62, 64, 192 máma 276 p á t i 124, 130, 191 mбyā 276 päd­am 62 mбyi 276 päsyä 189 marate 273 p i t a r ­ 67 275 p ķ b a t i 14, 30, 130, 191 mбrdati mбrya­ 272 pivan­ 191 malhб­ 273 púnya­h 113 mahбnt­ 270 purá 191 mahбyati 270 purati 191 mбhyam 276 p rtá­m 189 mā 63, 276 prthú­ 108, 194 mā 272 prthuka­h 194 mati 266 prsni­ 193 pesalá­ 64 mam 276 p r a 108 mutra­m 272 p r a ­ 191 m ati 271 pratarám 191 m ta­ 273 práti 191 m dϊ­ 271 práthati 194 n r б d б t i 275 prathamá­h 191 me 63, 276 prusnóti 193 yб­ 270 phalati 188 y a t i 106, 270 phüt­karoti 19, 188 yugбm 101 bardhaka­h 196 rбmate 284 buddha­h 195 rayķ­ 283 brhánt­ 109, 201 rasarķa 281 bodhqti 195 ra 283 bhájati 202 r a t i 283 bhanákti 202 rātķ­ 283 bhárati 197 rādhnoti 283 bhárgas­ 200 radhyati 283 bhávati 197 rāyá 283 bhasträ 196 r o c a t e 280 bhásman­ 196 liptá­ 108 b h a t i 201 lubhyati 280 INDEX VERBORUM ­va 268 váti 118, 127 vacas­ 118, 127 vadhati 268 váyati 260 vayám 268 vártāmi 68 var á­m 257 va­várta 68 va­v tima 68 vas 63 ­vas 268 vásati 123 vбsu 112 vбsu­h 112 vaste 106, 252 váhati 230 ­ v a h i 268 ­vahe 268 vā 63 ­vā 268 vātave 260 vati 83, 122 väna­m 260 vām 63 vām 268 vāyati 265 vāri 121, 257 83, 265 vķ­ vrkam 107 v t­ 67 v and­h 68 varsa­h 250 vrsan­ 250 veda 125 sahku­h 225 satam 66 saphá­h 236 sardha­h 235 sardinas­ 235 sas­ 55, 56 sásati 233 sastá­h 55 sām la­ 225 s ā s ­ 55, 56 si­ti­h 224 sķras­ 224 sis­ 55, 56 srnati 226 sete 51, 113, 227 srat­karoti 227 srad­dadhati 227 svasru­ 67 sa­krt 114 sana­h 223 sanóti 124 santi 100 sannatara­ 6 1 , 62 saptб­ 67, 106, 204 sama­ 63 sama­h 220 sama 223 sбrati 222 sarpati 222 s б r v a ­ h 222 sбsti 112 sбhate 220 sa­ta­h 124 sдdh­ 56 sдya­m 221 B. 213 AKKADIAN AKKADIAN OLD AKKADIAN balälum buą'wn 142, 198 197 sïdh­ 56 su­ 129 sünú­h 54 sedh­ 56 (s)khäd­ 55, 56 (s)khid­ 55, 56 stäyati 131 stäyu­h 131 stena­h 131 steya­h 131 sthagati 19 sthäpccyati 131 snu ä 67 srávati 222 svarita­ 6 1 , 63 h a n t i 114, 244 harati 237 hasta­h 112, 237 hala­h 238 hima­h 112 hemantá­h 112 ILLYRIAN Nέδα 276 Nέδτoς 276 Ves­cleves 112 PHRYGIAN tos 270 AFROASIATIC zamcœwn SEMITIC 337 a ­ 252 abäku 255 abäru 254 abu 254 agagu 256 agalu 263 ai 269 akalu 248 a aru 247 ana 251 anāku 168 ­ānï/­ànu 278 appu 204 arähu 282 338 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC arbu 255 arhu 253 āriibu 267 arü 253 ­āt(a) 208 ­āti 208 a t ­ t ā 207 at­ti 207 ayyu 270 bā'u 143 badāku 201 balū 199 bālu 202 bavaku 142, 200 barāru 142, 200 baräsu 142, 200 bariīu 200 barū 196 bēlu 13 bir u 142, 200 birmu 197 buräsu 195 burru 142, 203 dalū 210 dānu 210 ekeku 261 eklu 261 elelu 255 eli 264 ellu 255 elū 264 em u 258 enënu 258 enū 266 epū 253 erebu 267 eresu 282 ëribu 267 ersetu 248 erū 253 esëpu 249 esëdu 215 etëku 264 ezëbu 267 gab'u 236 gallābu 238 garabu 237 genū 244 *gudüdu 237 gullubu 238 halū 263 hurasu 262 ina l68, 251 itarrur 206 kabsu 236 kalbu 242 kalmakru 234 kalū 234 kappu 161, 233 karātu 234 karpatu 243 karpu 243 karsu 242 kasāmu 233 ki 236 kissatu 233 ka'u 245 kālu 241 kamādu 240 anu 239 arnu 179, 244 arū 239 erbu 246 erū 239 ūlu 241 kutru 245 la ātu 279 lawū 280 lišamu 165 lu'ū 279 ma'ādu 249 ma'dū 249 malū 273 manū 271 marā u 273 marā u 276 mar'u 272 māru 272 mer'u 272 metru 275 mū 272 mutu 144 na­ 278 nabā'u 278 nablu 147 nakū 277 napahu 204 napāšu 147, 204 napištu 204 naprusu 193 našāpu 223 našū 227 nīnu 278 palaku 188 paZālu 188 paläsu 188 palgu 188 palkū 141, 194 paräku 189 parātu 189 pašū 192 patū 190 petū 190 piāmu 191 pīlu 189 pir'u 141, 190 pitū 190 pūlu 189 