Professional Documents
Culture Documents
ANTHROPOLOGY
Appreciating Cultural
Diversity
CONRAD
PHILLIP
K O T TA K
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Also Available from McGraw-Hill by Conrad Phillip Kottak Anthropology:
Appreciating
Human Diversity,
16th ed. (2015)
Window on
Humanity:
A Concise
Introduction to
Anthropology,
6th ed. (2014)
Culture,
2nd ed. (2014, with
Lisa L. Gezon)
On Being
Different:
Diversity and
Multiculturalism
in the North
American
Mainstream,
4th ed. (2012, with
Kathryn A. Kozaitis)
Assault on
Paradise: The
Globalization of
a Little Community
in Brazil,
4th ed. (2006)
SIXTEENTH EDITION
The Internet addresses listed in the text were accurate at the time of publication. The inclusion of a website does not
indicate an endorsement by the authors or McGraw-Hill Education, and McGraw-Hill Education does not guarantee the
accuracy of the information presented at these sites.
www.mhhe.com
contents in brief
List of Boxes xvi
About the Author xviii
Preface xix
PA R T 1 Introduction to Anthropology
1 WHAT IS ANTHROPOLOGY? 1
2 CULTURE 20
3 METHOD AND THEORY IN CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY 39
v
List of Boxes xvi
About the Author xviii
Preface xix
1 What Is Anthropology? 1
INTRODUCTION TO ANTHROPOLOGY
General Anthropology 6
Cultural Forces Shape Human Biology 6
The Subdisciplines of Anthropology 7
Cultural Anthropology 7
FOCUS ON GLOBALIZATION: World Events 8
Anthropological Archaeology 8
Biological, or Physical, Anthropology 9
Linguistic Anthropology 10
Anthropology and Other Academic Fields 11
Cultural Anthropology and Sociology 11
Anthropology and Psychology 11
Applied Anthropology 13
vi
2 Culture 20
UNDERSTANDING OURSELVES 21
What Is Culture? 21
Culture Is Learned 22
Culture Is Symbolic 23
Culture Is Shared 24
Culture and Nature 24
Culture Is All-Encompassing 24
Culture Is Integrated 24
Culture Is Instrumental, Adaptive, and
Maladaptive 25
Culture’s Evolutionary Basis 25
What We Share with Other Primates 26
Culture Clash: Makah Seek
APPRECIATING DIVERSITY:
How We Differ from Other Primates 26 Return to Whaling Past 32
Universality, Generality, and Particularity 27 Mechanisms of Cultural Change 34
Universals and Generalities 27
Globalization 34
Particularity: Patterns of Culture 28
Globalization: Its Meaning and Its Nature 35
Culture and the Individual: Agency and Practice 29
Summary 36
Levels of Culture 29
Key Terms 37
Ethnocentrism, Cultural Relativism,
and Human Rights 30 Critical Thinking 37
UNDERSTANDING OURSELVES 40
Contents vii
Survey Research 47 Science and Determinism 56
Doing Anthropology Right and Wrong: Ethical Culture versus the Individual 56
Issues 48 Symbolic and Interpretive Anthropology 57
The Code of Ethics 49 Structuralism 58
Anthropologists and Terrorism 49 Processual Approaches 58
Theory in Anthropology over Time 50 World-System Theory and Political
Economy 59
Unilinear Evolutionism 51
Culture, History, Power 59
Historical Particularism 52
Functionalism 53 Anthropology Today 60
Configurationalism 54 Summary 61
Neoevolutionism 55 Key Terms 62
Cultural Materialism 56
Critical Thinking 62
4 Applying Anthropology 63
APPRECIATING CULTURAL DIVERSITY
UNDERSTANDING OURSELVES 64
Urban Anthropology 72
Urban versus Rural 72
PART 2
Medical Anthropology 73
FOCUS ON GLOBALIZATION: The Deadliest Global
Pandemic of Our Time 74
Summary 79
Key Terms 80
Critical Thinking 80
viii Contents
5 Language and Communication 81
UNDERSTANDING OURSELVES 82
What Is Language? 82
Contents ix
Ethnic Groups, Nations, and Nationalities 119 FOCUS ON GLOBALIZATION: The Gray and
Nationalities and Imagined Communities 120
the Brown 123
Prejudice and Discrimination 124
Ethnic Tolerance and Accommodation 120
Chips in the Mosaic 124
Assimilation 120
Aftermaths of Oppression 125
The Plural Society 121
Multiculturalism 121
Summary 127
Foraging 131
Geographic Distribution of Foragers 131
Correlates of Foraging 133
Adaptive Strategies Based on Food Production 134
Horticulture 134
Agriculture 134
The Cultivation Continuum 136
Intensification: People and the Environment 136
Pastoralism 136
Modes of Production 138
Production in Nonindustrial Societies 138
Means of Production 139
Alienation in Industrial Economies 139
FOCUS ON GLOBALIZATION: Our Global Economy 141
x Contents
8 Political Systems 151
9 Gender 174
11 Marriage 212
xii Contents
12 Religion 231
Contents xiii
Media and Culture 263 What Determines International Sports
Using the Media 263 Success? 267
Assessing the Effects of Television 264 The Fall from Grace: Golf and the Celebrity
Scandal 269
Networking and Sociability On- and
Offline 265 Summary 271
xiv Contents
15 Anthropology’s Role in a Globalizing World 295
Contents xv
list of boxes
appreciating ANTHROPOLOGY
His Mother, the Anthropologist 14–15 What’s Wrong with Race? 112–113 Come Join My Band, Baby 217
Afghanistan: What the Anthropologists Hidden Women, Public Men—Public I’ll Get You, My Pretty, and
Say 68–69 Women, Hidden Men 190–191 Your Little R2 260–261
I Wish They All Could Be California American Family Life in the Is Mining Sustainable? 290–291
Vowels 94–95 21st Century 202
appreciating DIVERSITY
“Give Me a Hug” 4–5 Googling Locally 90–91 Hinduism Takes Back Yoga 244–245
Culture Clash: Makah Seek Return Scarcity and the Bones Reveal Some Truth in “Noble
to Whaling Past 32–33 Betsileo 142–143 Savage” Myth 276–277
Even Anthropologists Get Culture Globalization Spreads Political Power The Plight of Climate
Shock 42–43 to the Countryside 166 Refugees 298–299
Culturally Appropriate Social Security, Kinship Style 198–199
Marketing 77
xvi
RECAP
focus on Forms of Cultural and Biological Adaptation
GLOBALIZATION (to High Altitude) 3
World Events 8 Ethnography and Ethnology—Two Dimensions
The Deadliest Global Pandemic of Our Time 74 of Cultural Anthropology 9
The Gray and the Brown 123 Steps in the Scientific Method 16
The Political Role of New Media 165 Timeline and Key Works in Anthropological Theory 60
The Global Gender Gap Index 186 The Four Subfields and Two Dimensions
of Anthropology 65
Where in the World Are the Jobs? 282
Language Contrasted with Call Systems 84
Types of Ethnic Interaction 126
Yehudi Cohen’s Adaptive Strategies (Economic Typology)
Summarized 138
Economic Basis of and Political Regulation in Bands,
Tribes, Chiefdoms, and States 163
The Four Systems of Kinship Terminology, with Their
Social and Economic Correlates 210
Oppositions between Liminality and Normal Social
Life 237
Star Wars as a Structural Transformation
of The Wizard of Oz 261
Ascent and Decline of Nations within the World
System 292
What Heats, What Cools, the Earth? 300
xviii
a letter from the author
Welcome to the 16th Edition of Cultural Anthropology: Appreciating Cultural Diversity!
I wrote the first edition of this book during a time of rapid change in my favorite academic discipline—
anthropology. My colleagues and I were excited about new discoveries and directions in all four of
anthropology’s subfields—biological anthropology, anthropological archaeology, sociocultural anthropol-
ogy, and linguistic anthropology. My goal was to write a book that would capture that excitement, that would
address key changes in anthropology, while providing a solid foundation of core concepts and the basics.
Just as anthropology is a dynamic discipline that explores new discoveries and the profound changes
that affect people and societies, this edition of Cultural Anthropology has kept pace with changes in the
way students read and learn core content today through the digital program called Connect Anthropol-
ogy. This program includes assignable and assessable quizzes, exercises, and interactive activities, orga-
nized around course-specific learning objectives. In addition, Connect includes an interactive eBook,
LearnSmart, an adaptive testing program, and SmartBook, the first and only adaptive reading experi-
ence. The tools and resources provided in Connect Anthropology are designed to engage students and
enable them to improve their performance in the course.
While any competent text must present anthropology’s core, it also must demonstrate anthropology’s
relevance to the 21st-century world we inhabit. Accordingly, several “Focus on Globalization” essays in
this book examine topics as diverse as the global gender gap, the political role of new media, world sports
events (including the Olympics and the World Cup), and the expansion of international finance and
branding. In addition, discussions of new media, including social media, have been added to several
chapters.
Each chapter begins with a discussion titled “Understanding Ourselves.” These introductions,
along with examples from popular culture throughout the book, show how anthropology relates to
students’ everyday lives. My overarching goal for this textbook is to help students appreciate the field
of anthropology and the various kinds of diversity it studies. How do anthropologists think and work?
Where do we go, and how do we interpret what we see? How do we step back, compare, and analyze?
How does anthropology contribute to our understanding of the world? To answer these questions,
chapters contain boxed sections titled “Appreciating Anthropology,” which focus on the value and
usefulness of anthropological research and approaches. Other boxes, titled “Appreciating Diversity,”
focus on various forms and expressions of human biological and cultural diversity.
Most students who read this book will not go on to become cultural anthropologists, or even anthro-
pology majors. For those who do, this book should provide a solid foundation to build on. For those who
don’t—that is, for most of my readers—my goal is to instill a sense of appreciation: of human diversity,
of anthropology as a field, and of how anthropology can build on, and help make sense of, the experience
that students bring to the classroom. May this course and this text help students think differently about,
and achieve greater understanding of, their own culture and its place within our globalizing world.
xix
Highlights of the 16th Edition
Cultural Anthropology is an ever-evolving field, reflecting the rapidly changing world it studies. As such it is important to provide new and updated
content to enrich, for both students and instructors, the appreciation of anthropology’s subject matter, intrinsic interest, and contemporary
relevance. In this edition you will find some entirely new discussions and subject matter—in particular, increased attention to the key role of the
Internet and social media in today’s globalizing world.
CHAPTER 1: WHAT IS ANTHROPOLOGY? CHAPTER 7: MAKING A LIVING “Evangelical Protestantism and Pentecostalism,”
• New discussion of culturally specific syndromes, Major revision and rewrite with specific changes, “Homogenization, Indigenization, or Hybridiza-
including the cultural construction of anorexia in including the following: tion?”, “Antimodernism and Fundamentalism,”
China • New introduction clarifying the huge importance and “The Spread of Islam”
• Rewritten section on the scientific method and transformational nature of food-producing • Substantially updated and revised section on
(Neolithic) economies world religions
• New material on foragers in South Asia • New “Appreciating Diversity” box, “Hinduism
CHAPTER 2: CULTURE • New hunter-gatherer distribution map Takes Back Yoga”
• New information on the Internet and social
media
• Revised section on globalization CHAPTER 8: POLITICAL SYSTEMS CHAPTER 13: ARTS, MEDIA, AND
• New section titled “Resistance via Social Media” SPORTS
• New “Appreciating Diversity” box on political Significantly revised chapter includes two major new
CHAPTER 3: METHOD AND THEORY mobilizations in rural Thailand sections titled “Networking and Sociability On- and
IN CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY Offline” and “The Fall from Grace: Golf and the
• Revised with clearer subheads and an updated Celebrity Scandal”
section on ethics CHAPTER 9: GENDER
• New discussion of Margaret Mead’s pioneering
• New section, “Online Ethnography”
work on gender
CHAPTER 14: THE WORLD SYSTEM AND
• Updated section on gender in industrial societies
COLONIALISM
• Revised material on transgender and gender • Major new section titled “NAFTA’s Economic
CHAPTER 4: APPLYING ANTHROPOLOGY
identity (as distinguished from sexual Refugees”
• New section on “Public and Applied Anthropology”
orientation) • Expanded discussion of skewed wealth distribu-
• New “Appreciating Anthropology” box, “Afghani-
stan: What the Anthropologists Say” tion in the contemporary United States (including
the Occupy movement)
CHAPTER 10: FAMILIES, KINSHIP, AND
DESCENT
CHAPTER 5: LANGUAGE AND • Informative new “Appreciating Anthropology”
COMMUNICATION box on American family life in the 21st century CHAPTER 15: ANTHROPOLOGY’S ROLE IN A
• Updated with a new “Appreciating Anthropol- • All charts, figures, and statistics have been GLOBALIZING WORLD
ogy” box on California accents updated. A substantially revised section on globalization
• New section titled “Language, Culture, and His- begins this chapter, which has been updated
tory,” featuring new information on Proto-Indo- throughout.
European (PIE) CHAPTER 11: MARRIAGE • Section on energy consumption and industrial
Thoroughly updated, the chapter now contains a major degradation moved here from the previous
new section titled “The Online Marriage Market.” chapter
CHAPTER 6: ETHNICITY AND RACE • Major new section on emerging diseases
• Updated with the latest demographic data from • Substantially revised sections on global climate
the United States and Canada CHAPTER 12: RELIGION change, environmental anthropology, and cul-
• New sections titled “Minority Groups and Stratifi- Substantially revised, the chapter now includes tural imperialism and indigenization
cation” and “Changing Demographics” • Major new section, “Religion and Cultural • New concluding discussion of anthropology’s
• Revised and updated section on multiculturalism Globalization,” whose subsections are titled key lessons
xx
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xxi
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xxii
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xxiii
Acknowledgments
As always, I’m grateful to many colleagues I’m also grateful to the valued reviewers Sean M. Daley, Johnson County
at McGraw-Hill. Thanks to Gina Boedeker, of previous editions of this book and of Community College
McGraw-Hill’s Managing Director for An- my Anthropology text. Their names are Karen Dalke, University of Wisconsin–
thropology, and Courtney Austermehle, as follows: Green Bay
Brand Manager. Thanks as well to Diane Julianna Acheson, Green Mountain Norbert Dannhaeuser, Texas A&M
Grayson, Brand Coordinator for anthropol- College University
ogy, and to Rhona Robbin, Lead Product Stephanie W. Alemán, Iowa State Michael Davis, Truman State University
Developer, and Emily Pecora, who has University
managed the development of Connect Hillary Delprete, Wagner College
Mohammad Al-Madani, Seattle Central
Anthropology. It’s been a real pleasure to Paul Demers, University of Nebraska–
Community College
work closely with Development Editor Lincoln
Barbara Heinssen, whom I thank for her Douglas J. Anderson, Front Range
Darryl de Ruiter, Texas A&M University
excellent ideas, skillful editing, and hard Community College
Robert Dirks, Illinois State University
work putting this manuscript—text and E. F. Aranyosi, University of Washington
William W. Donner, Kutztown University
visual—into production. I thank Marketing Robert Bee, University of Connecticut
Manager Philip Weaver and McGraw-Hill’s Mary Durocher, Wayne State University
Joy A. Bilharz, SUNY at Fredonia
entire team of sales reps and regional Paul Durrenberger, Pennsylvania State
James R. Bindon, University of Alabama
managers for the work they do in helping University
professors and students gain access to Kira Blaisdell-Sloan, Louisiana State
George Esber, Miami University of Ohio
my books. University
Les W. Field, University of New Mexico
I’m truly grateful as well for the superb Kathleen T. Blue, Minnesota State
University Grace Fraser, Plymouth State College
work of the following: K4 specialist Christine
Demma Foushi, Core Content Project Daniel Boxberger, Western Washington Todd Jeffrey French, University of New
Manager Angela Norris, Designer Tara University Hampshire, Durham
McDermott, Image Content Licensing Vicki Bradley, University of Houston Richard H. Furlow, College of DuPage
Specialist Keri Johnson, Text Content Lisa Kaye Brandt, North Dakota State Vance Geiger, University of Central
Licensing Specialist Wesley Hall, Assess- University Florida
ment Content Project Manager Katie Laurie Godfrey, University of
Ethan M. Braunstein, Northern Arizona
Klochan, and OLC Content Project Man- Massachusetts–Amherst
University
ager Judi David. I offer special thanks as
Ned Breschel, Morehead State University Bob Goodby, Franklin Pierce College
well to Charlotte Goldman, Freelance Photo
Researcher; Deb DeBord, Copyeditor; and Peter J. Brown, Emory University Gloria Gozdzik, West Virginia University
Margaret Moore, proofreader. Thanks as Margaret S. Bruchez, Blinn College Tom Greaves, Bucknell University
well to Scott Lukas, Lake Tahoe Commu- Vaughn M. Bryant, Texas A&M University Mark Grey, University of Northern Iowa
nity College, who created the content for Sharon Gursky, Texas A&M University
Andrew Buckser, Purdue University
the Connect products for this book. I’m
Richard H. Buonforte, Brigham Young John Dwight Hines, University of
grateful also to Richard Pace, who drafted
University California, Santa Barbara
the section on social media in Brazil in
Chapter 17. Karen Burns, University of Georgia Brian A. Hoey, Marshall University
I’m especially indebted to the review- Richard Burns, Arkansas State University Homes Hogue, Mississippi State University
ers who evaluated the 15th edition of this Mary Cameron, Auburn University Kara C. Hoover, Georgia State University
book: Charles W. Houck, University of North
Joseph L. Chartkoff , Michigan State
University Carolina–Charlotte
Maria Altemara, West Virginia University,
Robert Morris University Dianne Chidester, University of South Stevan R. Jackson, Virginia Tech
Timi Lynne Barone, University of Dakota Alice James, Shippensburg University of
Nebraska, Omaha Stephen Childs, Valdosta State University Pennsylvania
Renée M. Bonzani, University of Inne Choi, California Polytechnic State Cara Roure Johnson, University of
Kentucky University–San Luis Obispo Connecticut
Christopher A. Brooks, Virginia Wanda Clark, South Plains College Richard King, Drake University
Commonwealth University Jeffrey Cohen, Penn State University Christine Kray, Rochester Institute of
Holly Peters-Golden, University of Fred Conquest, Community College of Technology
Michigan Southern Nevada Eric Lassiter, Ball State University
Kevin Keating, Broward College Barbara Cook, California Polytechnic State Jill Leonard, University of Illinois–
Richard A. Sattler, University of Montana University–San Luis Obispo Urbana-Champaign
Heather Walder, University of Wisconsin– Maia Greenwell Cunningham, Citrus Kenneth Lewis, Michigan State University
La Crosse College David Lipset, University of Minnesota
xxiv
Walter E. Little, University at Albany, SUNY Mary Scott, San Francisco State University Other professors and many students reg-
Jon K. Loessin, Wharton County Junior James Sewastynowicz, Jacksonville State ularly share their insights about this and
College University my other texts via e-mail and so have con-
Brian Malley, University of Michigan Brian Siegel, Furman University tributed to this book. I’m especially grate-
ful to my Michigan colleagues who use
Jonathan Marks, University of North Michael Simonton, Northern Kentucky
my books and have suggested ways of
Carolina–Charlotte University
making them better. Thanks especially to
H. Lyn Miles, University of Tennessee at Megan Sinnott, University of Colorado– a 101 team that includes Tom Fricke, Stuart
Chattanooga Boulder Kirsch, Holly Peters-Golden, and Andrew
Barbara Miller, George Washington Esther Skirboll, Slippery Rock University of Shryock. Special thanks as well to Joyce
University Pennsylvania Marcus and Kent Flannery for continuing
Richard G. Milo, Chicago State University Alexia Smith, University of Connecticut to nurture the archaeologist in me. By
John Nass, Jr., California University of Gregory Starrett, University of North now, I’ve benefited from the knowledge,
Pennsylvania Carolina–Charlotte help, and advice of so many friends, col-
leagues, teaching assistants, graduate
Frank Ng, California State University– Karl Steinen, University of West Georgia
student instructors, and students that I
Fresno Noelle Stout, Foothill and Skyline can no longer fit their names into a short
Constanza Ocampo-Raeder, University of Colleges preface. I hope they know who they are
Maine (Orono) Merrily Stover, University of Maryland– and accept my thanks.
Divinity B. O’Connor DLR-Roberts, Des University College As usual, my family has offered me
Moines Area Community College Elizabeth A. Throop, Eastern Kentucky understanding, support, and inspiration
Martin Ottenheimer, Kansas State University during the preparation of this book.