rakäsu 166, 281 ramū 284 rāšu 13 rēmu 13 rāšu 13 sakāku 213 saZZu 230 sebe 204 sekēru 213 sellu 230 sikküru 213 sillu 230 sugullāte 220 alāmu 219 amādu 158, 228 arbatu 153, 218 elu 229 illu 219 ullulu 219 urru 220 urtu 220 urwa 220 š a l ā l u 222 šalām 222 šalämu 155 šamšu 155, 223 šāmu 227 šanānu 223 šanū 224 INDEX VERBORUM šarāpu 226 š a r ā t u 226 šarru 157, 224 š ā r t u 225 šëbu 224 š i n n a t u 224 šinnu 155 šulmu 222 šumu 155 šuršu 155 ŠŪRU 216 ta­ 208 takānu 208 tillu 206 abā u 147 abu 212 ū 268 ullū 251 ummu 253 ur u 282 uznu 252 zābu 218 zakru 216 zakū 217 zarāmu 150, 214 zebŪ 217 zibū 217 zikaru 216 zū 214 zuruh 218 AMHARIC abärra 200 angät 257 arräba 267 atärra 215 bäkkäkä 202 bärra 200 bə rhan 200 boräbborä 142, 197 čдllдmд 219 dañña 210 fäläkkäkä 188 färräkä 189 fätäffätä 192 fötta 190 gäddädä 237 gännänä 244 gə slgäl 263 hom a a 258 kars 243 kärrä 246 rnärat 200 mäsälal 229 nättäbä 277 säkässäkä 213 sällämä 222 särrä ä 226 tärräfa 205 tə rf 205 ällälä 219 ärra 215 ə la 219 ə rs 228 zämmärä 213 ARABIC ' a ­ 252 'ab 168, 254 'ablağ 199 'ab a 143 'aduna 252 ' a k a l a 248 'akara 168 'ana 168, 249 'ana 248 'anan 249 'anf 147, 204 ' a n ­ t a 207 'an­ti 207 'arab? 284 'ar 248 'ar 253 ' a r i b a 283 'arwā 253 'arwa 282 'asann 223 'atama 248 'au 268 'aun 248 'ayy 165, 270 ' a z a r a 231 339 ' i ba' 231 'udn 168, 252 'udun 252 'ulā 251 'umm 168, 253 ' u r b 284 'abba 170 'āfa 170, 265 'alā 170, 264 'alīy 264 'atuka 264 'atin 266 'a ina 266 ' a i r a 265 'azaba 267 'iğl 170, 263 'ulūw 264 M ' a 197, 203 bahā 202 bäha 195 bahala 202 baha 202 bahara 201 bahğa 202 bahiğa 202 bahīna 143 bahīy 202 bahuga 202 bāha 195 bakara 142, 202 balağa 142, 199 balaga 199 balal 198 baliğa 199 balīy 199 baliya 199 ballya 199 balla 198 banā 142 barā 142, 196 bara'a 197 b a r a ' a 142, 196 barada 142, 196 b a r a ka 200 barama 197 baraza 201 bar'ama 196 barīm 197 bāriz 201 340 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC bark 200 barra 201 barzah 196 basa'a 143 basata 196 basa 232 basara 143 batata 142 batara 142 batta 142 bataha 143 ba ā' 143 bi 203 billa 198 birr 201 bu'ül 13 burd 197 burha 143 burr 203 burūz 201 146, 209 dabala dabika 209 d a l ā 210 daldala 210 dam 146 dāna 210 daran 211 darina 211 dawā 146, 211 dawīy 211 dīn 210 dubr 146 dāba 218 daba a 152, 217 dakā 217 dakar 216 d a r ā 152 darra 152 dirā' 152, 218 dukā' 217 ali'a 228 omada 228 amma 158, 228 āra 158 arasa 228 āsa 229 āza 229 il 228 irs 228 fa 252 fa'arna 190 fa'ima 141, 191 fā a 188 f a l a ' a 141, 188 falağ 141, 188 fala a 141, 188 falaka 141, 188 falla 188 faltaha 194 f a r à ' à 191 farada 189, 193 farağa 140, 141, 189 faraka 141, 189 faraša 193 fara a 141, 189 farkad 194 f a r r a 140, 193 fasā 192 fasa a 140, 194 fata a 190 f a t t a 192 141, 194 fil a ğā'a 162 ğ a b a l : 162, 236 ğabha 162, 236 ğabīn 162, 236 ğalama 238 ğ a l i a 238 ğanā 244 ğanā 162 ğarab 237 ğ arada 237 ğarafa 237 ğ a r a š a 238 ğarīš 238 ğarn 238 ğassa 237 ğaša'a 162 ğināya 244 ğurad 163 ġabba 170 ġaraba 267 ġarb 267 ġariba 267 ġurāb 267 ġurūb 267 h a d a ' a 169 ha­fata 141, 192 hağğa 256 halla 255 haraba 255 harima 168 hawan 255 hawiya 168, 255 huwa 254 hafala 260 afaša 259 āfil 260 ağaba 259 āka 260 akka 261 a a 261 a i 261 am 169 amāh 169 hamuda 169, 258 anā 261 anaka 266 angara 169, 256 anna 258 araka 258 a r a t a 281 arike 258 asaba 169 a ad 215 a ada 215 a īd 215 awira 260 ayiya 269 ayya 269 a z a n a 161, 230 ink 266 unğūr 257 unk 266 unka 266 u r r 169, 259 a 169, 262 aluka 263 arafea 262 a r r a 170 irs 262 urs 262 ­ka" 162 kabš 236 kāda 235 kaff 233 kaffa 233 INDEX VERBORUM kola 241 kala'a 234 kalama 234 kalb 242 kalm 234 kam 243 karä 242 kāra 235 kardasa 235 karis 242 kariya 242 kasaha 233 kassa 233 kauda 235 kaum 235 kawwama 235 kay 236 kayyafa 242 kazza 150 ­hi 162 hiffa 233 kirš 242 kulya 163 ā'a 245 abada 163 ā a' 240 ā a 244 āla 241 alb 247 alla 163 amata 240 anā 162, 239 āra 163, 241 ara'a 239 arada arama 163 163 arasa 163 ara a 246 arra 246 arn 244 aškaša 164 a a'a a aba 247 247 a ama 247 lā a 280 la a a la ina 279 279 lāta 279 lau'a 280 Zauta 279 Zawā 280 lubb 166 mā 144, 272 mā' 272 ma' 249 ma'rab 284 maba'a 197 magada 270 mala'a 273 malida 271 malih 275 malisa 271 mali 271 mali a 271 malla 271 malusa 271 mana'a 143, 272 mara'a 144, 275 maraha 144, 275 marida 144, 273 māta 144 ma ā 273 ma ala 273 ma ara 144, 275 ma a 273 mi'a 249 mi lā 245 mi ar 245 minğl musinn na­ ­nā 279 223 278 278 147, 204 193 nafata 147, 204 nafs' 204 nafusa 204 aul 241 nagala 147, 279 u r 245 nahnu lā'a lā a 280 nakā 277 280 nasafa a a 163, 247 nasam 223 nasama 223 na afa 147, 276 ra'ā 282 ra's 13 rā'a 283 rahima 13 rahma 13 rai' 283 rakaza rakīza ra 283 283 a 281 rama'a rawiha sab' sagala 284 282 154, 204 154, 220 sakara sakka 213 213 salaba 155, 222 salima 222 saZZ 230 saZZa 230 salm 222 salaba sana 222 224 sanna sāra 223 229 sullam a'aka 229 150 alā' 150 ala' 232 ala'a 232 al'a 232 ali'a 161, 232 altan 150, 215 anf '232 annafa araha 278 278 naba'a nábata nafaha na­fara 341 278 223 arih aruha 161, 232 215 215 215 inf 232 ubā' 161, 231 ulātih šar' 215 225 š a ' r ā n ī 225 šāba 224 šadda 157 šafa šafā 157 157 342 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC šāha 225 šaib 224 šakka 158 šamila 225 šamla 225 šarns 223 šanaka 157, 225 šankal 225 šankala 157, 225 š avada 157 šaraf 224 šara a 157, 226 šarata 226, 227 šar 226 š a r i t a 227 šarr 226 šarra 157, 226 š a r t 227 š a r t ï y a 227 šarufa 157, 224 šataba 157 šatafa 158 šatara 157 šawā 157 ši 224 ­ta' 207 ta­ 207 ta 208 takardasa 235 ta ana 208 ta āna 208 tala'a 206 tali' 206 tall 145, 206 tamma 146 taraf 205 taraza 146, 207 tari'a 205 tariba 146, 207 tarifa 205 tartara 145, 206 taudiya­t 268 ­ti 207 tī 208 turba 207 tabara 152 tamānin 152 tamāniya 152 tamila 215 taur 216 tumām 152 a'ana 147 abaka 146 ahona 147 air? 146 āla 146, 213 all 211 alla 211 āra 146 wa'wa'a 165, 269 wadā 268 wadi' 268 wai 165, 269 wakara 247 watana 209 wazana 160, 230 wazara 160, 230 wazn 230 wikr 247 wizr 230 yamiī 165 yamm 165 zā'a 214 zabada 161, 231 zāla 150, 214 zalağa 230 zalika 230 zalla 230 zamara 150, 213 zara'a 150 sar' 150 sarra 161, 231 sawāl 214 zibbr 161 zubb 161 zubr 161 ifr 153 ufr 153 alima 153, 219 alla 153, 219 ann 219 anna 219 arā 220 ariba 218 arra 219 irr 219 urriba 153, 218 ARAMAIC ARAMAIC ' a ­ 252 'әφā 253 bar 197 barkā 200 bәba 201 bәha e 202 bәhar 201 bә a ' 202 bәlē 199 bәra' 197 bәraz 142, 196 bәrōθ 195 dәßafe 146, 209 dәrā'ā 218 diχra 216 gәlaß 238 hәφaχ 255 ha elā 261 hәlā 263 әlaš 263 әrae 281 fearsä 242 arnā 244 әmat 240 mәlā 273 mәna 271 mәra' 273 mәrah 275 mәrake 275 ­n(ā) 278 ne­ 278 nәšā' 227 pәra 193 pәša 194 pәθā 190 pәθa 190 rәka' 281 rәwa 282 siggē 220 sīyēl 220 sәlah 214 šәnā" 224 š ә r a s 222 šimsā 223 tәfean 208 INDEX VERBORUM ə tal 219 ə r a h 212 ə raφ 211 yə kar 247 zamrūrā 213 zə ßað 231 zə mār 213 zūß 218 SYRIAC 'āφ 252 'aryā 253 balbi 142, 199 dīriā 210 kappā 233 kay 236 kə l'ā 245 nə šam 223 nə šaφ 223 n ə t a φ 276 p ə r a ð 193 s ə ß ' e θ ā 231 šə ßa' 204 EPIGRAPhIC SO. ARABIAN 'y 270 b 203 bry 196 EThIOPIC (GEEZ) 'ab 254 'anbə ' 278 'anf 204 'an­ta 208 'an­tï 208 ' a r w ē 168, 253 'asba't 231 ' a u 268 'ay 270 ' e ­ 252 'ellā 251 'ellū 251 'ə kə l 248 'ə mm 253 'ə n­ta 251 'alawa 264 ' a r b a 267 'ə gwə l 263 'ə tan 266 ' ō f 265 ba 203 b a ' a l 13 baraka 200 barha 142, 200 bede 201 bə hla 202 bə rur 200 dalawa 210 dayn 210 omada 228 ə rs 228 f a l a t a 141, 188 falfala 141, 188 fə re 141, 190 fasaw 192 fatata 141, 192 fat a 190 fa ana 141, 192 galayo. 