University Ruth Toulson, Brigham Young University Dr. Nicholas Kottak, who, like me, holds a
De Ann Pendry, University of Tennessee– Susan Trencher, George Mason University doctorate in anthropology, regularly
Knoxville shares his insights with me, as does my
Mark Tromans, Broward Community
Leonard Plotnicov, University of Pittsburgh daughter, Dr. Juliet Kottak Mavromatis,
College
and my wife, Isabel Wagley Kottak. Isabel
Janet Pollak, William Paterson University Christina Turner, Virginia Commonwealth has been my companion in the field and
Christina Nicole Pomianek, University of University in life during my entire career in anthro-
Missouri–Columbia Donald Tyler, University of Idaho pology, and I can’t imagine being without
Geoffrey G. Pope, William Paterson Daniel Varisco, Hofstra University her. I renew my dedication of this book to
University Albert Wahrhaftig, Sonoma State the memory of my mother, Mariana Kottak
Howard Prince, CUNY–Borough of University Roberts, who kindled my interest in the
Manhattan Community College human condition and provided many
Joe Watkins, University of New Mexico
Frances E. Purifoy, University of Louisville insights about people and society.
David Webb, Kutztown University of Over my many years of teaching
Asa Randall, University of Florida Pennsylvania anthropology, feedback from students
Mark A. Rees, University of Louisiana at George Westermark, Santa Clara has kept me up to date on the interests
Lafayette University and needs of my readers, as does my
Bruce D. Roberts, Minnesota State Donald A. Whatley, Blinn College ongoing participation in workshops on
University Moorhead Nancy White, University of South Florida the teaching of anthropology. I hope this
Rita C. Rodabaugh, Central Piedmont Katharine Wiegele, Northern Illinois product of my experience will be helpful
Community College University to others.
Steven Rubenstein, Ohio University Mary S. Willis, University of Nebraska– Conrad Phillip Kottak
Robert Rubinstein, Syracuse University Lincoln Seabrook Island, SC,
Richard A. Sattler, University of Montana Brent Woodfill, University of Louisiana at and Decatur, Georgia
Richard Scaglion, University of Pittsburgh Lafayette ckottak@bellsouth.net
xxv
C H A P T E R
1
What Is Anthropology?
What distinguishes
anthropology from
other fields that study
human beings?
How do
anthropologists study
human diversity in
time and space?
Why is anthropology
both scientific and
humanistic?
In Karachi, Pakistan, a bus gathers passengers next to watermelon stalls at the edge of a roadside market.
chapter outline HUMAN DIVERSITY
Adaptation, Variation,
and Change
GENERAL ANTHROPOLOGY
Cultural Forces Shape
Human Biology
THE SUBDISCIPLINES
understanding OURSELVES
hen you grew up, which sport did affects our development as much as do nutrition,
W
OF ANTHROPOLOGY
you appreciate the most—soccer, heat, cold, and altitude. Culture also guides our
Cultural Anthropology
swimming, football, baseball, ten- emotional and cognitive growth and helps deter-
Anthropological
Archaeology nis, golf, or some other sport (or mine the kinds of personalities we have as adults.
Biological, or Physical, perhaps none at all)? Is this because of “who you Among scholarly disciplines, anthropology
Anthropology are” or because of the opportunities you had as a stands out as the field that provides the cross-
Linguistic Anthropology child to practice and participate in this particular cultural test. How much would we know about
activity? Think about the phrases and sentences human behavior, thought, and feeling if we stud-
ANTHROPOLOGY AND you would use to describe yourself in a personal ied only our own kind? What if our entire under-
OTHER ACADEMIC FIELDS
ad or on a networking site—your likes and dis- standing of human behavior were based on
Cultural Anthropology
likes, hobbies, and habits. How many of these analysis of questionnaires filled out by college
and Sociology
descriptors would be the same if you had been students in Oregon? That is a radical question, but
Anthropology and
Psychology born in a different place or time? one that should make you think about the basis for
When you were young, your parents might statements about what humans are like, individu-
APPLIED ANTHROPOLOGY have told you that drinking milk and eating veg- ally or as a group. A primary reason anthropology
etables would help you grow up “big and strong.” can uncover so much about what it means to be
THE SCIENTIFIC METHOD
They probably didn’t as readily recognize the role human is that the discipline is based on the cross-
Theories, Associations,
and Explanations that culture plays in shaping bodies, personali- cultural perspective. One culture can’t tell us
ties, and personal health. If nutrition matters in everything we need to know about what it means
When Multiple Variables
Predict growth, so, too, do cultural guidelines. What is to be human. Often culture is “invisible” (assumed
proper behavior for boys and girls? What kinds of to be normal, or just the way things are) until it is
work should men and women do? Where should placed in comparison to another culture. For
people live? What are proper uses of their leisure example, to appreciate how watching television
time? What role should religion play? How should affects us, as human beings, we need to study not
people relate to their family, friends, and neigh- just North America today but some other place—
bors? Although our genetic attributes provide a and perhaps some other time (such as Brazil in the
foundation for our growth and development, 1980s; see Kottak 1990b, 2009). The cross-cultural
human biology is fairly plastic—that is, it is mal- test is fundamental to the anthropological ap-
leable. Culture is an environmental force that proach, which orients this textbook.
2
gone before.” Wishes to know the unknown, control society. (This chapter’s “Appreciating Diversity”
the uncontrollable, and create order out of chaos on pp. 4–5 discusses how attitudes about displays
find expression among all peoples. Creativity, of affection, which are transmitted culturally, can
adaptability, and flexibility are basic human attri- also change.)
butes, and human diversity is the subject matter of The most critical element of cultural traditions is
anthropology. their transmission through learning rather than
Students often are surprised by the breadth of through biological inheritance. Culture is not itself
anthropology, which is the study of the human spe- biological, but it rests on certain features of human anthropology
cies and its immediate ancestors. Anthropology is a biology. For more than a million years, humans have The study of the human
uniquely comparative and holistic science. Holism possessed at least some of the biological capacities species and its
refers to the study of the whole of the human condi- on which culture depends. These abilities are to immediate ancestors.
tion: past, present, and future; biology, society, learn, to think symbolically, to use language, and to
holistic
language, and culture. Most people think that make and use tools.
Encompassing past,
anthropologists study fossils and nonindustrial, non- Anthropology confronts and ponders major ques- present, and future;
Western cultures, and many of them do. But anthro- tions about past and present human existence. By biology, society,
pology is much more than the study of nonindustrial examining ancient bones and tools, we unravel the language, and culture.
peoples: It is a comparative field that examines all mysteries of human origins. When did our ancestors
societies, ancient and modern, simple and complex, separate from those of the apes? Where and when
local and global. The other social sciences tend to did Homo sapiens originate? How has our species
focus on a single society, usually an industrial nation changed? What are we now, and where are we
like the United States or Canada. Anthropology, going? How have changes in culture and society
however, offers a unique cross-cultural perspective influenced biological change? Our genus, Homo,
by constantly comparing the customs of one society has been changing for more than one million years.
with those of others. Humans continue to adapt and change both biologi-
People share society—organized life in groups— cally and culturally.
with other animals, including baboons, wolves,
mole rats, and even ants. Culture, however, is more
distinctly human. Cultures are traditions and cus- Adaptation, Variation, and Change culture
toms, transmitted through learning, that form and Adaptation refers to the processes by which organ- Traditions and customs
guide the beliefs and behavior of the people isms cope with environmental forces and stresses. transmitted through
exposed to them. Children learn such a tradition by How do organisms change to fit their environments, learning.
growing up in a particular society, through a pro- such as dry climates or high mountain altitudes?
cess called enculturation. Cultural traditions Like other animals, humans have biological means
include customs and opinions, developed over the of adaptation. But humans also habitually rely on
generations, about proper and improper behavior. cultural means of adaptation. Recap 1.1 summarizes
These traditions answer such questions as these: the cultural and biological means that humans use to
How should we do things? How do we make sense adapt to high altitudes.
of the world? How do we tell right from wrong? Mountainous terrains pose particular challenges,
What is right, and what is wrong? A culture pro- those associated with altitude and oxygen depriva-
duces a degree of consistency in behavior and tion. Consider four ways (one cultural and three bio-
thought among the people who live in a particular logical) in which humans may cope with low oxygen
RECAP 1.1 Forms of Cultural and Biological Adaptation (to High Altitude)
pressure
presssssu
sur
sure
ure
ree at
a high
hig
h gh
gh altitudes.
aalt
altitud
ltitu
tituudes
udddes.
s.. Illustrating
Il
Illlus
Ill l stttrating cultural
ccul
cultu
ultura
ral
al (tech-
al (tech
(t
( chh- level
llev
le velell would
wou
wo
wouldd be.bee. This
Thhi
Th his illustrates
iillustrateess long-term
long
long-term
ng-term
ng gg-t
-term
m physiolog-
physiol
physio
physi
pph
phy
hysi
hy
ysi
sioloog-
ogg-
nolo
nol
nolo
nological)
o ogggical) aadaptation
daptatio
dda
daptationio
oonn wou
woulduldd bbee a pres
ul ppre
pr
pressurized
esssuriz
rizzed
zed aair
ai
air-
r- ical
ic
ica
ccaal adaptation
adapta
da ttaattion
ti dduring
duuri
uurriiin
uring
ingngg the
the body’s
booddy’s growth
ggro
rowt
rowth
owt
wthh and devel-
deev
devvel-
ve
plane
plan
ane
nee cabin
cabin n equipped
e d with
wi
with
thh oxygen
ooxygeen n masks.
masks
m ks. There
T
Th are arree oopment.
op p
pment. Third,
Th hird
hird,
hir
hird
rdd,, humans
hu nnss also have
hhuman hhav
haav
ve the capacity
ccaapacity
ap ty for
apa
threee ways
way off adapting
wa aadaptin
adaaptin
ptin
in
nng biolo
biologicall
biologically
loog
ogical
ogi
ogicicall
call
allly to highh aaltitudes
altitudes:ss: short-term
sho ort-te
oort-term
rt-term
r erm rm
m or o immediate
immedia
imm
mm meedia
med
medi diaaate physiological
physiooological adaptation.
aadaptati
adada
daptatiio
ion.
on.
on.
genetic i adaptation,
d i long-term
l physiological
h i l i l adapta- d Thus,
Th h when h llowlanders l d arrive i iin the h hi highlands,
hl d they
hl h
tion, and short-term physiological adaptation. First, immediately increase their breathing and heart rates.
native populations of high-altitude areas, such as the Hyperventilation increases the oxygen in their lungs
Andes of Peru and the Himalayas of Tibet and and arteries. As the pulse also increases, blood reaches
Nepal, seem to have acquired certain genetic advan- their tissues more rapidly. These varied adaptive
tages for life at very high altitudes. The Andean ten- responses—cultural and biological—all fulfill the
dency to develop a voluminous chest and lungs need to supply an adequate amount of oxygen to
probably has a genetic basis. Second, regardless of the body.
their genes, people who grow up at a high altitude As human history has unfolded, the social and
become physiologically more efficient there than cultural means of adaptation have become increas-
genetically similar people who have grown up at sea ingly important. In this process, humans have
deeevvised
devised
devi
ddev v sed diverse
diver
di
ddiv
ivers
iv
vers
vver
rse w
rs waayys off co
ways copi
coping
opin
pin
ing withw thee range range
ra ge oof Much
Mu
M uch
ch
h m more
oree recently,
rec
rreecently
recen tllyyy, the spread
sppread
pread of
pre of industria
indu
in
industrial
ndus
ndus
dustri
du
ustri
sstria
trial
en
environments
nnvir
vi
v ronm
viro
virononm
o m ments th tthey
hhe ha
hey havee ooccup
oc
occupied
piieedd iin
n time
timee an
aand
nd spa
space.
paace.
ace
ac
ce. production
produ
duuction
c io has hhaaass profoundly
proof
offo
found
foundly
ound
ouund nd y affected
ndly af
aff
ffe
ff
fected
fe edd human
hum
hum
umaaan life.
lifeee.
Th rate
T
The tee of
o cultu
cultural
cult
cult
ltuuural adapt
adaptation
pttati
ptation
tatio
tation
tion
on aand change
ch
hhaaange hasass accel-
ac
acc Throughout
Thro
Throu
rou
oughout
u human
huum
uman
uman
maan n history,
h
history y, major
y, m r innovations
iinn
nnovatio
nn ion
onns
n have
have
e
erated, particularly
ppa
particula
arti
articula
rtic
i ar arl
arly
rly
lyy during
ddurin
duri
urin
innng the last
lastt 10,000
la 1000,000 years.
year
yearsrrss. For spread
spread
sp d at
a the
thhee expense
eex see of of earea
earlier
rrlier ones
ones.
s. Each ececonomic
coono
onomic
no
millions
illi off years, hunting
h i andd gathering h i off nature’s ’ revolution
l i has h had h d social i l andd cultural
l l repercussions.
i
bounty—foraging—was the sole basis of human Today’s global economy and communications link
subsistence. However, it took only a few thousand all contemporary people, directly or indirectly, in
years for food production (the cultivation of plants the modern world system. Nowadays, even remote food production
and domestication of animals), which originated villagers experience world forces and events. (See An economy based on
some 12,000–10,000 years ago, to replace foraging “Focus on Globalization” on p. 8.) The study of plant cultivation and/or
in most areas. Between 6000 and 5000 b.p. (before how local people adapt to global forces poses new animal domestication.
the present), the first civilizations arose. These were challenges for anthropology: “The cultures of world
large, powerful, and complex societies, such as peoples need to be constantly rediscovered as these
ancient Egypt, that conquered and governed large people reinvent them in changing historical circum-
geographic areas. stances” (Marcus and Fischer 1986, p. 24).
rarely sends female swimmers or runners to the comparison). Ethnography provides an account of ethnography
Olympics. One reason Brazilian women avoid a particular group, community, society, or culture. Fieldwork in a particular
competitive swimming in particular may be that During ethnographic fieldwork, the ethnographer cultural setting.
sport’s effects on the body. Years of swimming gathers data that he or she organizes, describes,
sculpt a distinctive physique: an enlarged upper analyzes, and interprets to build and present that
torso, a massive neck, and powerful shoulders and account, which may be in the form of a book, an
back. Successful female swimmers tend to be big, article, or a film. Traditionally, ethnographers lived
strong, and bulky. The countries that have pro- in small communities, where they studied local
duced them most consistently are the United States, behavior, beliefs, customs, social life, economic
Canada, Australia, Germany, the Scandinavian activities, politics, and religion. Today, any ethnog-
nations, the Netherlands, and the former Soviet rapher will recognize that such settings are increas-
Union, where this body type isn’t as stigmatized as ingly exposed to and influenced by external forces
it is in Latin countries. For women, Brazilian cul- and events.
ture prefers ample hips and buttocks to a muscled An anthropological perspective derived from
upper body. Many young female swimmers in ethnographic fieldwork often differs radically from
Brazil choose to abandon the sport rather than their that of economics or political science. Those fields
culture’s “feminine” body ideal. focus on national and official organizations and
policies and often on elites. However, the groups
that anthropologists traditionally have studied usu-
THE SUBDISCIPLINES ally have been relatively poor and powerless. Eth-
nographers often observe discriminatory practices
OF ANTHROPOLOGY directed toward such people, who experience food
and water shortages, dietary deficiencies, and other
Cultural Anthropology aspects of poverty. Political scientists tend to study
Cultural anthropology, the study of human soci- programs that national planners develop, while cultural
ety and culture, is the subfield that describes, ana- anthropologists discover how these programs work anthropology
lyzes, interprets, and explains social and cultural on the local level. The comparative,
similarities and differences. To study and interpret Communities and cultures are less isolated today cross-cultural study of
human society and
cultural diversity, cultural anthropologists engage than ever before. In fact, as the anthropologist Franz
culture.
in two kinds of activity: ethnography (based on Boas noted many years ago (1966, orig. 1940), con-
fieldwork) and ethnology (based on cross-cultural tact between neighboring tribes has always existed
P
eople everywhere—even remote villagers—now participate in world
events, especially through the mass media. The study of global-local ally has studied. The study of such linkages and sys-
linkages is a prominent part of modern anthropology. What kinds of tems is part of the subject matter of modern
events generate global interest? Disasters provide one example. Think of anthropology. (See “Focus on Globalization: World
Bhopal, Chernobyl, Chilean miners, and the earthquakes and tsunamis Events” for a discussion of world events familiar to
that have ravaged Thailand, Indonesia, and Japan. And there has been millions of people.)
space—the final frontier: As many as 600 million people may have Ethnology examines, interprets, and analyzes
watched the first (Apollo 11) moon landing in 1969—a huge audience in the the results of ethnography—the data gathered in dif-
early days of global television. And consider the British royal family, espe- ferent societies. It uses such data to compare and
cially the photogenic ones. The wedding of Prince William and Catherine contrast and to make generalizations about society
Middleton attracted 161 million viewers—twice the population of the and culture. Looking beyond the particular to the
United Kingdom. The birth, public presentation, and naming of their new- more general, ethnologists attempt to identify and
born son in 2013 generated international interest. A generation earlier, explain cultural differences and similarities, to test
millions of people had watched Lady Diana Spencer marry England’s hypotheses, and to build theory to enhance our
Prince Charles. Princess Diana’s funeral also attracted a global audience. understanding of how social and cultural systems
And, of course, sports: Billions of people watched at least some of the work. (See the section “The Scientific Method” later
2012 London Summer Olympics. Consider the FIFA World Cup (soccer), in this chapter.) Ethnology gets its data for com-
held every four years. In 2006, an estimated 320 million people tuned in; parison not just from ethnography but also from
this figure more than doubled to 700 million viewers in 2010 and may well the other subfields, particularly from archaeology,
exceed 2 billion in 2014, when hosted in Brazil. The World Cup generates which reconstructs social systems of the past.
huge global interest because it truly is a “world series,” with 32 countries (Recap 1.2 summarizes the main contrasts between
and five continents competing. Similarly, the Cricket World Cup, held every ethnography and ethnology.)
four years (most recently in 2011), is the world’s third most watched event:
Only the Summer Olympics and the FIFA World Cup exceed it. The Cricket
World Cup is televised in over 200 countries, to over 2.2 billion viewers. Anthropological Archaeology
Isn’t it arrogant to call American baseball’s ultimate championship Anthropological archaeology (also known as archae-
“The World Series” when only one non-U.S. team, the Toronto Blue Jays, ological anthropology or, most simply, “archaeology”)
can play in it? (The title dates back to 1903, a time of less globalization and reconstructs, describes, and interprets human behav-
more American provincialism.) Baseball is popular in the United States ior and cultural patterns through material remains.
(including Puerto Rico), Canada, Japan, Cuba, Mexico, Venezuela, and At sites where people live or have lived, archaeolo-
the Dominican Republic. South Korea, Taiwan, and China have profes- gists find artifacts, material items that humans have
sional leagues. Elsewhere the sport has little mass appeal. made, used, or modified, such as tools, weapons,
On the other hand, when we focus on the players in American baseball campsites, buildings, and garbage. Plant and animal
we see a multiethnic world in miniature. With its prominent Latino and remains and garbage tell stories about consumption
Japanese players, American baseball appears to be more ethnically di- and activities. Wild and domesticated grains have
verse than American football or basketball. Consider the finalists for the different characteristics, which allow archaeologists
2012 American League MVP (Most Valuable Player) award, won by to distinguish between the gathering and the cultiva-
Venezuelan Miguel Cabrera of the Detroit Tigers. In second place was New tion of plants. Animal bones reveal the age and sex
Jersey–born and non-Hispanic Mike Trout (Los Angeles Angels). Third and of slaughtered animals, providing other information
fourth were two more Latinos, Adrian Beltré (Texas Rangers) and Robinson useful in determining whether species were wild or
Cano (New York Yankees). In fifth place came Josh Hamilton, a North domesticated.
Carolinian playing that year for Texas. The previous year’s top five included Analyzing such data, archaeologists answer sev-
Jacoby Ellsbury, a registered Native American, and Curtis Granderson, an eral questions about ancient economies. Did the
African American New York Yankee. Can you think of a sport as ethnically group get its meat from hunting, or did it domesti-
diverse as baseball? What’s the last world event that drew your attention? cate and breed animals, killing only those of a cer-
tain age and sex? Did plant food come from wild
plants or from sowing, tending, and harvesting
crops? Did the residents make, trade for, or buy par-
and has extended over enormous areas. “Human ticular items? Were raw materials available locally?
populations construct their cultures in interaction If not, where did they come from? From such infor-
with one another, and not in isolation” (Wolf 1982, mation, archaeologists reconstruct patterns of pro-
p. ix). Villagers increasingly participate in regional, duction, trade, and consumption.
national, and world events. Exposure to external Archaeologists have spent much time studying
forces comes through the mass media, migration, potsherds, fragments of earthenware. Potsherds are
ETHNOGRAPHY ETHNOLOGY
more durable than many other artifacts, such as tex- have been able to verify the living conditions on the ethnology
tiles and wood. The quantity of pottery fragments vessels that brought ancestral African Americans to The study of
allows estimates of population size and density. The the New World as enslaved people. In a research sociocultural
discovery that potters used materials unavailable project begun in 1973 in Tucson, Arizona, archae- differences and
similarities.
locally suggests systems of trade. Similarities in ologist William Rathje has learned about contempo-
manufacture and decoration at different sites may be rary life by studying modern garbage. The value of anthropological
proof of cultural connections. Groups with similar “garbology,” as Rathje calls it, is that it provides archaeology
pots might be historically related. Perhaps they “evidence of what people did, not what they think The study of human
shared common cultural ancestors, traded with each they did, what they think they should have done, or behavior through
other, or belonged to the same political system. what the interviewer thinks they should have done” material remains.
Many archaeologists examine paleoecology. (Harrison, Rathje, and Hughes 1994, p. 108). What
Ecology is the study of interrelations among living people report may contrast strongly with their real
things in an environment. The organisms and envi- behavior as revealed by garbology. For example, the
ronment together constitute an ecosystem, a patterned garbologists discovered that the three Tucson neigh-
arrangement of energy flows and exchanges. Human borhoods that reported the lowest beer consumption
ecology studies ecosystems that include people, actually had the highest number of discarded beer
focusing on the ways in which human use “of nature cans per household (Podolefsky and Brown 1992, p.
influences and is influenced by social organization 100)! Findings from garbology also have challenged
and cultural values” (Bennett 1969, pp. 10–11). common misconceptions about the kinds and quan-
Paleoecology looks at the ecosystems of the past. tities of trash found in landfills: While most people
In addition to reconstructing ecological patterns, thought that fast-food containers and disposable dia-
archaeologists may infer cultural transformations, pers were major waste problems, they were actually
for example, by observing changes in the size and relatively insignificant compared with paper (Rathje
type of sites and the distance between them. A city and Murphy 2001; Zimring 2012).
develops in a region where only towns, villages, and
hamlets existed a few centuries earlier. The number Biological, or Physical,
of settlement levels (city, town, village, hamlet) in a
society is a measure of social complexity. Buildings Anthropology
offer clues about political and religious features. The subject matter of biological, or physical, biological
Temples and pyramids suggest that an ancient soci- anthropology is human biological diversity in time anthropology
ety had an authority structure capable of marshaling and space. A common interest in biological varia- The study of human
the labor needed to build such monuments. The tion unites five specialties within biological biological variation in
time and space.
presence or absence of certain structures, like the anthropology:
pyramids of ancient Egypt and Mexico, reveals dif-
1. Human evolution as revealed by the fossil rec- physical
ferences in function between settlements. For exam- anthropology
ord (paleoanthropology).
ple, some towns were places where people came to Same as biological
attend ceremonies. Others were burial sites; still 2. Human genetics. anthropology.
others were farming communities.
3. Human growth and development.
Archaeologists also reconstruct behavior patterns
and lifestyles of the past by excavating. This involves 4. Human biological plasticity (the living body’s
digging through a succession of levels at a particular ability to change as it copes with stresses,
site. In a given area, through time, settlements may such as heat, cold, and altitude).
change in form and purpose, as may the connections
5. Primatology (the biology, evolution, behav-
between settlements. Excavation can document
ior, and social life of monkeys, apes, and other
changes in economic, social, and political activities.
nonhuman primates).
Although archaeologists are best known for
studying prehistory, that is, the period before the These interests link biological anthropology to
invention of writing, they also study the cultures of other fields: biology, zoology, geology, anatomy,
historical and even living peoples. Studying sunken physiology, medicine, and public health. Osteology—
ships off the Florida coast, underwater archaeologists the study of bones—helps paleoanthropologists,
who examine skulls, teeth, and bones, to identify closest relatives—apes and monkeys. Primatolo-
human ancestors and to chart changes in anatomy gists study their biology, evolution, behavior, and
over time. A paleontologist is a scientist who studies social life, often in their natural environments.
fossils. A paleoanthropologist is one sort of paleon- Primatology assists paleoanthropology, because
tologist, one who studies the fossil record of human primate behavior may shed light on early human
evolution. Paleoanthropologists often collaborate behavior and human nature.
with archaeologists, who study artifacts, in recon-
structing biological and cultural aspects of human
evolution. Fossils and tools often are found together. Linguistic Anthropology
Different types of tools provide information about We don’t know (and probably never will know)
the habits, customs, and lifestyles of the ancestral when our ancestors started speaking, although bio-
humans who used them. logical anthropologists have looked to the anatomy
More than a century ago, Charles Darwin noticed of the face and the skull to speculate about the origin
that the variety that exists within any population of language. As well, primatologists have described
permits some individuals (those with the favored the communication systems of monkeys and apes.
characteristics) to do better than others at surviving We do know that well-developed, grammatically
and reproducing. Genetics, which developed later, complex languages have existed for thousands of
enlightens us about the causes and transmission of years. Linguistic anthropology offers further illus-
this variety. However, it isn’t just genes that cause tration of anthropology’s interest in comparison,
linguistic variety. During any individual’s lifetime, the envi- variation, and change. Linguistic anthropology
anthropology ronment works along with heredity to determine studies language in its social and cultural context,
The study of language biological features. For example, people with a across space and over time. Some linguistic anthro-
and linguistic diversity genetic tendency to be tall will be shorter if they are pologists also make inferences about universal fea-
in time, space, and
poorly nourished during childhood. Thus, biological tures of language, linked perhaps to uniformities in
society.
anthropology also investigates the influence of envi- the human brain. Others reconstruct ancient lan-
ronment on the body as it grows and matures. guages by comparing their contemporary descen-
Among the environmental factors that influence the dants and in so doing make discoveries about
body as it develops are nutrition, altitude, tempera- history. Still others study linguistic differences to
ture, and disease, as well as cultural factors, such as discover varied perceptions and patterns of thought
the standards of attractiveness that were discussed in different cultures.
previously. Historical linguistics considers variation over
Biological anthropology (along with zoology) time, such as the changes in sounds, grammar, and
also includes primatology. The primates include our vocabulary between Middle English (spoken from
Cultural Anthropology
ANTHROPOLOGY AND and Sociology
OTHER ACADEMIC FIELDS Cultural anthropology and sociology share an inter-
As mentioned previously, one of the main differences est in social relations, organization, and behavior.
between anthropology and the other fields that study However, important differences between these dis-
people is holism, anthropology’s unique blend of ciplines arose from the kinds of societies each tradi-
biological, social, cultural, linguistic, historical, and tionally studied. Initially sociologists focused on the
contemporary perspectives. Paradoxically, while dis- industrial West; anthropologists, on nonindustrial
tinguishing anthropology, this breadth also is what societies. Different methods of data collection and
links it to many other disciplines. Techniques used to analysis emerged to deal with those different kinds
date fossils and artifacts have come to anthropology of societies. To study large-scale, complex nations,
from physics, chemistry, and geology. Because plant sociologists came to rely on surveys and other
and animal remains often are found with human means of gathering masses of quantifiable data.
bones and artifacts, anthropologists collaborate with Sampling and statistical techniques are fundamental
botanists, zoologists, and paleontologists. in sociology, whereas statistical training has been
Anthropology is a science—a “systematic field less common in anthropology (although this is science
of study or body of knowledge that aims, through changing as anthropologists increasingly work in Field of study that
experiment, observation, and deduction, to produce seeks reliable
modern nations).
reliable explanations of phenomena, with reference explanations, with
Traditional ethnographers studied small and nonlit-
reference to the
to the material and physical world” (Webster’s New erate (without writing) populations and relied on material and physical
World Encyclopedia 1993, p. 937). This book pre- methods appropriate to that context. “Ethnography is world.
sents anthropology as a humanistic science devoted a research process in which the anthropologist closely
to discovering, describing, understanding, appreci- observes, records, and engages in the daily life of
ating, and explaining similarities and differences in another culture—an experience labeled as the field-
time and space among humans and our ancestors. work method—and then writes accounts of this cul-
Clyde Kluckhohn (1944) described anthropology as ture, emphasizing descriptive detail” (Marcus and
“the science of human similarities and differences” Fischer 1986, p. 18). One key method described in this
(p. 9). His statement of the need for such a field still quote is participant observation—taking part in the
stands: “Anthropology provides a scientific basis for events one is observing, describing, and analyzing.
dealing with the crucial dilemma of the world today: In many areas and topics, anthropology and soci-
how can peoples of different appearance, mutually ology are converging. Sociologists now do research
unintelligible languages, and dissimilar ways of life in developing countries and other places that used to
get along peaceably together?” (p. 9). Anthropology be mainly within the anthropological orbit. As
has compiled an impressive body of knowledge, industrialization spreads, many anthropologists now
which this textbook attempts to encapsulate. work in industrial nations, where they study diverse
Besides its links to the natural sciences (e.g., geol- topics, including rural decline, inner-city life, and
ogy, zoology) and social sciences (e.g., sociology, the role of the mass media in creating national cul-
psychology), anthropology also has strong links to tural patterns.
the humanities. The humanities include English,
comparative literature, classics, folklore, philosophy,
and the arts. These fields study languages, texts, phi- Anthropology and Psychology
losophies, arts, music, performances, and other Psychologists, like sociologists, typically do their
forms of creative expression. Ethnomusicology, research in only one—their own—society.
which studies forms of musical expression on a Anthropologists know, however, that statements
APPLIED ANTHROPOLOGY
What sort of man or woman do you envision when THE SCIENTIFIC METHOD
you hear the word “anthropologist”? Although Anthropology, remember, is a science, although a
anthropologists have been portrayed as quirky and very humanistic one. Within sociocultural anthro-
eccentric, bearded and bespectacled, anthropology is pology, ethnology is the comparative science that
not a science of the exotic carried on by quaint schol- attempts to identify and explain cultural differences
ars in ivory towers. Rather, anthropology has a lot to and similarities, test hypotheses, and build theory to
tell the public. Anthropology’s foremost professional enhance our understanding of how social and cul-
organization, the American Anthropological Associ- tural systems work. The data for ethnology come
ation (AAA), has formally acknowledged a public from societies located in various times and places.
service role by recognizing that anthropology has Ethnologists compare, contrast, and make general-
two dimensions: (1) academic anthropology and izations about societies and cultures.
hypothesis Theories
Theories,
The
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that (the dependent variable) is caused by, related to,
association dict future occurrences. Accurate predictions stand or associated with something else, a predictor
An observed
up to tests designed to disprove (falsify) them. Sci- variable. An association is an observed relation-
relationship between
two or more variables.
entific explanations rely on data, which can come ship of covariation between two or more vari-
from experiments, observation, and other systematic ables: When one variable changes, the other one
theory procedures. Scientific causes are material, physical, changes as well. Theories provide explanations for
A set of ideas or natural (e.g., viruses) rather than supernatural associations (Ember and Ember 1997). A theory
formulated to explain (e.g., ghosts). is a set of logically connected ideas formulated to
something. In their 1997 article “Science in Anthropol- explain something. An effective theory offers an
ogy,” Melvin Ember and Carol R. Ember describe explanatory framework that can be applied to mul-
how scientists strive to improve our understanding tiple cases.
One eexplanat
One explanation
explana
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ti for thetthhhe occurrence
occcuurrre
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att cross
cro
cross-
s-
“
“water fr
freee
freezes
eezes
ez att 328F”
ezes 32
3 F”” sta
sstates
t an n asso
aas
association
soc
ooccciation be
bet
between
ettween
et culturally
cu
cult
cultur allly (that
aally (that
(tha
at is, inn most
at m
moost
mos stt ssocieties)) there
t is aan
n asso-
a
two variables:
i bbl the h state off the h water andd the h air i tem- ciation
i i between
b gender
d andd hunting,
h i suchh that
h men
perature. The truth of the statement is confirmed by are much more likely than women to hunt animals.
repeated observations of freezing and the fact that We expect, however, to find exceptions, that is, soci-
water does not solidify at higher temperatures. Such eties in which women hunt.
general relationships are called laws. Explanations One classic cross-cultural study revealed a strong
based on such laws allow us to understand the past (but not 100 percent) association, or correlation,
and predict the future. Yesterday ice formed at 328F, between a sexual custom and a type of diet. A long
and tomorrow it will still form at 328F. postpartum sex taboo (a ban on sexual intercourse
In the social sciences, associations usually are between husband and wife for a year or more after
probable, rather than absolute. The variables of the birth of a child) tended to be found in societies
interest tend to be associated in a predictable way, where the diet was low in protein (Whiting 1964).
Have a research question. Why do some societies have long postpartum taboos?
Construct a hypothesis. Delaying marital sex reduces infant mortality when diets are low in protein.
Posit a mechanism. Babies get more protein when they nurse longer; nursing is not a reliable
method of contraception.
Get data to test your Use a (random) sample of cross-cultural data (data from several societies;
hypothesis. such data sets exist for cross-cultural research).
Devise a way of measuring. Code societies 1 when they have a postpartum taboo of one year or longer, 0
when they do not; code 1 when diet is low in protein, 0 when it is not.
Analyze your data. Notice patterns in the data: Long postpartum taboos generally are found in
societies with low-protein diets, whereas societies with better diets tend to
lack those taboos. Use appropriate statistical methods to evaluate the
strength of these associations.
Draw a conclusion. In most cases, the hypothesis is confirmed.
Derive implications. Such taboos tend to disappear when diets get better or new reproductive
technologies become available.
Contribute to larger theory. Cultural practices can have adaptive value by enhancing the survival of
offspring.
for REVIEW
summary 1. Anthropology is the holistic and comparative study
of humanity. It is the systematic exploration of hu-
adaptation—the process by which organisms cope
with environmental stresses.
man biological and cultural diversity. Examining
the origins of, and changes in, human biology and 2. Cultural forces mold human biology, including our
culture, anthropology provides explanations for body types and images. Societies have particular
similarities and differences. The four subfields of standards of physical attractiveness. They also have
general anthropology are sociocultural, archaeo- specific ideas about what activities—for example,
logical, biological, and linguistic. All consider various sports—are appropriate for males and fe-
variation in time and space. Each also examines males.
anthropological archaeology 8
anthropology 3
ethnology 8
food production 5 key terms
applied anthropology 13 general anthropology 6
association 14 holistic 3
biocultural 6 hypothesis 14
biological anthropology 9 linguistic anthropology 10
cultural anthropology 7 physical anthropology 9
cultural resource management 13 science 11
culture 3 sociolinguistics 11
ethnography 7 theory 14
1. What is culture? How is it distinct from what this chapter describes as a biocultural approach? How do these concepts
help us understand the complex ways that human populations adapt to their environments? critical
2. What themes and interests unify the subdisciplines of anthropology? In your answer, refer to historical reasons
for the unity of anthropology. Are these historical reasons similar in all places where anthropology developed thinking
as a discipline?
3. If, as Franz Boas illustrated early on in American anthropology, cultures are not isolated, how can ethnography
provide an account of a particular community, society, or culture? Note: There is no easy answer to this ques-
tion! Anthropologists continue to deal with it as they define their research questions and projects.
4. The American Anthropological Association has formally acknowledged a public service role by recognizing
that anthropology has two dimensions: (1) academic anthropology and (2) practicing, or applied, anthropology.
What is applied anthropology? Based on your reading of this chapter, identify examples from current events
where an anthropologist could help identify, assess, and solve contemporary social problems.
5. In this chapter, we learn that anthropology is a science, although a very humanistic one. What do you think this
means? What role does hypothesis testing play in structuring anthropological research? What are the differ-
ences between theories, laws, and hypotheses?
Offerings at a temple in Bali, Indonesia. People learn and share beliefs and behavior as members of cultural groups.
chapter outline
WHAT IS CULTURE?
Culture Is Learned
Culture Is Symbolic
Culture Is Shared
understanding
Culture and Nature
OURSELVES Culture Is
All-Encompassing
ow special are you? To what extent are traditions. Middle-class Brazilians teach their Culture Is Integrated
CULTURE’S
EVOLUTIONARY BASIS
appreciate the power of culture because of the throughout their lives. Until they are adolescents, What We Share with
value their culture places on “the individual.” boys kiss all adult relatives. Men typically con- Other Primates
Americans like to regard everyone as unique in tinue to kiss female relatives and friends, as How We Differ from
Other Primates
some way. Yet individualism itself is a distinctive well as their fathers and uncles, throughout their
shared value, a feature of American culture, trans- lives. UNIVERSALITY,
mitted constantly in our daily lives. In the media, Do you kiss your father? Your uncle? Your GENERALITY, AND
count how many stories focus on individuals ver- grandfather? How about your mother, aunt, or PARTICULARITY
sus groups. From the late Mr. (Fred) Rogers of grandmother? The answers to these questions Universals and
Generalities
daytime TV to “real-life” parents, grandparents, may differ between men and women, and for
Particularity: Patterns
and teachers, our enculturative agents insist we male and female relatives. Culture can help us to
of Culture
all are “someone special.” That we are individuals make sense of these differences. In America, a
first and members of groups second is the oppo- cultural homophobia (fear of homosexuality) may CULTURE AND THE
site of this chapter’s lesson about culture. Cer- prevent American men from engaging in displays INDIVIDUAL: AGENCY AND
PRACTICE
tainly we have distinctive features because we of affection with other men; similarly, American
Levels of Culture
are individuals, but we have other distinct attri- girls typically are encouraged to show affection,
Ethnocentrism, Cultural
butes because we belong to cultural groups. while American boys typically aren’t. It’s impor-
Relativism, and Human
For example, as we saw in “Appreciating tant to note that these cultural explanations rely Rights
Diversity” in Chapter 1 (pp. 4–5), a comparison upon example and expectation, and that no cul-
of the United States with Brazil, Italy, or virtually tural trait exists because it is natural or right. MECHANISMS OF
CULTURAL CHANGE
any Latin nation reveals striking contrasts Ethnocentrism is the error of viewing one’s own
between a national culture (American) that dis- culture as superior and applying one’s own cul- GLOBALIZATION
courages physical affection and national cultures tural values in judging people from other Globalization: Its
in which the opposite is true. Brazilians touch, cultures. How easy is it for you to see beyond the Meaning and Its Nature
embrace, and kiss one another much more fre- ethnocentric blinders of your own experience?
quently than North Americans do. Such behavior Do you have an ethnocentric position regarding
reflects years of exposure to particular cultural displays of affection?
21
and habits acquired by man as a member of society” than North Americans do, but they learn to do so
(Tylor 1871/1958, p. 1). The crucial phrase here is anyway as part of their cultural tradition.
“acquired . . . as a member of society.” Tylor’s defi- Anthropologists agree that cultural learning is
nition focuses on attributes that people acquire not uniquely elaborated among humans and that all
through biological inheritance but by growing up in humans have culture. Anthropologists also accept a
a particular society where they are exposed to a spe- doctrine named in the 19th century as “the psychic
enculturation cific cultural tradition. Enculturation is the process unity of man.” This means that although individuals
The process by which by which a child learns his or her culture. differ in their emotional and intellectual tendencies
culture is learned and and capacities, all human populations have equiva-
transmitted across the lent capacities for culture. Regardless of their genes
generations. Culture Is Learned or their physical appearance, people can learn any
The ease with which children absorb any cultural cultural tradition.
tradition rests on the uniquely elaborated human To understand this point, consider that contempo-
capacity to learn. Other animals may learn from rary Americans and Canadians are the genetically
experience; for example, they avoid fire after dis- mixed descendants of people from all over the world.
covering that it hurts. Social animals also learn from Our ancestors were biologically varied, lived in dif-
other members of their group. Wolves, for instance, ferent countries and continents, and participated in
learn hunting strategies from other pack members. hundreds of cultural traditions. However, early colo-
Such social learning is particularly important among nists, later immigrants, and their descendants have
monkeys and apes, our closest biological relatives. all become active participants in American and
But our own cultural learning depends on the Canadian life. All now share a national culture.
symbol uniquely developed human capacity to use symbols,
Something, verbal or signs that have no necessary or natural connection to
nonverbal, that stands the things they signify or for which they stand. Culture Is Symbolic
for something else. On the basis of cultural learning, people create, Symbolic thought is unique and crucial to humans
remember, and deal with ideas. They grasp and and to cultural learning. Anthropologist Leslie
apply specific systems of symbolic meaning. White defined culture as
Anthropologist Clifford Geertz defines culture as
dependent upon symbolling. . . . Culture con-
ideas based on cultural learning and symbols. Cul-
sists of tools, implements, utensils, clothing,
tures have been characterized as sets of “control
ornaments, customs, institutions, beliefs, ritu-
mechanisms—plans, recipes, rules, instructions,
als, games, works of art, language, etc. (White
what computer engineers call programs for the gov-
1959, p. 3)
erning of behavior” (Geertz 1973, p. 44). These pro-
grams are absorbed by people through enculturation For White, culture originated when our ancestors
in particular traditions. People gradually internalize acquired the ability to use symbols, that is, to origi-
a previously established system of meanings and nate and bestow meaning on a thing or an event,
symbols. They use this cultural system to define and, correspondingly, to grasp and appreciate such
their world, express their feelings, and make their meanings (White 1959, p. 3).
judgments. This system helps guide their behavior A symbol is something verbal or nonverbal,
and perceptions throughout their lives. within a particular language or culture, that comes
Every person begins immediately, through a pro- to stand for something else. There is no obvious,
cess of conscious and unconscious learning and natural, or necessary connection between the sym-
interaction with others, to internalize, or incorpo- bol and what it symbolizes. A pet that barks is no
rate, a cultural tradition through the process of more naturally a dog than a chien, Hund, or mbwa,
enculturation. Sometimes culture is taught directly, to use the words for the animal we call “dog” in
as when parents tell their children to say “thank you” French, German, and Swahili. Language is one of
when someone gives them something or does them the distinctive possessions of Homo sapiens. No
a favor. other animal has developed anything approaching
Culture also is transmitted through observation. the complexity of language.