238 afaša 260 akaka 261 a r a 259 a r a s a 281 arawi 259 ə gg 261 ə ywat 269 karaya 242 kal'a 234 kal a 234 karš 242 kē 236 āl 241 arn 244 ē'a 245 ə tārē 245 makla' 245 malasa 271 w a l ' a 273 may 272 mazrá'et 218 mə 'ə t 249 343 ­na 278 naf a 204 nafs 204 nafsa 204 nakaya 147, 277 n a š ' a 227 natafa 276 n e ­ 278 nə fas 204 nə hnu 278 r a ' ə y 282 rakaka 281 r ə ' ə s 13 r ə ' ə y a 282 sabū 204 s a l a m 222 alma 219 šeba 224 šēma 227 tabāra a 200 (ta)lawya 280 t e ­ 208 taZZ 211 taZZa 211 GURAGE abə r 254 äkə l 248 (a)zlätä­ 230 bä 203 balä 202 beräzäzä 201 burat 195 ə lla i 263 f ä t a ' 190 f ä t t i 190 aenä 244 gə rädädä 237 k ä l l a 234 käre 242 kärs 243 kärrä 246 k ä t t ä 247 mälla 273 näfa 204 näfäsä 204 344 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC nässa 227 sämä 227 serna 227 (tä)naffätä 204 (tä)nagga 279 ämädä 228 we 268 zimmärä 214 r i ' a 282 täräfa 205 irsi 228 x a r a 242 ūf 265 ŪRI 253 wāy 269 HARSŪSI HADRAMAWT barzat­ 197 HARARI a s ä l a 229 (a)trätära 206 atäna 266 bāya 202 ­be 203 bə rā 200 bō'a' 198 čilma 219 däbäla 209 fäläka 188 fäläta 188 färäda 189 färäta 189 fäs 192 fätaha 190 fätäna 192 angūr 257 aräsa 282 ēkäla 261 uzni 230 käla a 234 k a r s i 243 kätätu 247 mäla'a 273 mäsäl 229 mäxra 242 mē' 272 mī 272 mīy 272 näsa'a 227 adē(ye)l 210 anfōx 204 ansōm 223 atwáyl 213 'aw 268 b ( e ) ­ 203 behōk 202 bēleġ 199 beloġ 199 ber 197 berdīg 197 berdōg 197 berkōt 200 berō 197 berr 203 derā 218 dekбr 216 arb 153, 218 en 219 ektömeh 162, 240 entefōt 204 e ś t e r ō r 226 felēg 188 f e r 193 ferfáyr 193 ferōd 193 ferōś 193 fet 192 fetō 190 garb 237 gerōf 237 geśō 162 garb 267 hebērē 200 herōb 255 āmed 258 ārek 258 efōś 260 ek 261 e 261 e­myōh 272 enō 261 eyōt 270 ezōn 230 kabś 236 kef 233 kem 243 kerē 242 kēreś 242 keyōl 241 alb 247 enō 239 keron 244 ke ebōt 247 iewō 280 medlem 219 méle' 273 mēreź 273 me 273 myit 249 nefeset 204 nefōx 204 nesēm 223 netefet 276 r б t k e z 283 rehām 13 r e й 281 rekōz 283 selām 222 sēlem 222 selōb 222 selōm 222 selōmet 222 s e n é t 224 seyōr 229 áyle 214 elayt 232 śar 227 śayb 225 śenō 225 śer 226 śerōf 226 ŚŌr 225 el 211 eyōb 212 awr 216 INDEX VERBORUM wezār 231 wezōn 230 yegereb 267 zelōk 230 HEBREW ' e ­ 252 ' a ß 254 'āßāh 168 ' ā ß ī r 254 'abbīr 254 ' e y r ō φ 237 'ō 268 'ōn 248 ' ā s ē n 252 'ōzen 252 ' ā z a r 231 ' e z ō r 231 'ezrōa' 218 'ay 270 'ēm 253 ' ā χ a l 248 ' ē l 251 'ēlleh 251 'ānāh 249 ( ' ă ) n a nū 278 'aφ 204, 252 'āφāh 253 ' ā s a φ 167, 249 'āsīφ 167, 249 ' e ba' 231 'āra 282 ' ă r ī ' 253 'aryēh 253 ' e r e s 248 'ēθān 209 'at­t(ī) 208 ' a t ­ t ā h 208 bə ­ 203 beðe 201 bōha 202 bāhīr 201 bō 197 balay 199 bālāh 199 bāleh 199 bālal 198 b a ' a l 13 bā a' 142, 202 bā ar 202 bar 142, 200, 203 bārā' 142, 196, 197 bārē' 142, 196 bə rōmīm 197 bāra 200 bārā 200 bärar 200 bə rōš 195 gaß 236 gāßah 236 gə ßāl 236 g i ß ' ā h 236 gāðað 237 gallāß 238 gāla 238 gārāß 237 gārað 237 gōren 238 g ā r a s 238 gereś 238 gāšaš 237 dālāh 210 dāßak 209 dīn 146, 210 datai 209 *hāyīy 256 hū' 255 hawwāh 255 hālal 255 hāφpaχ 