Children pay attention to the things that go on Symbols are usually linguistic. But there are
around them. They modify their behavior not just also nonverbal symbols, such as flags, that stand for
because other people tell them to but as a result of countries, as arches do for a hamburger chain. Holy
their own observations and growing awareness of water is a potent symbol in Roman Catholicism. As
what their culture considers right and wrong. Cul- is true of all symbols, the association between a
ture also is absorbed unconsciously. North Ameri- symbol (water) and what is symbolized (holiness)
cans acquire their culture’s notions about how far is arbitrary and conventional. Water is not intrinsi-
apart people should stand when they talk not by cally holier than milk, blood, or other natural liq-
being told directly to maintain a certain distance but uids. Nor is holy water chemically different from
through a gradual process of observation, experi- ordinary water. Holy water is a symbol within
ence, and conscious and unconscious behavior mod- Roman Catholicism, which is part of an interna-
ification. No one tells Latins to stand closer together tional cultural system. A natural thing has been
arbitrarily associated with a particular meaning for of their children, just as their parents were for
Catholics, who share common beliefs and experi- them. Although a culture constantly changes, cer-
ences that are based on learning and that are trans- tain fundamental beliefs, values, worldviews, and
mitted across the generations. child-rearing practices endure. Consider a simple
For hundreds of thousands of years, humans have American example of enduring shared encultura-
possessed the abilities on which culture rests. These tion. As children, when we didn’t finish a meal, our
abilities are to learn, to think symbolically, to manip- parents may have reminded us of starving children
ulate language, and to use tools and other cultural in some foreign country, just as our grandparents
products in organizing their lives and coping with might have done a generation earlier. The specific
their environments. Every contemporary human locale changes (China, India, Bangladesh, Ethiopia,
population has the ability to use symbols and thus to Somalia, Darfur—what was it in your home?).
create and maintain culture. Our nearest relatives— Still, American culture goes on transmitting the
chimpanzees and gorillas—have rudimentary cultural idea that by eating all our brussels sprouts or broc-
abilities. No other animal, however, has elaborated coli we can justify our own good fortune, com-
cultural abilities—to learn, to communicate, and to pared to a hungry child in an impoverished or
store, process, and use information—to the extent war-ravaged country.
that Homo has. Despite characteristic American notions that peo-
ple should “make up their own minds” and “have a
right to their opinion,” little of what we think is orig-
Culture Is Shared inal or unique. We share our opinions and beliefs
Culture is an attribute not of individuals per se but of with many other people—nowadays not just in per-
individuals as members of groups. Culture is trans- son but also via new media. Think about how often
mitted in society. Don’t we learn our culture by (and with whom) you share information or an opin-
observing, listening, talking, and interacting with ion via texting, Facebook, and Twitter. Illustrating
many other people? Shared beliefs, values, memo- the power of shared cultural background, we are
ries, and expectations link people who grow up in most likely to agree with and feel comfortable with
the same culture. Enculturation unifies people by people who are socially, economically, and cultur-
providing us with common experiences. ally similar to ourselves. This is one reason Americans
Today’s parents were yesterday’s children. If abroad tend to socialize with each other, just as
they grew up in North America, they absorbed cer- French and British colonials did in their overseas
tain values and beliefs transmitted over the genera- empires. Birds of a feather flock together, but for
tions. People become agents in the enculturation people, the familiar plumage is culture.
Chapter 2 Culture 23
Culture and Nature squatting, while others tell them to do it sitting down.
A generation ago, in Paris and other French cities, it
Culture takes the natural biological urges we share
was customary for men to urinate almost publicly,
with other animals and teaches us how to express
and seemingly without embarrassment, in barely
them in particular ways. People have to eat, but cul-
shielded pissoirs located on city streets. Our “bath-
ture teaches us what, when, and how. In many cul-
room” habits, including waste elimination, bathing,
tures people have their main meal at noon, but most
and dental care, are parts of cultural traditions that
North Americans prefer a large dinner. English peo-
have converted natural acts into cultural customs.
ple may eat fish for breakfast, while North Americans
Our culture—and cultural changes—affect the
may prefer hot cakes and cold cereals. Brazilians put
ways in which we perceive nature, human nature,
hot milk into strong coffee, whereas North Americans
and “the natural.” Through science, invention, and
pour cold milk into a weaker brew. Midwesterners
discovery, cultural advances have overcome many
dine at 5 or 6 p.m., Spaniards at 10 p.m.
“natural” limitations. We prevent and cure diseases,
Culture molds “human nature” in many direc-
such as polio and smallpox, that felled our ances-
tions. People have to eliminate wastes from their
tors. We use Viagra to restore and enhance sexual
bodies. But some cultures teach people to defecate
potency. Through cloning, scientists have altered the
way we think about biological identity and the
meaning of life itself. Culture, of course, has not
freed us from natural threats. Hurricanes, floods,
earthquakes, and other natural forces regularly chal-
lenge our wishes to modify the environment through
building, development, and expansion. Can you
think of other ways in which nature strikes back at
people and their products?
Culture Is All-Encompassing
For anthropologists, culture includes much more
than refinement, taste, sophistication, education, and
appreciation of the fine arts. Not only college gradu-
ates but all people are “cultured.” The most interest-
ing and significant cultural forces are those that
affect people every day of their lives, particularly
those that influence children during enculturation.
Culture, as defined anthropologically, encompasses
features that are sometimes regarded as trivial or
unworthy of serious study, such as “popular” culture.
To understand contemporary North American cul-
ture, we must consider social media, cell phones, the
Internet, television, fast-food restaurants, sports, and
games. As a cultural manifestation, a rock star may
be as interesting as a symphony conductor, a comic
book as significant as a book-award winner.
Culture Is Integrated
Cultures are not haphazard collections of customs
and beliefs. Cultures are integrated, patterned sys-
tems. If one part of the system (e.g., the economy)
changes, other parts change as well. For example,
during the 1950s, most American women planned
domestic careers as homemakers and mothers. Most
of today’s college women, by contrast, expect to get
paid jobs when they graduate.
Economic changes have social repercussions.
Cultures are integrated systems, so that when one behavior pattern changes, others also
Attitudes and behavior about marriage, family, and
change. During the 1950s, most American women expected to have careers as wives, children have changed. Late marriage, “living
mothers, and domestic managers. As millions of women entered the workforce, attitudes together,” and divorce have become commonplace.
toward work and family changed. Compare the 1950s mom and kids doing dishes with the Work competes with marriage and family responsi-
contemporary physician entering data on a laptop computer. What do you imagine the bilities and reduces the time available to invest in
physician will do when she gets home? child care.
Chapter 2 Culture 25
animals, living and interacting regularly with other twigs to termite hills, dig holes with their fingers,
members of their species. and insert the twigs. Finally, they pull out the twigs
and dine on termites that were attracted to the sticky
surface. Given what is known about ape tool use and
What We Share with manufacture, it is almost certain that early hominins
shared this ability, although the first evidence for
Other Primates hominin stone toolmaking dates back only 2.6 mil-
There is a substantial gap between primate society lion years. Upright bipedalism would have permit-
(organized life in groups) and fully developed ted the carrying and use of tools and weapons
human culture, which is based on symbolic thought. against predators and competitors.
Nevertheless, studies of nonhuman primates reveal The apes have other abilities essential to culture.
many similarities with humans, such as the ability to Wild chimps and orangs aim and throw objects.
learn from experience and change behavior as a Gorillas build nests, and they throw branches, grass,
result. Apes and monkeys, like humans, learn vines, and other objects. Hominins have elaborated
throughout their lives. In one group of Japanese the capacity to aim and throw, without which we
macaques (land-dwelling monkeys), for example, a never would have developed projectile technology
3-year-old female started washing sweet potatoes and weaponry—or baseball.
before she ate them. First her mother, then her age Like toolmaking, hunting once was cited as a
Primates have five- peers, and finally the entire troop began washing distinctive human activity not shared with the
digited feet and hands, sweet potatoes as well. The ability to benefit from apes. Again, however, primate research shows that
well suited for grasping. experience confers a tremendous adaptive advan- other primates, especially chimpanzees, are habit-
Flexible hands and feet tage, permitting the avoidance of fatal mistakes. ual hunters. For example, in Uganda’s Kibale
that could encircle
Faced with environmental change, humans and National Park chimps form large hunting parties,
other primates don’t have to wait for a genetic or including an average of 26 individuals (almost
branches were
physiological response. They can modify learned always adult and adolescent males). Most hunts
important features in the
behavior and social patterns instead. (78 percent) result in at least one prey item’s being
early primates’ arboreal Although humans do employ tools much more caught—a much higher success rate than that
life. In adapting to than any other animal does, tool use also turns up among lions (26 percent), hyenas (34 percent), or
bipedal (two-footed) among several nonhuman species, including birds, cheetahs (30 percent). Chimps’ favored prey there
locomotion, hominids beavers, sea otters, and especially apes (see is the red colobus monkey (Mitani and Watts 1999;
eliminated most of the Campbell 2011; Mayell 2003). Nor are humans the Mitani et al. 2012).
foot’s grasping ability— only animals that make tools with a specific purpose Archaeological evidence suggests that humans
illustrated here by the in mind. Chimpanzees living in the Tai forest of were hunting by at least 2.6 million years ago, based
chimpanzee. Ivory Coast make and use stostone tools to break open on stone meat-cutting tools found at Olduvai Gorge
hard, golf-ball-sized nuts
har in Tanzania. Given our current understanding of
(Mercader, Panger, and
(M chimp hunting and toolmaking, we can infer that
Boesch 2002). At spe- hominids may have been hunting much earlier than
cific sites, the chimps the first archaeological evidence attests. Because
ggather nuts, place them chimps typically devour the monkeys they kill, leav-
oon stumps or flat rocks, ing few remains, we may never find archaeological
which are used as
w evidence for the first hominin hunt, especially if it
anvils, and pound the
an was done without stone tools.
nuts with heavy stones.
nu
The chimps must select
Th How We Differ from
hammer stones suited to
ham
smashing the nuts and
sma Other Primates
carry them to where the nut Although chimps often share meat from a hunt, apes
trees grow.
gr Nut cracking is a and monkeys (except for nursing infants) tend to
learned skill,
skill with mothers show- feed themselves individually. Cooperation and shar-
ing their young
youn how to do it. ing are much more developed among humans. Until
In 1960, Jane J Goodall (1996) fairly recently (12,000 to 10,000 years ago), all
began observing
observ wild chimps— humans were hunter-gatherers who lived in small
including their tool use and hunting groups called bands. In some world areas, the
behavior—at Gombe
Go Stream National hunter-gatherer way of life persisted into recent
Park in Tanzania, E East Africa. The most times, permitting study by ethnographers. In such
studied form of ape toolmaking involves societies, men and women take resources back to
“termiting,” in which chimps
ch make tools to the camp and share them. Everyone shares the meat
probe termite hills. They cho
choose twigs, which they from a large animal. Nourished and protected by
modify by removing leaves and a peeling off bark to younger band members, elders live past reproduc-
expose the sticky surface beneath.
be They carry the tive age and are respected for their knowledge and
Chapter 2 Culture 27
procedures are imposed on one culture by another confined to a single place, culture, or society. Yet
one that is more powerful. In many countries, use of because of cultural borrowing and exchanges, which
the English language reflects colonial history. More have accelerated with globalization, traits that once
recently, English has spread through diffusion (cul- were limited in their distribution have become more
tural borrowing) to many other countries, as it has widespread. Traits that are useful, that have the
become the world’s foremost language for business, capacity to please large audiences, and that don’t
travel, and the Internet. clash with the cultural values of potential adopters are
more likely to spread than others are. Still, certain cul-
Particularity: Patterns of Culture tural particularities persist. One example is a particu-
lar food dish (e.g., pork barbeque with a mustard-based
A cultural particularity is a trait or feature of culture
sauce available in South Carolina, or the pastie—beef
that is not generalized or widespread; rather, it is
stew baked in pie dough—characteristic of Michigan’s
upper peninsula). Besides diffusion, which, for
example, has spread McDonald’s food outlets, once
confined to San Bernardino, California, across the
globe, there are other reasons cultural particularities
are increasingly rare. Many cultural traits are shared
as cultural universals and as a result of independent
invention. Facing similar problems, people in differ-
ent places have come up with similar solutions.
Again and again, similar cultural causes have
produced similar cultural results.
At the level of the individual cultural trait or
element (e.g., bow and arrow, hot dog, MTV), par-
ticularities may be getting rarer. But at a higher
level, particularity is more obvious. Different cul-
tures emphasize different things. Cultures are inte-
grated and patterned differently and display
tremendous variation and diversity. When cultural
traits are borrowed, they are modified to fit the cul-
ture that adopts them. They are reintegrated—
patterned anew—to fit their new setting. MTV in
Germany or Brazil isn’t at all the same thing as
MTV in the United States. As was stated in the
earlier section “Culture Is Integrated,” patterned
beliefs, customs, and practices lend distinctiveness
to particular cultural traditions.
Consider universal life-cycle events, such as
birth, puberty, marriage, parenthood, and death,
which many cultures observe and celebrate. The
occasions (e.g., marriage, death) may be the same
and universal, but the patterns of ceremonial obser-
vance may be dramatically different. Cultures vary
in just which events merit special celebration.
Americans, for example, regard expensive weddings
as more socially appropriate than lavish funerals.
However, the Betsileo of Madagascar take the oppo-
site view. The marriage ceremony there is a minor
event that brings together just the couple and a few
close relatives. However, a funeral is a measure of
the deceased person’s social position and lifetime
achievement, and it may attract a thousand people.
Why use money on a house, the Betsileo say, when
one can use it on the tomb where one will spend
eternity in the company of dead relatives? How
unlike contemporary Americans’ dreams of home
Cultures use rituals to mark such universal life-cycle events as birth, puberty, marriage, ownership and preference for quick and inexpensive
parenthood, and death. But particular cultures differ as to which events merit special funerals. Cremation, an increasingly common
celebration and in the emotions expressed during their rituals. Compare the wedding party option in the United States (see Sack 2011), would
(top) in Bali, Indonesia, with the funeral (bottom) among the Tanala of eastern Madagascar. horrify the Betsileo, for whom ancestral bones and
How would you describe the emotions suggested by the photos? relics are important ritual objects.
Chapter 2 Culture 29
subculture. Soccer and basketball are
played internationally. Monster-truck ral-
lies are held throughout the United States.
Bocci is a bowling-like sport from Italy
still played in some Italian American
neighborhoods.
Nowadays, many anthropologists are
reluctant to use the term subculture.
They feel that the prefix “sub-” is offensive
because it means “below.” “Subcultures”
may thus be perceived as “less than” or
somehow inferior to a dominant, elite, or
national culture. In this discussion of
levels of culture, I intend no such impli-
cation. My point is simply that nations
may contain many different culturally
defined groups. As mentioned earlier,
culture is contested. Various groups may
strive to promote the correctness and
value of their own practices, values, and
beliefs in comparison with those of other
Illustrating the international level of culture, Roman Catholics in different nations share groups or of the nation as a whole. (This
knowledge, symbols, beliefs, and behavior associated with their religion. Shown here,
chapter’s “Appreciating Diversity” on pp. 32–33
demonstrates how contemporary indigenous groups
Chinese Catholics at an Easter mass in Beijing. In China, worship is allowed only in
have to grapple with multiple levels of culture,
government-controlled churches, but an estimated 12 million Chinese Catholics belong
contestation, and political regulation.)
to unofficial congregations loyal to Rome.
Chapter 2 Culture 31
appreciating DIVERSITY
Culture Clash: Makah Seek Return to Whaling Past
Cultures are diverse but not isolated. Throughout On May 17, 1999, a week into the hunt, the meat, hearing only stories passed down through
human history links between groups have been Makah killed a 30-ton gray whale, striking it with the generations. They learned that the whale was a
provided by cultural practices such as marriage, harpoons and then killing it with a gunshot to the touchstone of Makah culture—the tribe’s logo today
kinship, religion, trade, travel, exploration, and back of the head. pictures an eagle perched on a whale—and that the
conquest. For centuries, indigenous peoples That rainy spring day remains etched in the tribe’s economy was built around the lucrative trade
have been exposed to a world system. Contem- minds of many Makah as a defining moment in with Europeans in whale oil, used for heating and
porary forces and events make even the illusion their efforts to reach back to their cultural and his- lighting, during the 18th and early 19th centuries.
of autonomy hard to maintain. Nowadays, as is torical roots. It was their first kill in seven decades, For a year before the 1999 hunt, the new Makah
described here, members of local cultures and and it was their last since they were stopped by whale hunters prepared for their sacramental pur-
communities must heed not only their own cus- court rulings. They have asked the federal govern- suit, training in canoes on the cold and choppy wa-
toms but also agencies, laws, and lawsuits oper- ment for permission to resume hunting. . . . ters of the Pacific Ocean, praying on the beach in
ating at the national and international levels. The Makah, a tribe of about 1,500 near the the mornings and at the dock in the evenings.
As you read this account and this chapter on mouth of the Strait of Juan de Fuca on the Olympic Animal rights groups were preparing, too.
culture, pay attention to the various kinds of Peninsula, see themselves as whalers and con- When the hunt began, the small reservation and
rights being asserted—animal rights, cultural tinue to identify themselves spiritually with whales. its surrounding waters were teeming with news
rights, economic rights, legal rights, and human “Everybody felt like it was a part of making helicopters and protest groups. On that May after-
rights—and how those rights might clash. Also history,” Micah L. McCarty, a tribal council mem- noon, when the protesters were somewhere off
consider the different levels of culture and of po- ber, said of the 1999 hunt. “It’s inspired a cul- the reservation, the Makah killed their whale. They
litical representation (local, regional, national, tural renaissance, so to speak. It inspired a lot of held a huge celebration on the beach, where
and global) that determine how contemporary people to learn artwork and become more active 15 men were waiting to butcher the animal, its
people such as the Makah live their lives and in building canoes; the younger generation took meat later kippered and stewed.
maintain their traditions. Think, too, about the a more keen interest in singing and dancing.” But the protests and the television cameras
minimal impact on whale populations of the The Makah, a tribe of mostly fishermen that “took a lot of the spirituality out of it,” said Dave
Makah hunt compared with commercial whaling. faces serious poverty and high unemployment, Sones, vice chairman of the tribal council.
Today, cultural connections come increasingly were guaranteed the right to hunt whales in an Mr. McCarty said, “I equate it with interrupting
through the Internet, as indigenous groups, in- 1855 treaty with the United States, the only tribe High Mass.”
cluding the Makah, maintain their own web- with such a treaty provision. Whaling had been the The Makah went whale hunting, largely unno-
sites—forums for discussions of whaling and tribe’s mainstay for thousands of years. ticed, again in 2000, paddling out on a 32-foot
other issues of interest to them. Check out http:// But the tribe decided to stop hunting whales cedar whaling canoe, but they did not catch any-
www.makah.com for the latest on the issues early in the 20th century, when commercial har- thing. Soon after, animal rights groups, including
discussed here. vesting had depleted the species. Whale hunting the Humane Society of the United States, sued to
was later strictly regulated nationally and interna- stop the hunting. In 2002, an appeals court de-
The whaling canoes are stored in a wooden shed, tionally, and the United States listed the Northern clared the hunting illegal, saying the National Oce-
idle for [several] years. They were last used when Pacific gray whale, the one most available to the anic and Atmospheric Administration had not
the Makah Indians were allowed to take their har- Makah, as endangered. adequately studied the impact of Makah hunting
poons and a .50-caliber rifle and set out on their The protections helped the whales rebound, on the survival of the whale species.
first whale hunt since the late 1920s. and they were taken off the endangered list in Despite the strict national and international
There were eight young men in a canoe with a 1994. Several years later, the Makah won permis- regulations on whale hunting, several tribes of
red hummingbird, a symbol of speed, painted on sion to hunt again, along with a $100,000 federal Alaska Natives, subsistence whale hunters for
the tip. There were motorboats ferrying other grant to set up a whaling commission. centuries, are exempt from provisions of the 1972
hunters, news helicopters, and animal rights activ- By the time they were ready, none of the Makah Marine Mammal Protection Act, allowing them to
ists in speedboats and even a submarine. had witnessed a whale hunt or even tasted the hunt the bowhead whale. That species, unlike the
32
32 PART
RT
T 1 Introduc
Introduction
Introd
ducction to Anthropolog
d Ant
Anthropology
throp
hro
ropo
rop
opo
polo
olo
og
gy
gray whale, is listed as endangered, said Brian
Gorman, a spokesman for the oceanic agency.
Despite their treaty rights, the Makah were not
granted an exemption under the 1972 act. The
tribe [has requested] a waiver that would grant
them permanent rights to kill up to 20 gray whales
in any five-year period, which they insist they
already have under their 1855 treaty.
The Makah’s request is “setting a dangerous
precedent,” said Naomi Rose, a marine mammal
scientist for the Humane Society.
The Alaska hunting, Ms. Rose said, “is a true
subsistence hunt,” whereas the Makah . . . are
pursuing “cultural whaling” that is not essential to
their diet. . . .
The Makah “have a treaty right, but we’re ask-
ing them not to exercise it,” she said. But other
environmental groups, including Greenpeace,
which is adamantly opposed to the commercial
harvesting of whales, have remained neutral on
the Makah’s quest.
“No indigenous hunt has ever destroyed
whale populations,” said John Hocevar, an
oceans specialist with Greenpeace. “And look-
ing at the enormous other threats to whales and
putting the Makah whaling in context, it’s pretty
different.”
Mr. Gorman, of the federal fisheries agency,
said: “They have a treaty right that the U.S. gov-
ernment signed. It doesn’t take an international
lawyer to figure out that they do have this treaty.”
C
Chapter
r 2 Culture
Culturre 33
The notion of indigenous property rights has arisen in an attempt to conserve each society’s cultural base, including its medicinal
plants. The hoodia plant, shown on the left in Botswana, is a Kalahari Desert cactus traditionally used by the San people to stave
off hunger. On the right we see HoodiaThin, a commercial appetite suppressant made from imported hoodia and distributed by
Los Angeles–based Prime Life Nutritionals. Hoodia is grown today on a few commercial farms in southern Africa (including the
San-owned farm on the left).
Chapter 2 Culture 35
nation-state (see Lugo 1997). Examples of such
“multiplaced” people include business and intellec-
tual leaders, development workers, and members of
multinational corporations, as well as migratory
domestic, agricultural, and construction workers
(see Lewellen 2010).
Multinational corporations move their operations
to places where labor and materials are cheap. This
globalization of labor creates unemployment “back
home” as industries relocate and outsource abroad.
Multinationals also seek out new markets. They strive
to create new needs among specific target groups,
especially young people, who increasingly construct
their identities around consumption, especially of
brand-name products. Successful multinationals,
including Nike, Apple, Coca-Cola, and Hugo Boss,
invest huge sums in promoting their brands. The goal
is to make a particular brand an integral part of the
way people see themselves. Savvy branders try to “get
them young” (Klein 2000; Smith and Doyle 2002).
Multinational corporations ally themselves with,
and influence, politicians and government officials,
especially those who are most concerned with world
Advertising Coca-Cola, trade. Financial globalization means that nations
a powerful global brand,
have less control over their own economies. Such
institutions as the World Bank, the International
in Xi’an, China. Savvy
Monetary Fund, the European Union, and the
branders try to “get
European Central Bank routinely constrain and dic-
them young.” tate the national economic policies of countries like
Greece and Spain.
As capitalism has spread globally, the gap
food product now travels 1,300 miles and changes between rich and poor has widened both within and
hands a dozen times before it reaches an American between nations. David Landes (1999) calculated
consumer (Lewellen 2010). the difference in per capita income between the
In such a world, Michael Burawoy suggests that world’s richest and poorest nations (Switzerland and
anthropologists should shift “from studying ‘sites’ Mozambique at that time) as 400 to 1, versus around
to studying ‘fields,’ that is, the relations 5 to 1 when the Industrial Revolution began about
between sites” (Burawoy 2000, 250 years ago. The key role of knowledge in today’s
p. xii). People increasingly global economy has accelerated this gap, because
live their lives across bor- knowledge tends to be concentrated in industrial
ders, maintaining social, nations and certain regions within them. Knowledge
financial, cultural, and has commercial value, as new ideas are converted
political connections into the products and services that consumers want
with more than one (Leadbeater 1999).
for REVIEW
summary 1. Culture, which is distinctive to humanity, refers to
customary behavior and beliefs that are passed on
which lead them to think and act in characteristic
ways.
through enculturation. Culture rests on the human
capacity for cultural learning. Culture encompasses 2. Although other animals learn, only humans have
rules for conduct internalized in human beings, cultural learning, dependent on symbols. Humans
acculturation 34
core values 25
hominins 25
human rights 31 key terms
cultural relativism 31 independent invention 34
cultural rights 31 international culture 29
diffusion 34 IPR 31
enculturation 22 national culture 29
ethnocentrism 30 particularity 27
generality 27 subcultures 29
globalization 34 symbol 22
hominid 25 universal 27
1. This chapter includes various authors’ definitions of culture (e.g., those of Tylor, Geertz, and Kottak). How are
these definitions similar? How are they different? How has reading this chapter altered your own understanding critical
of what culture is?
2. Our culture—and cultural changes—affects how we perceive nature, human nature, and “the natural.” This thinking
theme continues to fascinate science fiction writers. Recall a recent science fiction book, movie, or TV program
Chapter 2 Culture 37
that creatively explores the boundaries between nature and culture. How does the story develop the tension
between nature and culture to craft a plot?
3. In American culture today, the term diversity is used in many contexts, usually referring to some positive
attribute of our human experience, something to appreciate, to maintain, and even to increase. In what contexts
have you heard the term used? To what precisely does the term refer?
4. What are some issues about which you find it hard to be culturally relativistic? If you were an anthropologist
with the task of investigating these issues in real life, can you think of a series of steps that you would take to
design a project that would, to the best of your ability, practice methodological cultural relativism? (You may
want to review the use of the scientific method in an anthropological project presented in Chapter 1.)
5. What are the mechanisms of cultural change described in this chapter? Can you come up with additional
examples of each mechanism? Also, recall the relationship between culture and the individual. Can individuals
be agents of cultural change?
What theories
have guided
anthropologists over
the years?
A French anthropologist (left) converses with villagers in the Aru Islands, eastern Indonesia.
chapter outline ETHNOGRAPHY:
ANTHROPOLOGY’S
DISTINCTIVE STRATEGY
ETHNOGRAPHIC
TECHNIQUES
Observation and
Participant Observation
Conversation,
Interviewing, and
understanding OURSELVES
o many, the word “anthropology” may under the label “ethnography,” were developed
T
Interview Schedules
The Genealogical
evoke an image of archaeological digs. to deal with small populations. Even when work-
Method Remember, however, that anthropology ing in modern nations, anthropologists still con-
Key Cultural Consultants has four subfields, only two of which sider ethnography with small groups to be an
Life Histories (archaeology and biological anthropology) require excellent way of learning about how people live
Problem-Oriented much digging—in the ground, at least. To be their lives and make decisions.
Ethnography sure, cultural anthropologists “dig out” informa- For the general public, biological anthropolo-
Longitudinal Research
tion about lifestyles, just as linguistic anthropolo- gists and archaeologists tend to be better known
Team Research
gists do about the features of unwritten languages. than cultural anthropologists because of what
ETHNOGRAPHIC Traditionally, cultural anthropologists have done a they study. One cultural anthropologist was an
PERSPECTIVES
variant on the Star Trek theme of seeking out if extremely important public figure when (and
Emic and Etic
Expansion in Analytic not new, at least different “life” and “civiliza- before and after) I was in college. Margaret
Scale tions,” sometimes boldly going where no scien- Mead, famed for her work on teen sexuality in
Online Ethnography tist has gone before. Samoa and gender roles in New Guinea, may
SURVEY RESEARCH Despite globalization, the cultural diversity well be the most famous anthropologist who
DOING ANTHROPOLOGY under anthropological scrutiny right now may be ever lived. Mead, one of my own professors at
RIGHT AND WRONG: as great as ever before, because the anthropo- Columbia University, appeared regularly on
ETHICAL ISSUES logical universe has expanded to modern NBC’s The Tonight Show. In all her venues,
The Code of Ethics nations. Today’s cultural anthropologists are as including teaching, museum work, TV, anthropo-
Anthropologists and likely to be studying artists in Miami or bankers in logical films, popular books, and magazines,
Terrorism
Beirut as Trobriand sailors in the South Pacific. Mead helped Americans appreciate the rele-
THEORY IN ANTHROPOLOGY
Still, we can’t forget that anthropology did origi- vance of anthropology to understanding their
OVER TIME
nate in non-Western, nonindustrial societies. Its daily lives. Her work is featured here and else-
Unilinear Evolutionism
research techniques, especially those subsumed where in this book.
Historical Particularism
Functionalism
Configurationalism
Neoevolutionism entiation than is found in large, modern,
Cultural Materialism
ETHNOGRAPHY: industrial nations (see Moore 2009). Tradi-
Science and Determinism ANTHROPOLOGY’S tionally, ethnographers have tried to under-
stand the whole of a particular culture (or,
Culture versus the DISTINCTIVE STRATEGY more realistically, as much as they can,
Individual Anthropology emerged as a distinctive field given limitations of time and perception). To
Symbolic and of inquiry as its early scholars focused on pursue this goal, ethnographers adopt a free-
Interpretive Native Americans or traveled to distant lands ranging strategy. The ethnographer moves
Anthropology to study small groups of foragers (hunters from setting to setting, place to place, and
and gatherers) and cultivators. Traditionally, subject to subject to discover the totality and
Structuralism
the process of becoming a cultural anthro- interconnectedness of social life. Ethnogra-
Processual Approaches pologist has required a field experience in phers draw on varied techniques to piece
World-System Theory another society. Early ethnographers studied together a picture of otherwise alien life-
and Political Economy small-scale, relatively isolated societies with styles. Anthropologists usually employ sev-
Culture, History, Power simple technologies and economies. eral (but rarely all) of the techniques
Ethnography thus emerged as a research discussed next (see also Bernard 2011;
ANTHROPOLOGY TODAY strategy in societies with less social differ- Wolcott 2010).
40
ETHNOGRAPHIC and of typical behavior” (Malinowski 1922/1961,
p. 20). These aspects of culture are so fundamental
TECHNIQUES that natives take them for granted. They are too
The characteristic field techniques of the ethnogra- basic even to talk about, but the unaccustomed eye
pher include the following: of the fledgling ethnographer picks them up. There-
after, becoming familiar, they fade to the edge of
1. Direct, firsthand observation of behavior, in- consciousness. I mention my initial impressions of
cluding participant observation. some such imponderabilia of northeastern Brazilian
2. Conversation with varying degrees of formal- culture in this chapter’s “Appreciating Diversity.”
ity, from the daily chitchat that helps maintain Ethnographers strive to establish rapport, a good,
rapport and provides knowledge about what is friendly working relationship based on personal
going on to prolonged interviews, which can contact, with their hosts. One of ethnography’s most
be unstructured or structured. characteristic procedures is participant observation,
which means that we take part in community life as
3. The genealogical method. we study it. As human beings living among others,
4. Detailed work with key consultants, or infor- we cannot be totally impartial and detached observ-
mants, about particular areas of community ers. We take part in many events and processes we
life. are observing and trying to comprehend. By partici-
pating, we may learn why people find such events
5. In-depth interviewing, often leading to the meaningful, as we see how they are organized and
collection of life histories of particular people conducted.
(narrators). In Arembepe, Brazil, I learned about fishing by
6. Problem-oriented research of many sorts. sailing on the Atlantic with local fishers. I gave Jeep
rides to malnourished babies, to pregnant mothers,
7. Longitudinal research—the continuous long- and once to a teenage girl possessed by a spirit. All
term study of an area or a site. those people needed to consult specialists outside
8. Team research—coordinated research by mul- the village. I danced on Arembepe’s festive occa-
tiple ethnographers. sions, drank libations commemorating new births,
and became a godfather to a village girl. Most
anthropologists have similar field experiences. The
Observation and Participant common humanity of the student and the studied,
the ethnographer and the research community,
Observation makes participant observation inevitable.
Ethnographers must pay attention to hundreds of
details of daily life, seasonal events, and unusual Conversation, Interviewing,
happenings. They should record what they see as
they see it. Things never again will seem quite and Interview Schedules
as strange as they do during the first few weeks Participating in local life means that ethnogra-
in the field. Often anthropologists experience phers constantly talk to people and ask questions.
culture shock—a creepy and profound feeling of As their knowledge of the local language and cul-
alienation—on arrival at a new field site. Although ture increases, they understand more. There are
anthropologists study human diversity, the actual several stages in learning a field language. First is
field experience of diversity takes some getting used the naming phase—asking name after name of the
to, as we see in this chapter’s “Appreciating Diver- objects around us. Later we are able to pose more
sity.” The ethnographer eventually grows accus- complex questions and understand the replies. We
tomed to, and accepts as normal, cultural patterns begin to understand simple conversations between
that initially were alien. Staying a bit more than a two villagers. If our language expertise proceeds
year in the field allows the ethnographer to repeat far enough, we eventually become able to compre-
the season of his or her arrival, when certain events hend rapid-fire public discussions and group
and processes may have been missed because of ini- conversations.
tial unfamiliarity and culture shock. One data-gathering technique I have used in both
Many ethnographers record their impressions in Arembepe and Madagascar involves an ethno-
a personal diary, which is kept separate from more graphic survey that includes an interview schedule.
formal field notes. Later, this record of early impres- During my second summer of fieldwork in Arem-
sions will help point out some of the most basic bepe, my fellow field workers and I attempted to com-
aspects of cultural diversity. Such aspects include plete an interview schedule in each of that community’s
distinctive smells, noises people make, how they 160 households. We entered almost every household
cover their mouths when they eat, and how they (fewer than 5 percent refused to participate) to ask a
gaze at others. These patterns, which are so basic as set of questions on a printed form. Our results pro-
to seem almost trivial, are part of what Bronislaw vided us with a census and basic information about
Malinowski called “the imponderabilia of native life the village. We wrote down the name, age, and
Jacuipe Ri
ing reactions. It is a chilly, creepy feeling of
ve 12°30"S
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Pa r Dom João
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nary, trivial (and therefore basic) cues of one’s Sugar Mill
Praia Do Forte
culture of origin. São Francisco
As I planned my departure for Brazil that year, Do Conde Camacari
I could not know just how naked I would feel with- Mataripe
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differed from the survey research done by sociolo- meet almost everyone in the village and helped us
gists and other social scientists working in large, establish rapport. Decades later, Arembepeiros still
industrial nations. That survey research, discussed talk warmly about how we were interested enough
on pp. 47–48, involves sampling (choosing a in them to visit their homes and ask them questions.
small, manageable study group from a larger popu- We stood in sharp contrast to the other outsiders the
lation). We did not select a partial sample from villagers had known, who considered them too poor
interview schedule Arembepe’s total population. Instead, we tried to and backward to be taken seriously.
Form (guide) used to interview in all households (i.e., to have a total sam- Like other survey research, however, our inter-
structure a formal, but ple). We used an interview schedule rather than a view schedule did gather comparable quantifiable
personal, interview. questionnaire. With the interview schedule, the eth- information. It gave us a basis for assessing patterns
annd
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many dimensions of village life. One woman, for discussions, pauses for gossip, and work with key
instance, a midwife, became the key cultural consul- consultants.
tant we sought out later when we wanted detailed
information about local childbirth. Another woman
had done an internship in an Afro-Brazilian cult The Genealogical Method
(candomblé) in the city. She still went there regu- Many of us learn about our ancestry and relatives by genealogical
larly to study, dance, and get possessed. She became tracing our genealogies. Computer programs and method
our candomblé expert. websites allow us to fill in our “family trees.” The Using diagrams and
Thus, our interview schedule provided a structure genealogical method is a well-established ethno- symbols to record kin
that directed but did not confine us as researchers. graphic technique. Extended kinship is a prominent connections.
Problem-Oriented Ethnography
Although anthropologists are interested in the whole
context of human behavior, it is impossible to study
everything. Most ethnographers now enter the field
with a specific problem to investigate, and they collect
data relevant to that problem (see Murchison 2010;
Anthropologists such as Christie Kiefer typically form personal relationships with their cultural Sunstein and Chiseri-Strater 2012). Local people’s
consultants, such as this Guatemalan weaver. answers to questions are not the only data source.
a
Lualab
Manono
L. Rukwa
from regional, national, and international centers.
Sumbawanga
L. Mweru
Mbala
Longitudinal Research Nchelenge Mporokoso Mbeya
ra
h
ula
Kolwezi C
ufi
site and return visits were rare. New systems of
ts.
L L. Bangweulu
Luap
Likasi
Mansa
M
L. Nyasa
transportation allow anthropologists to widen the Lubumbashi Mpika (Malawi)
area of their research and to return repeatedly. Eth- Mwinilunga
ga
wa
ANGOLA Chililabombwe
ang
Solwezi
in
nographic reports now routinely include data from Mufulira Lundazi
ch
Chingola
Lu
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u
two or more field stays. Longitudinal research is w
ebu
m WESTERN M EASTERN
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a
the long-term study of a community, region, society,
Ka
Lung
u
Chipata
MALAWI
Zambezi CENTRAL
Dongwe ZAMBIA
culture, or other unit. Kabwe Petauke Lilongwe
Kafue
One example of such research is the ongoing Kaoma
Mumbwa
15°S LUSAKA 15°S
study of Gwembe District, Zambia (see Figure 3.2). C Mongu
e Lusaka Luangwa MOZAMBIQUE
Kafu
ua
WESTERN Kafue zi
Namwala Mazabuka mbe
o
Za
by Elizabeth Colson and Thayer Scudder, continues Za
m
SOUTHERN Gwembe Tete
L. Kariba
nationalities. Thus, as is often the case with longitu- Sesheke
Harare
Livingstone
dinal research, the Gwembe study also illustrates Ok Caprivi St
a
rip
VICTORIA ZIMBABWE
FALLS
team research—coordinated research by multiple Hwange
va
0 100 200 mi
NAMIBIA
go
n
DOING ANTHROPOLOGY
RIGHT AND WRONG:
ETHICAL ISSUES
The anthropologist Clyde Kluckhohn (1944) saw a
key public service role for anthropology. It could pro-
vide a “scientific basis for dealing with the crucial
dilemma of the world today: how can peoples of dif-
On November 1, 2010, in China’s Shandong Province, census takers gathered personal information ferent appearance, mutually unintelligible languages,
from a family during the Sixth National Population Census. From November 1 to November 10, and dissimilar ways of life get along peaceably
more than six million census takers visited over 400 million households across the country. together?” Many anthropologists never would have
chosen their profession had they doubted that anthro- species, and the environment. The anthropologist’s
pology had the capacity to enhance human welfare. primary obligation is to do no harm to the people
Because we live in a world full of failed states, unrest, being studied. The stated aim of the AAA code is to
war, and terrorism, we must consider the proper role offer guidelines and to promote discussion and edu-
of anthropologists in studying such phenomena. cation, rather than to investigate possible misconduct.
Anthropologists can’t study things simply because Some of the code’s main points may be reviewed.
they happen to be interesting or of value to science— Anthropologists should inform all parties affected
or even because they may benefit the public. Ethical by their research about its nature, goals, proce-
issues must also be a prime consideration. Working dures, potential impacts, and source(s) of funding.
internationally and in the context of cultural diversity, Researchers should establish proper relationships
different ethical codes and value systems will meet, with the countries and communities where they
and often challenge one another (see Whiteford and work. The full AAA Code of Ethics, as revised in
Trotter 2008). 2012, can be found at the following website: http://
Anthropologists must be sensitive to cultural differ- ethics.aaanet.org/category/statement/.
ences and aware of procedures and standards in the
host country (the place where the research takes place). Anthropologists and Terrorism
Researchers must inform officials and colleagues
about the purpose, funding, and likely results, prod- The AAA has deemed it of “paramount importance”
ucts, and impacts of their research. Informed consent that anthropologists study the roots of terrorism and informed consent
should be obtained from anyone who provides infor- violence. How should such studies be conducted? Agreement to take part
mation or who might be affected by the research. What ethical issues might arise? in research—after
Anthropologists should try to (1) include host Consider a Pentagon program, Project Minerva, having been informed
country colleagues in their research planning, initiated late in the (George W.) Bush administra- about its purpose,
(2) establish collaborative relationships with host tion, designed to draw on social science expertise in nature, procedures, and
country institutions, (3) include host country col- dealing with national security threats. Project possible impacts.
leagues in dissemination, including publication, of Minerva sought scholars to translate original docu-
the research results, and (4) ensure that something ments captured in Iraq, study political shifts in
is “given back” to the host country. For example, China, and explain the resurgence of the Taliban in
research equipment stays in the host country, or Afghanistan (Cohen 2008). Project Minerva and
funding is sought for host country colleagues to do related programs raised concerns that governments
research, attend international meetings, or visit for- might use anthropological knowledge in ethically
eign institutions. problematic ways. Government policies and mili-
tary operations have the potential to harm the people
anthropologists study.