255 wāzār 230 zāßađ 231 zeßeđ 231 zāßa 217 zūß 217 zōß 217 zū' 214 zāχāh 217 zāχaχ 217 zāχār 216 zūlvh 214 zimrāh 213 zēr 231 z ə r ō a ' 218 z a r z i r 231 345 zāram 150, 214 zerem 214 zīrmāh 214 āyāß 259 āwar 169, 260 äyäh 269 ālāh 263 ālam 257 āla 263 ālaš 263 āmē 258 ānāh 261 ānaχ 169, 266 ānan 258 āφaś 259 ākāh 169, 262 āa 169, 262 ōr 259 āraχ 258 āra 262 ārū 262 āraš 281 āšaß 169 al 211 ōß 211 ūl 213 āra 212 āraφ 211 yā ar 247 yā ār 247 kī 236 keßes 236 kūmāz 235 kūn 161 kālā' 234 keleß 241 kālam 234 fāsa 233 kāsam 233 kāsas 233 kaφ 233 kārāh 242 kārēś 242 kāraθ 161, 234 lūt 280 liwyāh 280 liwyāθān 280 lā a 279 mā 144 346 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC mī 144 wə 'ōð 249 mē'āh 249 meyeđ 270 maggā 279 mātār 275 mayim 272 mālē 273 matai 271 māla 271 mānāh 271 māna' 272 mu ār 245 māra 275 māra 144, 275 māra 273 wārak 144, 275 märük 275 ­nū "278 ni­ 278 nāßa' 278 nāya 147, 279 nāyφ 147, 279 neyeφ 279 nā aφ 276 nāχah 277 nāφa 204 neφeš 204 nāsā' 227 nāšam 155, 223 nāšaφ 155, 223 nāθan 209 sāίā' 143 sə yullāh 154, 220 sāχaχ 150, 213 sāχar 150, 213 sal 230 sāZā' 160, 229 s ā l a đ 221 sāllāh 160, 229 sālal 160, 229 s u l l ā m 229 sālaφ 230 semel­ 154, 220 'ēyel 263 'ōφ 265 'āzaί 267 'al 264 'ālāh 264 'ānāh 170, 'āpaί 267 'ereß 267 'ārēί 267 'eśer 170 'āθē 263 pūh 188 pālay 188 peley 188 pāla 188 pela 189 pāla 188 pālal 188 peles 194 pilles 194 patas 188 pīwāh 141, par 194 pārā' 190 pārað 141, pērað 189 pārāh 190, pāra 140, pāra 189 pə rī 190 pera' 191 pāra 189 pēra 189 pāraś 193 pēraś 193 pāša 194 pāθāh 141, pāθa 141, pāθaθ 192 ēl 218 āla 150, ālai 218 ēlā' 229 eweð 228 ammāh 228 ānaφ 161, ānīφ 232 ə nēφāh 232 ar 220 ōr 220 rī 220 ī 245 ōl 241 ūr 241 266 190 189 194 193 190 190 214 232 e eß 247 ā a' 247 ī ōr 245 ə ōreθ245 āla' 245 ela' 245 āma 240 āma 240 ānāh 239 ārā' 239 ereß 246 eren 244 rā'āh 282 rāwa 282 ra ûm 13 rāχs 281 rə mīyyāh 284 ra 281 rā a' 281 rōš 13 śēß 224 śēßāh 224 śūm 227 śīm _157, 227 śukkāh 158 śimlāh 225 śāφāh 157 śē'ār 225 śar 156, 224 śārað 157 śāraφ 157, 226 ś ā r a t 226 šā'an 221 šeßa' 204 šālal 155, 222 šālēm 222 šālōm 222 šēm 155 šāma' 155 šemeš 223 šänah 224 šōr 216 šāra 222 ­tā 208 ti­ 208 ­t(i) 208 tēl 206 tālā' 206 tālāh 206 INDEX VERBORUM tālūl tākan tirrtēr 206 208 206 LIHYĀNITE bara' 196 MAGHREBI bawwah 195 pls 141, 194 pi 188 pry 141, 190 pth 190 šlm 222 šr 224 ytn 209 PUNIC b't br' rt 203 196 245 PALMYRENE 'r 282 PhOENICIAN 'b 254 'l 251 'm 253 'r 248 'sp 249 bll 198 kpk 255 nn 258 r 262 klb 242 krn 244 lwy 280 mtn 209 plg 188 SOQOTRI 'e ba' 231 'elha 264 ba'l 13 bar 197 b e r 197 bere 197 bíroh 197 déle 210 deră' 218 kalb? 242 kubś 236 sanah 224 SABAEAN TAMŪDIC MEHRI ber 203 bōleġ 199 ferō 189 šebį' 231 347 h' 254 hw' 254 hwt 254 ŚHERI 'έm(έ) 253 'á ór 265 'é r 266 bεhlét 202 dέra' 218 gebhát 236 εlb 247 é a' 247 mína' 272 móle' 273 rótkez 283 ela' 232 wudi 268 źal' 229 PROTO­SINAITIC db 217 br 201 *bwh 195 by' 203 hbr 201 TIGRE 'anə f 204 'arāb 253 ' a r o b 253 'arwē 253 'ə rāb 253 ' ə r w ä t 253 balā 199 bäläl 198 bärha 200 däbäla 209 gänna 244 gə dd 237 gerbeb 237 akə l 261 alsa 263 aya 270 nə fat 204 saläba 223 tā 208 tū 208 348 wä TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC 268 TIGRIÑA hrāb färärä färäyä fäsäwä hakäkä haxli hayäwä hazänä kärätä kärtätä käräyä läwäyä säräyä 253 193 190 1 4 2 , 192 261 261 270 230 234 234 246 280 215 UGARITIC b 254 kl 248 p 2 0 4 , 252 p(y)1 6 8 , 253 r 253 rs 248 ry 1 6 8 , 250 sp 249 br 254 y 270 268 dn 252 m 253 tm 248 'gl 263 'l 264 'ly 264 'nw/y 266 'p 265 