The Code of Ethics More recently, anthropologists have been espe-
The Code of Ethics of the American Anthropologi- cially critical of the Pentagon’s Human Terrain Sys-
cal Association (AAA) recognizes that anthropolo- tem (HTS) program. Launched in February 2007,
gists have obligations to their scholarly field, to the HTS has embedded anthropologists and other social
wider society, and to the human species, other scientists in military teams in Iraq and Afghanistan.
On October 31, 2007, the AAA Executive Board specific groups for military action. Such use
issued a statement of disapproval of HTS—outlining of fieldwork-derived information would vio-
how HTS violates the AAA Code of Ethics. (See late the AAA Code of Ethics stipulation to do
http://www.aaanet.org/about/policies/statements/ no harm to people.
human-terrain-system-statement.cfm.) The board
5. The identification of anthropology and an-
noted that HTS places anthropologists, as contrac-
thropologists with the U.S. military may in-
tors with the U.S. military, in war zones, where they
directly (through suspicion of guilt by
are charged with collecting cultural and social data
association) endanger the research, and even
for use by the military. The ethical concerns raised
the personal safety, of other anthropologists
by these activities include the following:
and their consultants throughout the world.
1. It may be impossible for anthropologists in
What do you think about anthropologists’ proper
war zones to identify themselves as anthro-
role in studying terrorism and war?
pologists, as distinct from military personnel.
This constrains their ethical responsibility as
anthropologists to disclose who they are and
what they are doing. THEORY IN ANTHROPOLOGY
2. HTS anthropologists are asked to negotiate re- OVER TIME
lations among several groups, including local Anthropology has various fathers and mothers. The
populations and the military units in which fathers include Lewis Henry Morgan, Sir Edward
they are embedded. Their responsibilities to Burnett Tylor, Franz Boas, and Bronislaw Malinowski.
their units may conflict with their obligations to The mothers include Ruth Benedict and Margaret
the local people they study or consult. This Mead. Some of the fathers might be classified better
may interfere with the obligation, stipulated in as grandfathers, since one, Franz Boas, was the
the AAA Code of Ethics, to do no harm. intellectual father of Mead and Benedict, and since
what is known now as Boasian anthropology arose
3. In an active war zone, it is difficult for local
mainly in opposition to the 19th-century evolution-
people to give informed consent without feeling
ism of Morgan and Tylor.
coerced to provide information. As a result,
My goal in the remainder of this chapter is to sur-
“voluntary informed consent” (as stipulated in
vey the major theoretical perspectives that have char-
the AAA Code of Ethics) is compromised.
acterized anthropology since its emergence in the
4. Information supplied by HTS anthropologists second half of the 19th century (see also Erickson and
to military field commanders could help target Murphy 2013; McGee and Warms 2012; Moore
Unilinear Evolutionism
Let’s begin this survey of anthropology’s history
with Tylor and Morgan, both of whom wrote classic
books during the 19th century. Tylor (1871/1958)
offered a definition of culture and proposed it as a
topic that could be studied scientifically. Morgan’s
The early American anthropologist Lewis Henry Morgan described lacrosse (shown here) as
influential books included Ancient Society (1877/
1963), League of the Ho-dé-no-sau-nee or Iroquois one of the six games played by the tribes of the Iroquois nation, whose League he described
(1851/1966), and Systems of Consanguinity and in a famous book (1851).
Affinity of the Human Family (1870/1997). The first
was a key work in cultural evolution. The second
was an early ethnography. The third was the first
systematic compendium of cross-cultural data on each stage. Also, Morgan erred in assuming that soci-
systems of kinship terminology. eties could follow only one evolutionary path. In fact,
Ancient Society is a key example of 19th-century societies have followed multiple developmental paths.
evolutionism applied to society. Morgan assumed that In his book Primitive Culture (1871/1958), Tylor
human society had evolved through a series of stages, took an evolutionary approach to the anthropology of
which he called savagery, barbarism, and civilization. religion. Like Morgan, Tylor proposed a unilinear
He subdivided savagery and barbarism into three sub- path—from animism to polytheism, then monotheism,
stages each: lower, middle, and upper savagery and and finally science. In Tylor’s view, religion would
lower, middle, and upper barbarism. In Morgan’s retreat when science provided better explanations.
scheme, the earliest humans lived in lower savagery, Both Tylor and Morgan were interested in survivals,
with a subsistence based on fruits and nuts. In middle practices that survive in contemporary society from
savagery people started fishing and gained control earlier evolutionary stages. The belief in ghosts today,
over fire. The invention of the bow and arrow ushered for example, would represent a survival from the stage
in upper savagery. Lower barbarism began when of animism—the belief in spiritual beings. Survivals
humans started making pottery. Middle barbarism in were taken as evidence that a particular society had
the Old World depended on the domestication of passed through earlier evolutionary stages.
plants and animals, and in the Americas on irrigated Morgan is well known also for The League of the
agriculture. Iron smelting and the use of iron tools Iroquois, anthropology’s earliest ethnography. It
ushered in upper barbarism. Civilization, finally, came was based on occasional rather than protracted field-
about with the invention of writing. work. Morgan, although one of anthropology’s
Morgan’s evolutionism is known as unilinear founders, was not himself a professionally trained
evolutionism, because he assumed there was one anthropologist. He was a lawyer in upper New York
line or path through which all societies evolved. Any State who was fond of visiting a nearby Seneca res-
society in upper barbarism, for example, had to ervation and learning about their history and cus- unilinear
include in its history, in order, periods of lower, mid- toms. The Seneca were one of six Iroquois tribes. evolutionism
dle, and upper savagery, and then lower and middle Through his fieldwork, and his friendship with Ely Idea (19th-century) of a
Parker, an educated Iroquois man, Morgan was able single line or path of
barbarism. Furthermore, Morgan believed that the
cultural development.
societies of his time could be placed in the various to describe the social, political, religious, and eco-
stages. Some had not advanced beyond upper sav- nomic principles of Iroquois life, including the
agery. Others had made it to middle barbarism, history of their confederation. He laid out the struc-
while others had attained civilization. tural principles on which Iroquois society was
Morgan’s critics have disputed various elements of based. Morgan also used his skills as a lawyer to
his scheme, including such loaded terms as “savagery” help the Iroquois in their fight with the Ogden Land
and “barbarism,” and the particular criteria he used for Company, which was attempting to seize their lands.
Functionalism
Another challenge to evolutionism (as well as to his-
torical particularism) came from Great Britain. Bronislaw Malinowski (1884–1942), who was born in Poland but spent most of his professional
Functionalism postponed the search for origins life in England, did fieldwork in the Trobriand Islands from 1914 to 1918. Malinowski is generally
(whether through evolution or through diffusion) considered to be the father of ethnography. Does this photo suggest anything about his
and instead focused on the role of culture traits and relationship with Trobriand villagers?
practices in contemporary society. The two main
strands of functionalism are associated respectively
anthropologists to focus on the role that particular functionalism
with Alfred Reginald Radcliffe-Brown and Broni-
practices play in the life of societies today. In a Approach focusing on
slaw Malinowski, a Polish anthropologist who the role (function) of
famous essay Radcliffe-Brown (1962/1965) exam-
taught mainly in Great Britain. sociocultural practices
ined the prominent role of the mother’s brother
in social systems.
Malinowski among the Ba Thonga of Mozambique. An evolu-
Both Malinowski and Radcliffe-Brown focused on tionist priest previously had explained the special
the present rather than on historical reconstruction. role of the mother’s brother in this patrilineal soci-
Malinowski did pioneering fieldwork among living ety as a survival from a time when the descent rule
people. Usually considered the father of ethnogra- had been matrilineal. (In a patrilineal society, people
phy by virtue of his years of fieldwork in the belong to their father’s group, whereas in a matrilin-
Trobriand Islands, Malinowski was a functionalist eal society they belong to their mother’s group. The
in two senses. In the first, rooted in his ethnogra- unilinear evolutionists believed all human societies
phy, he believed that all customs and institutions in had passed through a matrilineal stage before
society were integrated and interrelated, so that if becoming patrilineal.) Because Radcliffe-Brown
one changed, others would change as well. Each, believed that the history of the Ba Thonga could
then, was a function of the others. A corollary of only be conjectural, he explained the special role of
this belief was that an ethnographer could begin the mother’s brother with reference to the institu-
anywhere and eventually get at the rest of the cul- tions of present rather than past Ba Thonga society.
ture. Thus, a study of Trobriand fishing eventually Radcliffe-Brown advocated that social anthropol-
would lead the ethnographer to study the entire ogy be a synchronic rather than a diachronic synchronic
economic system, the role of magic and religion, science, that is, that it study societies as they exist (Studying societies) at
today (synchronic, at one time) rather than across one time.
myth, trade, and kinship. The second strand of
Malinowski’s functionalism is known as needs time (diachronic).
diachronic
functionalism. Malinowski (1944) believed that (Studying societies)
humans had a set of universal biological needs, and Structural Functionalism across time.
that customs developed to fulfill those needs. The The term structural functionalism is associated
function of any practice was the role it played in with Radcliffe-Brown and Edward Evan Evans-
satisfying those universal biological needs, such as Pritchard, another prominent British social anthro-
the need for food, sex, shelter, and so on. pologist. The latter is famous for many books,
including The Nuer (1940), an ethnographic classic
Radcliffe-Brown that laid out very clearly the structural principles that
According to Radcliffe-Brown (1962/1965), although organized Nuer society in what is now South Sudan.
history is important, social anthropology could never According to functionalism and structural functional-
hope to discover the histories of people without ism, customs (social practices) function to preserve
writing. (Social anthropology is what cultural the social structure. In Radcliffe-Brown’s view, the
anthropology is called in Great Britain.) He trusted function of any practice is the role it plays in main-
neither evolutionary nor diffusionist reconstructions. taining the system of which it is a part. That system
Viewing all historical statements about nonliterate has a structure whose parts work (function) to main-
peoples as merely conjectural, Radcliffe-Brown urged tain the whole. Radcliffe-Brown saw social systems
Culture, history, power Ann Stoler, Carnal Knowledge and Imperial Power (2002);
Frederick Cooper and Ann Stoler, Tensions of Empire (1997)
Crisis of representation/ Jean-François Lyotard, The Postmodern Explained (1993);
postmodernism George Marcus and Michael Fischer, Anthropology as
Cultural Critique (1986)
Practice theory Sherry Ortner, “Theory in Anthropology Since the Sixties” (1984);
Pierre Bourdieu, Outline of a Theory of Practice (1977)
World-system theory/ Sidney Mintz, Sweetness and Power (1985);
political economy Eric Wolf, Europe and the People without History (1982)
Feminist anthropology Rayna Reiter, Toward an Anthropology of Women (1975);
(see the chapter “Gender”) Michelle Rosaldo and Louise Lamphere, Women, Culture,
and Society (1974)
Cultural materialism Marvin Harris, Cultural Materialism (1979),
The Rise of Anthropological Theory (1968)
Interpretive anthropology Clifford Geertz, The Interpretation of Cultures (1973)*
Symbolic anthropology Mary Douglas, Purity and Danger (1970b);
Victor Turner, The Forest of Symbols (1967)*
Structuralism Claude Lévi-Strauss, Structural Anthropology (1967)*
Neoevolutionism Leslie White, The Evolution of Culture (1959);
Julian Steward, Theory of Culture Change (1955)
Manchester school and Leach Victor Turner, Schism and Continuity in an African Society (1957);
Edmund Leach, Political Systems of Highland Burma (1954)
Culturology Leslie White, The Science of Culture (1949)*
Configurationalism Alfred Kroeber, Configurations of Cultural Growth (1944);
Margaret Mead, Sex and Temperament in Three Primitive
Societies (1935); Ruth Benedict, Patterns of Culture (1934)
Structural functionalism A. R. Radcliffe-Brown, Structure and Function in Primitive
Society (1962)*; E. E. Evans-Pritchard, The Nuer (1940)
Functionalism Bronislaw Malinowski, A Scientific Theory of Culture (1944)*,
Argonauts of the Western Pacific (1922)
Historical particularism Franz Boas, Race, Language, and Culture (1940)*
Unilinear evolutionism Lewis Henry Morgan, Ancient Society (1877);
Sir Edward Burnett Tylor, Primitive Culture (1871)
*Includes essays written at earlier dates.
for REVIEW
1. Ethnographic methods include observation,
rapport building, participant observation, inter-
approaches give priority to the ethnographer’s own
observations and conclusions. Longitudinal re-
summary
viewing, genealogies, work with key consultants, search is the systematic study of an area or a site
life histories, and longitudinal research. Ethnog- over time. Anthropological research may be done
raphers do not systematically manipulate their by teams and at multiple sites. Outsiders, flows,
subjects or conduct experiments. Rather, they linkages, and people in motion are now included in
work in actual communities and form personal ethnographic analyses. Anthropologists also have
relationships with local people as they study their developed techniques of doing online ethnography
lives. in studying virtual worlds.
2. An interview schedule is a form that an ethnogra- 3. Traditionally, anthropologists worked in small-
pher completes as he or she visits a series of house- scale societies; sociologists, in modern nations.
holds. The schedule organizes and guides each Different techniques were developed to study such
interview, ensuring that comparable information is different kinds of societies. Social scientists work-
collected from everyone. Key cultural consultants ing in complex societies use survey research to
teach about particular areas of local life. Life histo- sample variation. Anthropologists do their field-
ries dramatize the fact that culture bearers are indi- work in communities and study the totality of social
viduals. Such case studies document personal life. Sociologists study samples to make inferences
experiences with culture and culture change. Gene- about a larger population. The diversity of social
alogical information is particularly useful in societ- life in modern nations and cities requires social sur-
ies in which principles of kinship and marriage vey procedures. However, anthropologists add the
organize social and political life. Emic approaches intimacy and direct investigation characteristic of
focus on native perceptions and explanations. Etic ethnography.
1. What do you see as the strengths and weaknesses of ethnography compared with survey research? Which pro-
critical vides more accurate data? Might one be better for finding questions, while the other is better for finding an-
swers? Or does it depend on the context of research?
thinking 2. In what sense is anthropological research comparative? How have anthropologists approached the issue of
comparison? What do they compare (what are their units of analysis)?
3. In your view, is anthropology a science? How have anthropologists historically addressed this question? Should
anthropology be a science?
4. Historically, how have anthropologists studied culture? What are some contemporary trends in the study of
culture, and how have they changed the way anthropologists carry out their research?
5. Do the theories examined in this chapter relate to ones you have studied in other courses? Which courses and
theories? Are those theories more scientific or humanistic, or somewhere in between?
How can
anthropology be
applied to medicine,
education, and
business?
Shown here is Dr. Morgan Gerard, VP and Chief Resident Anthropologist at Idea Couture, a global firm based in
Toronto, Canada. In a project for Kraft Foods, Gerard guided research designed to suggest future consumption
patterns (see http://www.ideacouture.com/leadership-team/morgan-gerard).
chapter outline THE ROLE OF THE APPLIED
ANTHROPOLOGIST
Early Applications
Academic and Applied
Anthropology
Applied Anthropology
Today understanding OURSELVES
DEVELOPMENT an change be bad? The idea that inno- is based on the need to appreciate what actual
C
ANTHROPOLOGY
vation is desirable is almost axiomatic and potential customers do, think, and want.
Equity
and unquestioned in American culture— Smart planners study and listen to people to try
STRATEGIES FOR especially in advertising. “New and to determine locally based demand. In general,
INNOVATION improved” is a slogan we hear all the time—a lot what’s working well (assuming it’s not discrimina-
Overinnovation more often than “old reliable.” Which do you tory or illegal) should be maintained, encour-
Underdifferentiation think is best—change or the status quo? aged, tweaked, and strengthened. If something’s
Indigenous Models That “new” isn’t always “improved” is a pain- wrong, how can it best be fixed? What changes
ful lesson learned by the Coca-Cola Company do the people—and which people—want? How
ANTHROPOLOGY AND (TCCC) in 1985 when it changed the formula of its can conflicting wishes and needs be accommo-
EDUCATION
premier soft drink and introduced “New Coke.” dated? Applied anthropologists help answer
URBAN ANTHROPOLOGY After a national brouhaha, with hordes of cus- these questions, which are crucial in understand-
Urban versus Rural tomers protesting, TCCC brought back old, famil- ing whether change is needed, and how it will
iar, reliable Coke under the name “Coca-Cola work.
MEDICAL ANTHROPOLOGY Classic,” which thrives today. New Coke, now his- Innovation succeeds best when it is culturally
tory, offers a classic case of how not to treat con- appropriate. This axiom of applied anthropology
ANTHROPOLOGY AND
BUSINESS sumers. TCCC tried a top-down change (a change could guide the international spread of programs
initiated at the top of a hierarchy rather than aimed at social and economic change as well as of
PUBLIC AND APPLIED inspired by the people most affected by the businesses. Each time an organization expands to
ANTHROPOLOGY
change). Customers didn’t ask TCCC to change a new nation, it must devise a culturally appropri-
CAREERS AND its product; executives made that decision. ate strategy for fitting into the new setting. In their
ANTHROPOLOGY Business executives, like public policy mak- international expansion, companies as diverse as
ers, run organizations that provide goods and McDonald’s, Starbucks, and Ford have learned
services to people. The field of market research, that more money can be made by fitting in with,
which employs a good number of anthropologists, rather than trying to Americanize, local habits.
Anthropology has two dimensions: academic development agencies, such as the World
and applied. Applied anthropology is the Bank and the United States Agency for Inter-
use of anthropological data, perspectives, national Development (USAID). The findings
theory, and methods to identify, assess, and of garbology, the archaeological study of
solve contemporary problems (see Ervin 2005; waste, are relevant to the Environmental Pro-
Pelto 2013; Wasson, Butler, and Copeland- tection Agency, the paper industry, and pack-
Carson 2012). Applied anthropologists help aging and trade associations. Archaeology
make anthropology relevant and useful to the also is applied in cultural resource manage-
world beyond anthropology (see Beck and ment and historic preservation. Biological
Maida 2013). Medical anthropologists, for anthropologists apply their expertise in pro-
example, have worked as cultural interpreters grams aimed at public health, nutrition, genetic
in public health programs, helping such pro- counseling, aging, substance abuse, and men-
grams fit into local culture. Development tal health. Forensic anthropologists work with
anthropologists work for or with international the police, medical examiners, the courts, and
64
RECAP 4.1 The Four Subfields and Two Dimensions of Anthropology
changes that affect them and that “the people” have applied
information that “the experts” lack. anthropology
Anthropological theory, the body of findings and Using anthropology to
generalizations of the four subfields, also guides solve contemporary
problems.
applied anthropology. Just as theory aids practice,
application fuels theory (see Rylko-Bauer, Singer,
and Van Willigen 2006). As we compare social-
change programs, our understanding of cause and
effect increases. We add new generalizations about
culture change to those discovered in traditional and
ancient cultures.
Supervised by
archaeologists from
India, with funding from
the United Nations,
these workers are
cleaning and restoring
the front facade of
Cambodia’s historic
Angkor Wat temple. To
decide what needs
saving, and to preserve
significant information
about the past even
when sites cannot be
saved, is the work of
cultural resource
management (CRM).
DEVELOPMENT
ANTHROPOLOGY
Development anthropology is the branch of applied
anthropology that focuses on social issues in, and
the cultural dimension of, economic development.
Development anthropologists don’t just carry out
development policies planned by others; they also
plan and guide policy. (For more detailed discus-
sions of issues in development anthropology, see
Crewe and Axelby 2013; Edelman and Haugerud
2005; Mosse 2011; Nolan 2002.)
Still, ethical dilemmas often confront development
anthropologists (Escobar 1991, 1995; Venkatesan and
Yarrow 2012). Foreign aid, including funds for eco-
nomic development, usually doesn’t go where need
and suffering are greatest. Rather, such funds are
spent on political, economic, and strategic priorities A mix of boats harbored in Pucasana, a fishing village in Peru. A boat owner gets a loan to
as international donors, political leaders, and power- buy a motor. To repay it, he increases the share of the catch he takes from his crew. Later,
ful interest groups perceive them. Planners’ interests he uses his rising profits to buy a more expensive boat and takes even more from his crew.
don’t always coincide with the best interests of the Can a more equitable solution be found?
STRATE
STRATEGIES
S
ST
TR
RATTE
TEGIE
E
EGIES
ES
S FO
FOR
OR
O R To maximize
To maximi
maxim miizze
z social
socci
cialiaaall and
annd economic
econ
onnnoomicc benefi
benefi
bene fits,
fi
fitts,
t proj
projects
proje
ojjeec
ects
ect
m
mu
mustu (1) be
ust be culturally
cul
ccult
cu
ulltttu
urallyy compatible,
compat
ccompatiatib
iibl
ble, (2)) respond
ble respon
re ndd to
rres
INN
NOV
NO
NOV
NOVA
OVA
OVATION
ATIO
A
INNOVATIONON
ON loc cally perceived
cally
ca
locally per
perc
errce
rceivedd needs,
neeeds
nee
nneeds
eds
dsss, (3) invo ollvve men aan
involve andndd wommeen
m
men
women
D l
Development anthropologists
h l i should
h ld work k collab-
ll b iin planning
l i andd carrying i out the h changes
h that
h affect
fff
oratively with local people to assess, and help them them, (4) harness traditional organizations, and
realize, their own wishes and needs for change. Too (5) be flexible (see Kottak 1990b, 1991).
many true local needs cry out for a solution to waste Consider a recent example of a development ini-
money funding projects in area A that are inappro- tiative that failed because it ignored local culture.
priate there but needed in area B, or that are unnec- Working in Afghanistan after the fall of the Taliban,
essary anywhere. Development anthropology can ethnographer Noah Coburn (2011) studied Istalif, a
help sort out the needs of the As and Bs and fit village of potters. During his fieldwork there Coburn
projects accordingly. Projects that put people first by discovered that an NGO had spent $20,000 on an
consulting with them and responding to their electric kiln that could have greatly enhanced the
expressed needs must be identified (Cernea 1991). productivity of local potters. The only problem was
that
hhaatt the
hat thhe kiln
k wa was
wass donated
donat
donate teed
ed to a women’s
wom
w
wooom
m
men’s center
cceenter that
that
th
hat what
att they already
alr
allrreeady
e have.
haav
hav
haave.
avee. Motives
Moti
otiv
iiv
ves forfoorr modifying
mo
mod difying
ngg
m could
men cou
ouuuld
ulld
l not
not eenter. Thee misguided
mi
m
mis
misg
isg
sgu
guided donors
d ignored
iig
ign
igno
gnno
nored behavior
beha
hav
aavvior comee fromf om
fr m the traditional
trrad
raditional
aditiona
nal
all culture
ccu e and aan thehe
t fact that
the tth
hat
at IIstal
Istalif’s
l f’s men
lif’s
li meenn did the
th
hee wor
work
w
work—pot-ma
work—pot-making
orkk—pot-m maaking
m sm concerns
sma
small co
cconcern
oncerns
cern
ernns
n of ord ordinary
rddi
d nary
din
dina
dinary
ary
ry
y life. Pea
Peasants’
assants’ va values
alluues
es are
andd firing—that
i h a kiln kkill could ld facilitate.
f iilli
li Women’s
W ’ not suchh abstract
b ones as “learning
“l i a better b way,””
role in pottery came later—in glazing and decorat- “progressing,” “increasing technical know-how,”
ing (see this chapter’s “Appreciating Anthropology” “improving efficiency,” or “adopting modern
for more on Afghanistan). techniques.” Rather, their objectives are down-to-
earth and specific. People want to guarantee the
productivity of their crops, amass resources for a
Overinnovation ceremony, get a child through school, or have
Development projects are most likely to succeed enough cash to pay bills. The goals and values of
when they avoid the fallacy of overinnovation (too subsistence producers differ from those of people overinnovation
much change). People usually are willing to change who work for cash, just as they differ from those of Trying to achieve too
just enough to maintain, or slightly improve on, development planners. much change.
ANTHROPOLOGY
AND EDUCATION
Attention to culture also is fundamental to anthropol- anthropology and
ogy and education, a field whose research extends education
Study of students in
from classrooms into homes, neighborhoods, and
the context of their
communities (see Anderson-Levitt 2012; Levinson
family, peers, and
and Pollock 2011; Spindler and Hammond 2006). In enculturation.
classrooms, anthropologists have observed interac-
tions among teachers, students, parents, and visitors.
Jules Henry’s classic account of the American ele-
mentary school classroom (1955) shows how stu-
dents learn to conform to and compete with their
peers. Anthropologists view children as total cul-
tural creatures whose enculturation and attitudes
toward education belong to a context that includes
family and peers.
Sociolinguists and cultural anthropologists have
worked side by side in education research. In one
classic study of Puerto Rican seventh-graders in the
urban Midwest (Hill-Burnett 1978), anthropologists
uncovered some key misconceptions held by teach-
ers. The teachers mistakenly had assumed that Puerto
Rican parents valued education less than did non-
Hispanics, but in-depth interviews revealed that the
Puerto Rican parents valued it more. The anthropolo-
gists also identified certain practices that were pre-
A teacher displays flashcards to students in a Spanish language
venting Hispanics from being adequately educated.
class. In educational anthropology, fieldwork occurs not only in
For example, the teachers’ union and the board of
schools and classrooms but also in communities. Educational education had agreed to teach “English as a foreign
anthropologists study the backgrounds, behavior, beliefs, and language.” However, they had provided no bilingual
attitudes of teachers, students, parents, and families in their teachers to work with Spanish-speaking students.
cultural context. The school was assigning all students (including
MEDICAL ANTHROPOLOGY Anthropologists have noted the significance of urban youth groups, including gangs, which now
Medical anthropology is the comparative, biocul-
have transnational scope. This 29-year-old man, lodged in the Denver County jail, was one of
tural study of disease, health problems, and health
several jailed gang members who discussed their lives on a 2010 History Channel special.
care systems (see Wiley and Allen 2013). Both aca-
demic and applied, medical anthropology includes Members look to gangs for social support and physical protection. How might this man’s
anthropologists from all four subfields (see Brown tattoos have social significance?
and Barrett 2010; Joralemon 2010; Singer and Baer
2012; Trevathan, Smith, and McKenna 2008). Medi- Hurtado and her colleagues (2005) note very medical
cal anthropology emerged out of applied work done in high rates of early mortality among South America’s anthropology
public health and international development (Foster indigenous populations, whose life expectancy at The comparative,
and Anderson 1978). Current medical anthropology birth is at least 20 years shorter than that of other biocultural study of
disease, health
continues to have clear policy applications, partly South Americans (Hurtado et al. 2005). How can
problems, and health
because it so often deals with pressing human prob- applied anthropologists help improve the health of care systems.
lems that cry out for solutions (Rylko-Bauer et al. 2006). indigenous peoples? Hurtado and colleagues (2005)
Medical anthropologists examine such questions as suggest three steps: (1) Identify their most pressing
which diseases and health conditions affect particular health problems; (2) gather information on possible
populations (and why) and how illness is socially con- solutions; and (3) implement solutions in partner-
structed, diagnosed, managed, and treated in various ship with the agencies that are in charge of public
societies (Lupton 2012; Singer and Erickson 2011). health programs for indigenous populations.
Disease refers to a scientifically identified health In many areas, the world system and colonialism disease
threat caused genetically or by a bacterium, virus, worsened the health of indigenous peoples by spread- A scientifically identified
fungus, parasite, or other pathogen. Illness is a con- ing diseases, warfare, servitude, and other stressors. health threat caused by
dition of poor health perceived or felt by an indi- Traditionally and in ancient times, hunter-gatherers, a known pathogen.
vidual within a particular culture. Various cultures because of their small numbers, mobility, and relative
illness
and ethnic groups recognize different illnesses, isolation from other groups, lacked most of the epi-
A condition of poor
symptoms, and causes and have developed different demic infectious diseases that affect agrarian and health perceived or felt
health care systems and treatment strategies. urban societies (Cohen and Armelagos 1984; Inhorn by an individual.
The incidence and severity of disease vary as and Brown 1990). Epidemic diseases such as cholera,
well (see Baer, Singer, and Susser 2013; Barnes typhoid, and bubonic plague thrive in dense popula-
2005). Group differences are evident in the United tions, and thus among farmers and city dwellers. The
States. Consider, for example, health status indica- spread of malaria has been linked to population growth
tors in relation to U.S. census categories: white, and deforestation associated with food production.
black, Hispanic, American Indian or Alaska Native, Certain diseases, and physical conditions such as
and Asian or Pacific Islander. Black Americans’ obesity, have spread with economic development
rates for six indicators (total mortality, heart disease, and globalization (Inhorn and Wentzell 2012;
lung cancer, breast cancer, stroke, and homicide) Ulijaszek and Lofink 2006). Schistosomiasis, or bil-
range from 2.5 to 10 times greater than those of the harzia (liver flukes), is probably the fastest-spreading
other groups (Keppel, Pearch, and Wagener 2002). and most dangerous parasitic infection now known.
Other ethnic groups have higher rates for suicide It is propagated by snails that live in ponds, lakes,
(white Americans) and motor vehicle accidents and waterways, usually ones created by irrigation
(American Indians and Alaskan Natives). Overall, projects. The applied anthropology approach to
Asians have the longest lifespans (see Dressler, reducing such diseases is to see if local people per-
Oths, and Gravlee, 2005). ceive a connection between the vector (e.g., snails in
A
pandemic is an infectious disease that crosses national ture accomplishment of the George W. Bush administration
boundaries and affects millions. In the case of HIV/AIDS, (2001–2009). In 2003, President Bush launched a five-year pro-
the pandemic has been global. HIV is the virus that gram aimed at fighting HIV/AIDS (and tuberculosis) in 15 high-risk
causes the disease known as AIDS, which has killed about countries. Congress extended the program in 2008, and it has
25 million people since its discovery in 1981. Globally the num- continued under President Obama. American funding for HIV/
ber of people living with HIV has risen from about 8 million in AIDS increased from $2.3 billion in 2003 to $6 billion in 2008, and
1990 to over 33 million today. In many countries, however, the to $6.8 billion in 2011 (Ezekiel 2011). Although the United States
number of new HIV infections and AIDS cases has declined was spending only 12 percent more on fighting HIV in 2011 than in
because millions of people now take antiretroviral drugs. (HIV is 2008, twice as many people were benefiting because of reduced
classified as a retrovirus—a virus whose genes are encoded in drug costs and streamlined program management (Ezekiel 2011).
RNA instead of DNA.) As Bono of U2 fame, a prominent cam- Cultural practices play a clear role in HIV transmission. Sex-
paigner against AIDS, notes, it’s amazing what a difference ual abstinence and condom use slow the spread of HIV. Infec-
“two little pills a day” can make (see Bono 2011). tion rates are lower when men are circumcised (as is customary
Although HIV/AIDS is a global threat, some world areas are among Muslims) and there is little prostitution. It’s estimated
more infected than others are. About 68 percent of all HIV infec- that male circumcision cuts HIV transmission by 60 percent.
tions are in Africa, especially southern Africa. The following indicate Since 2007, a million men worldwide have been circumcised;
the percentages of adults (ages 15–49) living with HIV in the nine three-fourths of those procedures were paid for by the U.S.
contiguous southern Africa countries of Swaziland (26.1 percent), government.
Botswana (23.9), Lesotho (23.2), South Africa (18.1), Namibia (15.3),
Zimbabwe (15.3), Zambia (15.2), Mozambique (12.5), and Malawi
(11.9). These are the highest rates in the world; in no other country
does the figure rise above 10 percent. In these countries, HIV has
spread through prostitution (mainly involving female sex workers
and their clients). The infection rate is especially high among truck-
ers, miners, and young rural men seeking wage work in cities and
labor camps. Returning to their villages, these men infect their
wives and the babies they bear.
Overall in Africa the adult infection rate is 5 percent. This is
significantly higher than the rates of 1 percent in the Caribbean;
0.8 percent in Eastern Europe; 0.5 percent in North, Central,
and South America; and 0.2 percent in Western and Central
Europe, North Africa, and the Middle East. The rate in East Asia
is minuscule—less than 0.1 percent. The HIV infection rates are
below 1 percent in these populous countries: United States,
0.6 percent; Brazil, 0.4 percent; India, 0.3 percent; and China,
0.1 percent (Avert.org 2010).
American foreign aid has been instrumental in slowing the This tapestry by South African artist Jane Makhubele promotes condom use as a
AIDS pandemic. Progress against HIV/AIDS is considered a signa- method of AIDS prevention.
the water) and the disease. If not, such information return home, they infect their wives (see Baer et al.
may be provided by enlisting active local groups, 2013). Cultural factors affect the spread of HIV, which
schools, and the media. is less likely to be transmitted when men are circum-
The highest global rates of HIV infection and cised. (For more on the AIDS pandemic, see this chap-
AIDS-related deaths are in Africa, especially southern ter’s “Focus on Globalization.”)
Africa (Mazzeo, Rödlach, and Brenton 2011). As it The kinds and incidence of disease vary among
kills productive adults, AIDS leaves behind dependent societies, and cultures perceive and treat illness
children and seniors (Baro and Deubel 2006). Sexu- differently (see Lupton 2012). Still, all societies have
ally transmitted diseases (STDs) are spread through what George Foster and Barbara Anderson call
prostitution as young men from rural areas seek wage “disease-theory systems” to identify, classify, and
work in cities, labor camps, and mines. When the men explain illness. Foster and Anderson (1978) identified
Xerox, IBM, and Apple are among the companies Key features of anthropology that are of value to
that employ anthropologists. Closely observing how business include (1) ethnography and observation as
people actually use IT products, anthropologists ways of gathering data, (2) a focus on diversity, and
have worked with engineers to design products that (3) cross-cultural expertise (see this chapter’s
are more user friendly. “Appreciating Diversity”). Businesses have heard
for REVIEW
1. Anthropology has two dimensions: academic and
applied. Applied anthropology uses anthropological
popular arena for urban anthropological research on
migration, ethnicity, poverty, and related topics. Al-
summary
perspectives, theory, methods, and data to identify, though rural and urban are different social systems,
assess, and solve problems. Applied anthropologists there is cultural diffusion from one to the other.
have a range of employers. Examples are govern-
4. Medical anthropology is the cross-cultural, biocul-
ment agencies; development organizations; NGOs;
tural study of health problems and conditions, dis-
tribal, ethnic, and interest groups; businesses; social
ease, illness, disease theories, and health care
service and educational agencies. Applied anthro-
systems. Medical anthropology includes anthro-
pologists come from all four subfields. Ethnogra-
pologists from all four subfields and has theoreti-
phy is one of applied anthropology’s most valuable
cal (academic) and applied dimensions. In a given
research tools.
setting, the characteristic diseases reflect diet,
2. Development anthropology focuses on social issues population density, the economy, and social com-
in, and the cultural dimension of, economic develop- plexity. Native theories of illness may be person-
ment. Development projects typically promote cash alistic, naturalistic, or emotionalistic. In applying
employment and new technology at the expense of anthropology to business, the key features are
subsistence economies. Not all governments seek to (1) ethnography and observation as ways of gath-
increase equality and end poverty. Resistance by ering data, (2) cross-cultural expertise, and (3) a fo-
elites to reform is typical and hard to combat. At the cus on cultural diversity. Public anthropology
same time, local people rarely cooperate with proj- describes efforts to extend anthropological knowl-
ects requiring major and risky changes in their daily edge of social problems and issues to a wider and
lives. Many projects seek to impose inappropriate more influential audience.
property notions and incompatible social units on
5. A broad college education, including anthropology
their intended beneficiaries. The best strategy for
and foreign-area courses, offers excellent back-
change is to base the social design for innovation on
ground for many fields. Anthropology’s compara-
traditional social forms in each target area.
tive outlook and cultural relativism provide an
3. Anthropology and education researchers work in excellent basis for overseas employment. Even for
classrooms, homes, and other settings relevant to edu- work in North America, a focus on culture and cul-
cation. Such studies may lead to policy recommenda- tural diversity is valuable. Anthropology majors at-
tions. Both academic and applied anthropologists tend medical, law, and business schools and succeed
study migration from rural areas to cities and across in many fields, some of which have little explicit
national boundaries. North America has become a connection with anthropology.
1. This chapter uses the association between early anthropology and colonialism to illustrate some of the dangers
critical of early applied anthropology. We also learn how American anthropologists studied Japanese and German
“culture at a distance” in an attempt to predict the behavior of the enemies of the United States during World
thinking War II. Political and military conflicts with other nations and cultures continue today. What role, if any, could
and/or should applied anthropologists play in these conflicts?
2. What roles could applied anthropologists play in the design and implementation of development projects?
Based on past experience and research on this topic, what could an applied anthropologist focus on avoiding
and/or promoting?
3. This chapter describes some of the applications of anthropology in educational settings. Think back to your
grade school or high school classroom. Were there any social issues that might have interested an anthropolo-
gist? Were there any problems that an applied anthropologist might have been able to solve? How so?
4. Our culture—and cultural changes—affects how we perceive nature, human nature, and the “natural.” Give
examples of how medical anthropologists examine the shifting boundaries between culture and nature.
5. Indicate your career plans, if known, and describe how you might apply the knowledge learned through intro-
ductory anthropology in your future vocation. If you have not yet chosen a career, pick one of the following:
economist, engineer, diplomat, architect, or elementary schoolteacher. Why is it important to understand the
culture and social organization of the people who will be affected by your work?
What makes
language different
from other forms of
communication?
How do
anthropologists
and linguists study
language in general
and specific
languages in
particular?
Schoolgirls wearing traditional Punjabi attire laugh as they wait to take part in a national celebration in the northern
Indian city of Amritsar. Republic Day, celebrated annually on January 26, commemorates the transition of India from
British domination to a republic on January 26, 1950.
chapter outline WHAT IS LANGUAGE?
NONHUMAN PRIMATE
COMMUNICATION
Call Systems
Sign Language
The Origin of Language understanding OURSELVES
NONVERBAL an you appreciate anything distinctive are associated with, and tell us a lot about, social
C
COMMUNICATION
or unusual in the way you talk? If you’re variation, such as region, education, ethnic back-
THE STRUCTURE from Canada, Virginia, or Savannah, ground, and gender. Men and women talk differ-
OF LANGUAGE you may say “oot” instead of “out.” A ently. I’m sure you can think of examples based
Speech Sounds southerner may request a “soft drink” rather than on your own experience, although you probably
the New Yorker’s “soda.” How might a “Valley never realized that women tend to peripheralize
LANGUAGE, THOUGHT,
AND CULTURE girl” or “surfer dude” talk? Usually when we pay their vowels (think of “aiiee”), whereas men tend
attention to how we talk, it’s because someone to centralize them (think of “uh”). Men are more
The Sapir-Whorf
Hypothesis comments on our speech. It may be only when likely to speak “ungrammatically” than women
Focal Vocabulary students move from one state or region to are. Men and women also show differences in
Meaning another that they appreciate how much of a their sports and color terminologies. Men typi-
regional accent they have. I moved as a teenager cally know more terms related to sports, make
SOCIOLINGUISTICS from Atlanta to New York City. Previously I hadn’t more distinctions among them (e.g., “runs” ver-
Linguistic Diversity realized I had a southern accent, but teachers in sus “points”), and try to use the terms more pre-
Gender Speech my new high school did. They put me in a speech cisely than women do.
Contrasts class, pointing out linguistic flaws I never knew I Correspondingly, women use more color terms
Language and Status had. One was my “dull s,” particularly in terminal and attempt to use them more specifically than
Position consonant clusters, as in the words “tusks” and men do. To make this point when I lecture, I bring
Stratification “breakfasts.” Apparently I didn’t pronounce all an off-purple shirt to class. Holding it up, I first ask
African American three consonants at the ends of those words. women to say aloud what color the shirt is. The
Vernacular English
Later it occurred to me that these weren’t words women rarely answer with a uniform voice, as they
(AAVE)
I used very often. As far as I know, I’ve never try to distinguish the actual shade (mauve, lilac,
HISTORICAL LINGUISTICS conversed about tusks or proclaimed, “I ate lavender, wisteria, or some other purplish hue). I
Language, Culture, and seven breakfasts last week.” then ask the men, who consistently answer as
History Unlike grammarians, linguists and anthropolo- one, “PURPLE.” Rare is the man who on the spur of
Language Loss gists are interested in what people do say, rather the moment can imagine the difference between
than what they should say. Speech differences fuchsia and magenta or grape and aubergine.