'tk 264 b 203 b 198 b'l 13 b 202 br 200 brr 200 dyn 210 dr ' 218 gb ' 1 6 2 , 236 gbl 236 grn 238 pk 255 w 255 m 258 nn 258 pšt 259 rr 259 rt 281 yy 269 hr 262 236 klb 242 kp 233 krpn 243 ky 236 l 241 l 245 ny 239 r 241 r 239 rb 246 rn 244 tr 245 mķd 249 m t 249 m zrt 231 ml 273 ml 275 mnt 271 mp m 204 mr 273 mtr 275 my 272 mznm 230 npr 193 204 227 pr 190, 194 pr' 191 npš rks 281 1 5 4 , 220 sgl slm 229 syr 229 l't 229 md 228 š'rt 225 šb' 204 šbt 224 š n 221 šlm 222 šn 224 šr 224 šrp 225 tb 212 l 211 tr 216 l 219 rw 220 y r 247 ytn 209 YA'UDIC 'brw 254 EGYPTIAN COPTIC čorčr 216 eine 249 eire 253 las 165 mnot 274 sō 221 trre 1 4 5 , 206 nš pr 189 *prr 193 pt 190 r m 13 r š 13 EGYPTIAN ”b 1 6 8 , 254 ”b 168 ”bwt 254 ”fyt 1 6 8 , 253 ”fr 1 6 8 , 253 INDEX ”m 167, 250 ”s 167 ”kr 168 270 b 166 mn 165 n 168, 251 n 249 nn 278 nk 168 r 168, 251, 253 ry 168, 250, 253 ry­t 253 r­t 251 rd 251 s­t 252 t 251 t­t 251 dn 168, 252 ym 1 6 5 'wn 265 'wt 265 'p 170, 265 'm 264 'n 170, 266 'n'n 170, 266 'nn 170, 266 'n 265 'n y 265 'n w 265 170, 264 'r 'r'r 170, 264 'rt 267 'š 170 'š; 170 'g­ 170, 263 170, 263 'gn­ wy 165, 268, 269 w'; 165, 269 wn 268 wr 269 wrš 269 wršt 269 wdn 160, 230 b;­t 142, 203 bw 143, 198 bw; 143, 198 brg 200 bš 196 p' 192 p'p' 192 140, 193 pr pry 191 prpr 193 pr 141, 189 prš 193 prt 141, 190 prt_ 141, 189 prd 141, 189 ps;g 140 pš 141, 194 pšn 141, 194 pšs 141, 194 pšš 141, 194 pt 1 4 1 , 192 pt 141, 190 pd 141, 192 fnd 204 fdw 143 m 144, 272 m; 271 myt 144 mw 272 mwy 272 mwyt 272 mwt 144 mn 143, 272, 274 mny 274 mnw 274 mn­t 272 mnd 274 wr 144, 273, 274 mr;t 273 mr 144, 276 mrt 273 m 266 mt 144 mtw 144, 271 mtt 271 n 278 n; 278 ny 278 nw 277, 278 nb 147 nb ­t 147 nf 147, 204 nfy 147, 204 nfwyt 204 VERBORUM nfwt 204 nn 278 nr 277 nrw 277 ns 165 nšp 155, 223 nk 147, 277 ng 147, 279 ng; 147, 279 ngb 279 ngbgb 279 nd 277 ndf 147, 277 ndd 277 hry 168 hą 256 hqs 256 w; 257 wr 169, 260 wr 257 m; 169, 258 nk 169, 266 nkt 266 ng 257 ngg 169, 257 r 258, 259 ry 169, 259 r' 259 rw 259 sb 169 ss257 ss 257 q 169, 261 ąq; 169, 261 dnw 161, 230 p 262 nt 169, 262 nty 262 ntw 262 r 170 zw; 150, 214 zb; 150, 214 zbt 150, 214 zr 150 zr 150 zrm 150, 214 sw, 154, 221 sw 154, 221 swr 154, 221 349 350 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC swr 154, 221 spty 157 sf 154, 204 sm 154, 220 sm; 154, 220 smt 154, 220 sn 154, 221 sn­wy 154 snb 155, 222 sns 154, 221 snsn 154, 221 s n ­ t y 154 sr 157, 224 srf 157, 226 sk 150, 213 sd;wt 154, 220 šym­t 157, 227 šw 157 šw 157 šwy 157 šw 155, 223 šmw 155, 223 šmm 155, 223 šr 157, 226 157, 226 šrr š r s k 157, 226 šrš 155, 157, 223 šd 157 šdšd 157 q; 245 q; ; 245 gn­t 244 t; 208 t­ s 252 t­ s; 252 tw;w 208 tb;­t 143 tb­t 143 tp 145, 205 tm 146 tms 207 tn 145, 206, 208 tr 205 tq 146, 207 tw 162 tbb 152 tn 160, 229 trtr 216 d 212 d; r; 153 dw 212, 219 dw; 212 dw;y­t 158 dw;w 212 dw;­wt 211 dw;­t 212 dw 146, 211 dwy 146, 211 dwn 146, 213 dw­t 219 db w 1 4 7 dbdb 147 dm; 158, 228 dm 158, 228 dmm 158, 228 dmd 158, 228 dn 210 dn 210 dny 146, 210 dnd 210 dndn 210 d; 150, 215 d;y 150 d;r; 219 161, 232 d;d; d'd' 151 dw 219 db 152, 161, 217, 231 db; 161, 231 dp' 161, 231 q ; ' 245 q ; 'w 245 q;b 246 qm 245 qm;t 162, 240 qm t 162, 240 qmd 162, 240 qmd 162, 240 qn 162, 239 qn 162, 239 qr 246 qr 246 qs 163 qd 163, 248 k 236 ky 236 kp 161, 233 gnt 244 dm 152, 217 dnp 161, 232 dn 162 dr 153, 161, 218, 231 dr ­t 152, 218 drny­t 232 drt 232 dr­t 152, 218 BERBER GENERAL BERBER gə r 239 SOUS ayə er da 163 anya 169, 257 TAMAZIGhT OLD TAMAZIGhT fliy 141, 194 TAMAZIGhT a­ a 161, 231 afə r 193 afrə w 140, 193 al­ 170, 264 alə y 170, 264 a­mə a 144, 275 amə 167, 250 arə w 168, 253 a­tfə r 153 bba 168, 254 ə sin 155 i­damm­en 146 irs 165 ism 155 m­ay 144 INDEX VERBORUM mma 168, 253 mmә t 144 mrә y 144, 276 nәy 147, 277 nekk 168 sә w 154, 221 sin 154 ss­ufes 140 ss­unfә s 147, 204 ul 166 zwu 157 TAShELhIT sa 154, 204 sat 154, 204 ttam 152 hamo 169 i' 270 yi' 270 BILIN č'ibi' 161, 232 en­ti 208 en­tin 208 faša 142, 192 in—ti 208 in­tin 208 qar' 239 KhAMIR fir 190 TUAREG EAST CUShITIC ayu 270 ә t t â m 152 142, 192 fә CUShITIC AGAW č'alal č'alam čiffә r 153, 219 153, 219 153 BEJA ' a ­ 252 amid 167, 250 amit 167, 250 duluma 153, 219 161, 232 gība hani 169, 258 PROTO­EAST CUShITIC *?ābb­ 168, 254 *?awr­ 250 *?ay(y)­ 165, 270 *?org­ 250 * al­ 170, 264 *bahal­ 143 * b a k ­ 142, 202 *ballād­ 142, 198 *bald­ 142, 198 * b a r ­ 143 *bark'­ 142, 200 *birk'­ 142, 200 *biy­ 143, 198 *dab­ 146 *dar ­ 152 *dey­ 146, 210 *dib­ 146 *doy­ 146, 210 *dub­ 146 *daw­ 158 *dib­ 146 *d 1 āl­ 150, 215 351 *d 1 ilħ­ 150 *d 1 ulħ­ 150 *fald1­ 141, 188 *fur­ 140 *gay­ 162 *ger ­ 162, 238 *gub­ 162, 236 *har­ 169 *hudr­ 169 *huww­ 256 *ħayd­ 259 *ħek'­ 169, 262 *ħok'­ 169, 262 *kal­ 163 *kan(n)~ 235 *kaww­ 235 *ken­ 163, 243 *ker­ 161 *ki 162 *kin(n)~ 235 *ku 162 *k'ab­ 163 *k'ad1­ 163, 247 *k'al­ 246 *k'all­ 163 *k*anīn­ 161, 232 *k'ar­ 244 *k'āw­ 163, 241 *k'er*­ 163 *k'om­ 162, 240 *k'ub­ 161, 232 *k'ur­ 163 *lak­ 280 *lik­ 280 *luk­ 280 *ma(?) 144, 272 *malab­ 275 *man­ 143, 272 *min­ 143, 272 *naħ­ 278 *nass­ 147, 204 *nesf­ 155, 223 *ness­ 147, 204 *san­ 154, 221 *sin­ 154, 221 *son­ 154, 221 *sun­ 154, 221 *tak'­ 146, 207 *tom(m)an­ 152 352 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC *tornn­ 152 *tuk'­ 146, 207 *wa ­ 165, 269 ELM0L0 ARBORE bī 198 doy­ 210 el 264 hek­ 262 luk­a 280 GI DOLE BA I SO abb­o ken­i 254 243 BORANA 235 kinn­ī­sa BURJ I abb­o k'aw­a min­a doy­ 210 i­birga 200 ken 243 min 272 nas­i 205 we'­ 269 254 241 272 c'āl­ 215 han­t(a) 235 haww 235 hayd­a 259 h e k ' ­ 262 hene 243 k e r ' ­ 238 k'āw­ 241 nah­ 278 nass­ 205 ork­ēt 250 ork­eta 250 GOLLANG0 qan­ 233 DASENECh 'awr­io 250 biddi 200 cen 243 gym 236 kom 240 ma 272 ta'­ 207 v e ' ­ 269 HADIYYA 0R0M0 (GALLA) abb­ā 254 bakl'­ 202 bak'­ak*­ 202 biyy­a 198 biyy­ē 198 c' āl­ 215 doy­ā 210 doy­ā 210 ē­nnu 270 firi 141, 190 falat'­ 189 falot'­a 189 hōk'­ 262 j ā r ­ s a 238 kanni­sa 235 k'al­ 246 k'am­ 240 dana 152, 217 ganno 244 k'arē 244 k'a(w)a 241 luk­a 280 man­a 272 nah­ 278 nu 278 org­ē 250 ōrō 250 qalu 164 š a n ­ i 243 tuk'­ 207 tullu 145, 206 uww­is­ 256 wā­m­ 269 K0NS0 SAHO­AFAR ay­nu 270 hayd­a 259 āl­ 215 abb­a 254 ad­ 247 awr 250 ābb­a 254 aidlēss 246 bey­o 198 k'ub­a'a 232 hARS0 ork­akko 250 DULLAY KAMBATA o'­ 269 'al­e 264 hayd­o 259 nass­ad­ 205 nass­o 205 qatt'­ 247 ken 243 man­a 272 nah­ 278 n e s s ­ a 205 qāua 241 qom­ 240 uww)­ad/t­ 256 xan­ta 235 xaww­ā 235 INDEX VERBORUM ay 270 'al 264 bak­ 202 duma 146 del­ 215 ­flid­ 189 lak 280 ma 272 malāb­ 275 nanu 278 nef 223 ­qom­ 240 ōr 250 saη 221 san 243 tOb 209 toba 209 RENDILLE aB­a 254 can 243 dab­i 209 ħal 264 353 qal­ 246 qanīn­ 233 qar 244 qaw 241 qōm­ 240 qōn 240 san 221 šan 243 š i n n ­ i 235 tūlo 206 wa'­ 269 wa' 269 kow 235 malab 275 SOUThERN CUShITIC S IDAMO min 272 nas­ 205 ogor 250 PR0T0­SO. CUSHITIC ayy­e 270 k'ubb­e 232 lekk­a 280 malab­o 275 sō 154, 221 or 250 saw 221 tax­ 207 xanin­ 233 we'­ 269 *bāda YAAKU SOMALI nes­i 205 org­ei 250 qat'­ 247 qop­e 232 pilc' 188 PR0T0­SAM *amut 144 *an 168 *ani 168 * ab­ 170 *barar­ 142, 196 *bilig­ 142, 199 *dab­ 146, 209 *gīr 163 270 'al 264 ballād 198 baq­ 202 barar 196 bilig 199 bur 142, 203 day­ 210 fallīd 189 hawo 168, 255 huw­ad­ 256 hayd 259 hoq­ 262 kaw 235 280 wa' 272 270 barer 196 tarēra' 196 bilikso 199 day­ 210 malub ay­o 275 malab 143 *bah­ 143 ābb­e 254 awr 250 lug BONI ai *?aba 168, 254 *?āma­ 168, 253 *?ani 168 *?ar­ 250 *?ara 168, 253 275 min 272 naf 223 nah­ 278 nas­ad­ 205 orai 250 *ba ­143 *bara 143 *bīr­ 142, 197 *birik'­ 142, 200 *boso?­ *bošo?­ 143 143 *dā­ 146, 210 *dama 146 *da ­ 147 *daħ­ 147 *fal­ 203 *fāl­ *gab­ 203 161, 162, 236 *ged­ 239 *ħame 169 *kari 161 *ki 162 *hīp­ 161, 233 *ku 162 *kur­ 161, 234 *k'ab­ 163 *k'ar­163 *k'ēr­ 163 *k w al­ 163 *k' w a ar­ 164 354 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC *k' w at'­ 163, 248 *lib­ *līb­ 166 166 * ad­ 158 áro 253 ­dá'a IRAQW 210 ­fwáli 203 ­géra 239 ado ama * afi 157 * ākw­ 158 *ma 144 iteri 207 ­kupurúya 233 máLa 275 ameni gagar­ *mad­ *mād­ *maia *min­ *pah­ Máre 275 M'aro 250 144, 275 144, 275 275 143, 272 195 *paħ­ 195 *paraħ­ 141, 189 *peħ­ 195 *p r­ *pu?us­ *pur­ *rak­ *tarar­ *teri 140, 193 141, 191 140, 193 166, 281 145, 206 146, 207 y *t ām­ *tsakakal­ 150, 213 *ts'a ­ 151 *wā ­ 165, 269 *wad­ 268 DAHALO bīr­ 197 birķk'ina 200 dāwat­ 210 gбppo 236 gettokum­ 239 kur­ 234 wìni 272 móla­a 275 t a r a r ­ 206 ts­íkankále 213 t s o l ā ð ­ 206 wā ­ 269 wad 268 wadat­ 268 aba 254 gawa 236 kipay 233 teri KW'ADZA ­paráti ama 189 ­pU''ú 191 púru 193 ­púrupúru ­re 193 281 ­tará? i 206 203 ufwį vukasķla 254 bilah'i­ 197 bilat­ 197 da'am­ 210 gawato 236 gel­ 239 kulunso 248 pis­ 234 195 PR0T0­RIFT pi' us­ saki'ayo *gwaraη wallt­ tsal­ 163 189 207 ­pá 195 ­pará'a 189 191 213 206 268 ALAGWA geg er­ qwatsit­ rankus­ CHADIC 239 248 281 ASA aba 254 'ama'eto 254 'amama 254 'arato 250 fulo 203 parames­ 189 wa?am­ 269 wades­ 268 BURUNGE ama 254 fala 203 madiη 275 senkelima 213 MA'A 254 239 parhami mi 272 mķnda 272 152 *t' Y afar­ 153 *fol­ 145, 206 *tsak­ 150, 213 250 254 PRQTO­ChADIC * b ә n ­ 142 * b ә y ­ 146 *faše 141, 194 *f w adә 143 * g a r ә 162, 238 *g y a ә 162 * ašu 163 *kә bә n 236 *kә nә 162 * k ә r ­ 161 *kә zә m 150 *k(w)ә n­ 163, 243 *mar 144, 276 *(m)bә tә 142 *mә 144 *mә tә 144 *mә tu 144 INDEX VERBORUM *mi 144 *pә rә 140, 194 *pә sә 140 *pә ta 141, 192 * s ә b ә 143 * s u n ә 154, 221 *šan(­) 155 *šar­ 155 *šә m 155 *šә mi 155 *taB­ 143 *wa 165, 268, 269 *wu 268 *ya 270 BACHAMA wa 269 DIRYANCI rnada 275 DUWAI kasә n 236 355 ku 162 k'ąsfri 163 mâi 276 mu 276 ni 278 sansâna 221 tafâsa 145, 205 ùba 168, 254 wa 268 wâi 165, 269 yā­ka 270 yâmma 165 GA'ANDA fә hl 195 max­kan 243 pә cfa 192 JIMBINANCI ornada 275 bō­ 198 dandilam 219 GAMARGU KANAKURU BOLE wa 268 mu 276 wo 268 GISIGA BUDUMA guvoη wu GOEMAI 236 kimne KERA 236 pese 268 195 KIRFI CHIBAK fә la 194 DABA mbir 194 put 192 p'ār 194 p'et 192 HAUSA fąlale 141, 194 fąra 194 fasą 195 fita 192 faznci 169, 263 kai 162 ke 162 gāro kunu 238 243 KOTOKO wi wu 276 268 356 TOWARD PROTO­NOSTRATIC KUR5I MUBI SUKUR u bir 194 kibeni 236 wā 269 ma­kә n 243 yo 270 268 LAMANG TERA MUSGU x­kә na 243 MAHA mi mu dom 146 NGIZIM MANDARA g a r ә 238 /cuan 243 ye­n 270 ma wa 276 268 gorә 238 mor 276 216 276 TUMAK hurtә n WARJANCI NORTH BAUCHI CHADIC MBURKANCI bū­ 198 MIYANCI bә ­ bu­ 198 198 sәsәn PA'ANCI ZAAR mada mīr 275 SIRYANCI 276 buw­ 198 mad­ai 275 *buw­ 143, 198 *dlm 153, 219 *gW­r­. 163 *mad­ 144, 275 *t ang­ 157, 225 MOFU mol 221 dә ndә lә mi mudi 275 • 219 • • WARJI 221 276