82
2012). A key feature of language is that it is always
changing. Some linguistic anthropologists recon-
struct ancient languages by comparing their contem-
porary descendants and in so doing make discoveries
about history. Others study linguistic differences to
discover the varied worldviews and patterns of
thought in a multitude of cultures. Sociolinguists
examine linguistic diversity in nation-states, ranging
from multilingualism to the varied dialects and
styles used in a single language, to show how speech
reflects social differences (Fasold and Connor-
Linton 2006; Labov 1972a, 2006). Linguistic
anthropologists also explore the role of language in
colonization and in the expansion of the world econ-
omy (Geis 1987; Trudgill 2010). Apes, such as these chimpanzees, use call systems to communicate
in the wild. Their vocal systems consist of a limited number of sounds—
calls—that are produced only when particular environmental stimuli are
COMMUNICATION
The first chimpanzee to learn ASL was Washoe, language
Call Systems a female who died in 2007 at the age of 42. Captured Primary means of
Only humans speak. No other animal has anything in West Africa, Washoe was acquired by R. Allen human communication,
approaching the complexity of language. The natu- Gardner and Beatrice Gardner, scientists at the Uni- spoken and written.
ral communication systems of other primates (mon- versity of Nevada in Reno, in 1966, when she was a
keys and apes) are call systems. These vocal systems year old. Four years later, she moved to Norman, call systems
consist of a limited number of sounds—calls—that Oklahoma, to a converted farm that had become the Communication
are produced only when particular environmental Institute for Primate Studies. Washoe revolutionized systems of nonhuman
stimuli are encountered. Such calls may be varied in the discussion of the language-learning abilities of primates.
intensity and duration, but they are much less flexi- apes (Carey 2007). At first she lived in a trailer and
ble than language because they are automatic and heard no spoken language. The researchers always
can’t be combined. When primates encounter food used ASL to communicate with each other in her
and danger simultaneously, they can make only one presence. The chimp gradually acquired a vocabu-
call. They can’t combine the calls for food and dan- lary of more than 100 signs representing English
ger into a single utterance, indicating that both are words (Gardner, Gardner, and Van Cantfort 1989).
present. At some point in human evolution, how- At the age of 2, Washoe began to combine as many
ever, our ancestors began to combine calls and to as five signs into rudimentary sentences such as
understand the combinations. The number of calls “you, me, go out, hurry.”
also expanded, eventually becoming too great to be The second chimp to learn ASL was Lucy, Wash-
transmitted even partly through the genes. Commu- oe’s junior by one year. Lucy died, or was murdered
nication came to rely almost totally on learning. by poachers, in 1986, after having been introduced
Although wild primates use call systems, the to “the wild” in Africa in 1979 (Carter 1988). From
vocal tract of apes is not suitable for speech. Until her second day of life until her move to Africa, Lucy
the 1960s, attempts to teach spoken language to lived with a family in Norman, Oklahoma. Roger
apes suggested that they lack linguistic abilities. In Fouts, a researcher from the nearby Institute for
the 1950s, a couple raised a chimpanzee, Viki, as a Primate Studies, came two days a week to test and
member of their family and systematically tried to improve Lucy’s knowledge of ASL. During the rest
teach her to speak. However, Viki learned only four of the week, Lucy used ASL to converse with her
words (“mama,” “papa,” “up,” and “cup”). foster parents. After acquiring language, Washoe
and Lucy exhibited several human traits: swearing,
joking, telling lies, and trying to teach language to
Sign Language others (Fouts 1997).
More recent experiments have shown that apes can When irritated, Washoe called her monkey neigh-
learn to use, if not speak, true language. Several apes bors at the institute “dirty monkeys.” Lucy insulted
have learned to converse with people through means her “dirty cat.” On arrival at Lucy’s place, Fouts
other than speech. One such communication system once found a pile of excrement on the floor. When
is American Sign Language, or ASL, which is widely he asked the chimp what it was, she replied, “dirty,
used by hearing-impaired Americans. ASL employs dirty,” her expression for feces. Asked whose “dirty,
a limited number of basic gesture units that are anal- dirty” it was, Lucy named Fouts’s coworker, Sue.
ogous to sounds in spoken language. These units When Fouts refused to believe her about Sue, the
combine to form words and larger units of meaning. chimp blamed the excrement on Fouts himself.
Has the capacity to speak of things and events that Are stimuli-dependent; the food call will be made
are not present (displacement) only in the presence of food; it cannot be faked
Has the capacity to generate new expressions by Consist of a limited number of calls that cannot be
combining other expressions (productivity) combined to produce new calls
Is group specific in that all humans have the capacity Tend to be species specific, with little variation among
for language, but each linguistic community has its communities of the same species for each call
own language, which is culturally transmitted
cultural Cultural transmission of a communication sys- guage to produce entirely new expressions that are
transmission tem through learning is a fundamental attribute of comprehensible to other native speakers. I can, for
Transmission through language. Washoe, Lucy, and other chimps have example, create “baboonlet” to refer to a baboon
learning, basic to tried to teach ASL to other animals. Washoe taught infant. I do this by analogy with English words in
language.
gestures to other institute chimps, including her son which the suffix -let designates the young of a spe-
Sequoia, who died in infancy (Gardner, Gardner, cies. Anyone who speaks English immediately
and Van Cantfort 1989). understands the meaning of my new word. Koko,
Because of their size and strength as adults, goril- Washoe, Lucy, and others have shown that apes also
las are less likely subjects than chimps for such are able to use language productively. Lucy used
experiments. Lean adult male gorillas in the wild gestures she already knew to create “drinkfruit” for
weigh 400 pounds (180 kilograms), and full-grown watermelon. Washoe, seeing a swan for the first time,
females can easily reach 250 pounds (110 kilo- coined “waterbird.” Koko, who knew the gestures
grams). Because of this, psychologist Penny Patter- for “finger” and “bracelet,” formed “finger bracelet”
productivity son’s work with gorillas at Stanford University when she was given a ring.
Creating new seems more daring than the chimp experiments. Pat- Chimps and gorillas have a rudimentary capacity
expressions that are terson raised the now full-grown female gorilla, for language. They may never have invented a mean-
comprehensible to
Koko, in a trailer next to a Stanford museum. Koko’s ingful gesture system in the wild. However, given
other speakers.
vocabulary surpasses that of any chimp. She regu- such a system, they can learn and use it. Of course,
displacement larly employs 400 ASL signs and has used about language use by apes is a product of human inter-
Describing things and 700 at least once. vention and teaching. The experiments mentioned
events that are not Koko and the chimps also show that apes share here do not suggest that apes can invent language
present; basic to still another linguistic ability with humans: produc- (nor are human children ever faced with that task).
language. tivity. Speakers routinely use the rules of their lan- However, young apes have managed to learn the
basics of gestural language. They can employ it pro-
ductively and creatively, although not with the
sophistication of human ASL users.
Apes also have demonstrated linguistic displace-
ment. Absent in call systems, this is a key ingredient
in language. Normally, a call is tied to a particular
environmental stimulus and is uttered only when
that stimulus is present. Displacement means that
humans can talk about things that are not present.
We can discuss the past and future, share our experi-
ences with others, and benefit from theirs.
Patterson has described several examples of
Koko’s capacity for displacement (Patterson 1978,
1999). The gorilla once expressed sorrow about hav-
ing bitten Penny three days earlier. Koko has used
the sign “later” to postpone doing things she doesn’t
want to do. Recap 5.1 summarizes the contrasts
between language, whether sign or spoken, and the
call systems that primates use in the wild.
Certain scholars doubt the linguistic abilities of
Kanzi, a male bonobo, identifies an object he has just heard named through headphone chimps and gorillas (Hess 2008; Sebeok and
speakers. At a young age, Kanzi learned to understand simple human speech and to Umiker-Sebeok 1980; Terrace 1979). These people
communicate by using lexigrams, abstract symbols that represent objects and actions. contend that Koko and the chimps are comparable
A keyboard of lexigrams is pictured in the background. to trained circus animals and don’t really have
Compare the communication style of these women in a café with that of these men in a fishing boat. Do you think the men would use the same communication style
as the women if they were in a café setting?
LANGUAGE, THOUGHT,
High front (spread)
Lower high front (spread)
[i]
[I]
as in beat
as in bit
AND CULTURE
Mid front (spread) [e] as in bait The well-known linguist Noam Chomsky (1955)
Lower mid front (spread) [ ] as in bet has argued that the human brain contains a limited
Low front [æ] as in bat set of rules for organizing language, so that all lan-
e
Central [ ] as in butt
Low back [a] as in pot
guages have a common structural basis. (Chomsky
Lower mid back (rounded) [ ]
c
as in bought calls this set of rules universal grammar.) The fact
Mid back (rounded) [o] as in boat that people can learn foreign languages and that
Ω
Lower high back (rounded) [ ] as in put words and ideas can be translated from one lan-
High back (rounded) [u] as in boot guage into another tends to support Chomsky’s
position that all humans have similar linguistic abil-
ities and thought processes. Another line of support
FIGURE 5.1 Vowel Phonemes in Standard comes from creole languages. Such languages
American English. develop from pidgins, languages that form in situa-
The phonemes are shown according to height of tongue and tions of acculturation, when different societies
tongue position at front, center, or back of mouth. Phonetic
symbols are identified by English words that include them; note come into contact and must devise a system of com-
that most are minimal pairs. munication. Pidgins based on English and native
SOURCE: Adaptation of excerpt and Figure 2-1 from Dwight Bolinger languages developed in the context of trade and
and Donald A. Sears, Aspects of Language, 3rd ed. © 1981 Heinle/ colonialism in China, Papua New Guinea, and West
Arts & Sciences, a part of Cengage Learning, Inc. Reproduced by
permission. www.cengage.com/permissions
Africa (see Gu 2012). Eventually, after generations
of being spoken, pidgins may develop into creole
languages. These are more mature languages, with
the words in Figure 5.1, paying attention to (or ask- developed grammatical rules and native speakers
ing someone else) whether they distinguish each of (i.e., people who learn the language as their pri-
the vowel sounds. Most Americans don’t pronounce mary means of communication during encultura-
them all. tion). Creoles are spoken in several Caribbean
Phonetics is the study of speech sounds in gen- societies. Gullah, which is spoken by African phonetics
eral, what people actually say in various languages. Americans on coastal islands in South Carolina and Study of speech
Phonemics studies only the significant sound con- Georgia, is a creole language. Supporting the idea sounds—what people
trasts (phonemes) of a given language. In English, that creoles are based on universal grammar is the actually say.
like /r/ and /l/ (remember craw and claw), /b/ and /v/ fact that they all share certain features. Syntacti-
phonemics
are also phonemes, occurring in minimal pairs like cally, all creole languages use particles (e.g., will,
Study of significant
bat and vat. In Spanish, however, the contrast was) to form future and past tenses and multiple sound contrasts
between [b] and [v] doesn’t distinguish meaning, negation to deny or negate (e.g., he don’t got none). (phonemes) in a
and they therefore are not phonemes (we enclose Also, all form questions by changing inflection language.
sounds that are not phonemic in brackets). Spanish rather than by changing word order—for example,
speakers normally use the [b] sound to pronounce “You’re going home for the holidays?” (with a ris-
words spelled with either b or v. ing tone at the end) rather than “Are you going
In any language, a given phoneme extends over a home for the holidays?”
phonetic range. In English, the phoneme /p/ ignores
the phonetic contrast between the [ph] in pin and the
[p] in spin. Most English speakers don’t even notice The Sapir-Whorf Hypothesis
that there is a phonetic difference: [ph] is aspirated, Other linguists and anthropologists take a different
so that a puff of air follows the [p]; the [p] in spin is approach to the relation between language and
not. (To see the difference, light a match, hold it in thought. Rather than seeking universal linguistic
front of your mouth, and watch the flame as you structures and processes, they believe that different
pronounce the two words.) The contrast between languages produce different ways of thinking. This
Focal Vocabulary
A lexicon (vocabulary) is a language’s dictionary, its
set of names for things, events, actions, and quali-
ties. Lexicon influences perception. Thus, Eskimos
recognize, and have several distinct words for, types
At the top, Lee Wayne Lomayestewa of the Hopi Cultural of snow that in English are all called snow. Most
Preservation Office points out the site of the ancient Tutuveni English speakers never notice the differences
petroglyphs near Tuba City, Arizona. This site, whose name between these types of snow and might have trouble
means “newspaper rock,” contains some 5,000 petroglyphs of seeing them even if someone pointed them out. Sim-
Hopi clan symbols. The photo on the bottom shows the ilarly, the Nuer of South Sudan have an elaborate
petroglyphs (rock engravings) up close.
vocabulary to describe cattle. Eskimos have several
Sapir-Whorf words for snow and Nuer have dozens for cattle
hypothesis position is sometimes known as the Sapir-Whorf because of their particular histories, economies, and
Theory that different hypothesis after Edward Sapir (1931) and his stu- environments (Robson 2013). When the need arises,
languages produce dent Benjamin Lee Whorf (1956), its prominent English speakers also can elaborate their snow and
different patterns of early advocates. Sapir and Whorf argued that the cattle vocabularies. For example, skiers name vari-
thought.
grammatical categories of different languages lead eties of snow with words that are missing from the
their speakers to think about things in particular
ways. For example, the third-person singular pro-
nouns of English (he, she; him, her; his, hers) distin-
guish gender, whereas those of the Palaung, a small
tribe in Burma, do not (Burling 1970). Gender exists
in English, although a fully developed noun-gender
and adjective-agreement system, as in French and
other Romance languages (la belle fille, le beau fils),
does not. The Sapir-Whorf hypothesis therefore
might suggest that English speakers can’t help pay-
ing more attention to differences between males and
females than do the Palaung and less than do French
or Spanish speakers.
English divides time into past, present, and
future. Hopi, a language of the Pueblo region of
the Native American Southwest, does not. Rather,
Hopi distinguishes between events that exist or
have existed (what we use present and past to dis-
cuss) and those that don’t or don’t yet (our future Spices galore, but what kinds? Merchants at this spice market in
events, along with imaginary and hypothetical Istanbul, Turkey, have a much more elaborate focal vocabulary
events). Whorf argued that this difference causes for what they sell than you or I do.
puck biscuit
SOCIOLINGUISTICS
goal/net pipes
No language is a uniform system in which everyone
talks just like everyone else. Linguistic performance
penalty box sin bin (what people actually say) is the concern of sociolin-
hockey stick twig guists. The field of sociolinguistics investigates rela-
helmet bucket tionships between social and linguistic variation, or
language in its social context. How do different
space between a
speakers use a given language? How do linguistic
goalie’s leg pads five hole
features correlate with social stratification, including
class, ethnic, and gender differences (McConnell- Variation within a language at a given time is his-
Ginet 2010; Tannen 1990, 1993)? How is language toric change in progress. The same forces that,
used to gain, express, reinforce, or resist power (Geis working gradually, have produced large-scale lin-
1987; Mooney 2011; Trudgill 2010)? guistic change over the centuries are still at work
Sociolinguists don’t deny that the people who today. Linguistic change occurs not in a vacuum but
speak a given language share knowledge of its basic in society. When new ways of speaking are associ-
rules. Such common knowledge is the basis of ated with social factors, they are imitated, and they
mutually intelligible communication. However, spread. In this way, a language changes.
sociolinguists focus on features that vary systemati-
cally with social position and situation. To study
variation, sociolinguists must observe, define, and Linguistic Diversity
measure variable use of language in real-world situ- As an illustration of the linguistic variation that is
ations. To show that linguistic features correlate encountered in all nations, consider the contempo-
with social, economic, and political differences, the rary United States. Ethnic diversity is revealed by
social attributes of speakers also must be measured the fact that millions of Americans learn first lan-
and related to speech (Fasold and Connor-Linton guages other than English. Spanish is the most com-
2006; Labov 2006; Trudgill 2010). mon. Most of those people eventually become
bilinguals, adding English as a second language. In “low” variants of the same language, for example, in
many multilingual (including colonized) nations, German and Flemish (spoken in Belgium). People
people use two languages on different occasions: employ the “high” variant at universities and in writ-
one in the home, for example, and the other on the ing, professions, and the mass media. They use the
job or in public. This chapter’s “Appreciating Diver- “low” variant for ordinary conversation with family
sity” focuses on India, a multilingual, formerly col- members and friends.
onized nation. Only about one-tenth of India’s Just as social situations influence our speech, so
population speaks English, the colonial language. In do geographic, cultural, and socioeconomic differ-
“Appreciating Diversity” we see how even those ences. Many dialects coexist in the United States style shifts
English speakers appreciate being able to read, and with Standard (American) English (SE). SE itself is Varying one’s speech
in different social
to find Internet content in, their own regional lan- a dialect that differs, say, from “BBC English,”
contexts.
guages. which is the preferred dialect in Great Britain.
Whether bilingual or not, we all vary our speech According to the principle of linguistic relativity, all diglossia
in different contexts; we engage in style shifts (see dialects are equally effective as systems of commu- Language with “high”
Eckert and Rickford 2001). In certain parts of nication, which is language’s main job. Our ten- (formal) and “low”
Europe, people regularly switch dialects. This phe- dency to think of particular dialects as cruder or (informal, familial)
nomenon, known as diglossia, applies to “high” and more sophisticated than others is a social rather than dialects.
TABLE 5.2 Multiple Negation (“I don’t want none”) According to Gender and Class (in Percentages)
UPPER MIDDLE CLASS LOWER MIDDLE CLASS UPPER WORKING CLASS LOWER WORKING CLASS
SOURCE: Peter Trudgill, Sociolinguistics: An Introduction to Language and Society, 5th ed. (London: Penguin Books, 1974, revised editions
1983, 1995, 2000), p. 70. Copyright © Peter Trudgill, 1974, 1983, 1995, 2000, 2010. Reproduced by permission of Penguin Books Ltd.
NUMBER OF %r
STORE ENCOUNTERS PRONUNCIATION Certain dialects are stigmatized, not because of actual linguistic
Saks Fifth 68 62 deficiencies but because of a symbolic association between a
Avenue certain way of talking and low social status. In this scene from the
movie My Fair Lady, Professor Henry Higgins (Rex Harrison)
Macy’s 125 51
teaches Eliza Doolittle (Audrey Hepburn), formerly a Cockney flower
S. Klein’s 71 20
girl, how to speak “proper English.”
habitually do. Some Michiganders say “ten,” the In another example of such speech, one of my
correct pronunciation in Standard English. How- students lamented, after an exam, that she had not
ever, two other pronunciations also are common. done her “bust on the tust” (i.e., best on the test).
Instead of “ten,” many Michiganders say “tan,” or The truth is, regional patterns affect the way we all
“tun” (as though they were using the word ton, a speak.
unit of weight). Our speech habits help determine how others
My students often astound me with their pronun- evaluate us and thus our access to employment
ciation. One day I met a Michigan-raised graduate and other material resources. Because of this,
student instructor in the hall. She was deliriously “proper language” itself becomes a strategic
happy. When I asked why, she replied, “I’ve just had resource—and a path to wealth, prestige, and
the best suction.” power (Gal 1989; Mooney 2011). Illustrating this,
“What?” I said. many ethnographers have described the impor-
She finally spoke more precisely. “I’ve just had tance of verbal skill and oratory in politics
the best saction.” She considered this a clearer pro- (Beeman 1986; Brenneis 1988; Geis 1987).
nunciation of the word section. Ronald Reagan, known as a “great communicator,”
Stereotypes about regional speech styles show up in mass media, which then reinforce and help spread those stereotypes. Linguistic stereotypes abound in
the movies, Clueless and Bill and Ted’s Excellent Adventure.
dominated American society in the 1980s as a to desired positions in society. In turn, this reflects
two-term president. Another twice-elected presi- its legitimation by formal institutions: educa-
dent, Bill Clinton, despite his southern accent, is tional institutions, state, church, and prestige
known for his verbal skills. Communications media. Even people who don’t use the prestige
flaws may have helped doom the presidencies dialect accept its authority and correctness,
of Gerald Ford, Jimmy Carter, and George its “symbolic domination” (Bourdieu 1982, 1984;
Bush (the elder). How do you evaluate the Labov 2012). Thus, linguistic forms, which
linguistic skills of the current leader of your lack power in themselves, take on the power
country? of the groups they symbolize. The education
The French anthropologist Pierre Bourdieu system, however (defending its own worth),
views linguistic practices as symbolic capital that denies linguistic relativity, misrepresenting pres-
people, if trained properly, can convert into tige speech as being inherently better. The lin-
economic and social capital. The value of a dia- guistic insecurity often felt by lower-class and
lect—its standing in a “linguistic market”— minority speakers is a result of this symbolic
depends on the extent to which it provides access domination.
SE SE CONTRACTION AAVE
you are tired you’re tired you tired
he is tired he’s tired he tired
we are tired we’re tired we tired
they are tired they’re tired they tired
Rappers Taboo, will.i.am, and apl.de.ap perform in February, 2013 in Hollywood, California. How
does contemporary music reflect and express ideas about race, ethnicity, and gender?
Also, phonological rules may lead AAVE speak-
ers to omit -ed as a past-tense marker and -s as a
marker of plurality. However, other speech contexts
demonstrate that AAVE speakers do understand the French and Spanish, for example, are daughter lan-
difference between past and present verbs, and guages of Latin, their common protolanguage.
between singular and plural nouns. Confirming this German, English, Dutch, and the Scandinavian lan-
are irregular verbs (e.g., tell, told) and irregular plu- guages are daughter languages of proto-Germanic.
rals (e.g., child, children), in which AAVE works the Latin and proto-Germanic were both Indo-
same as SE. European (IE) languages (see Figure 5.2). The
SE is not superior to AAVE as a linguistic sys- common protolanguage of Latin, proto-Germanic,
tem, but it does happen to be the prestige dialect— and many other ancient languages is known as
the one used in the mass media, in writing, and in proto-Indo-European (PIE).
most public and professional contexts. SE is the According to one theory, PIE was the language of
dialect that has the most “symbolic capital.” In areas chariot-driving pastoralists who spread out from the
of Germany where there is diglossia, speakers of Eurasian steppes above the Black Sea about 4,000
Plattdeusch (Low German) learn the High German years ago and conquered Europe and Asia (see Wade
dialect to communicate appropriately in the 2012). The main line of evidence for this view is
national context. Similarly, upwardly mobile AAVE- linguistic: PIE had a vocabulary for chariots and
speaking students learn SE. wagons that included words for “wheel,” “axle,”
“harness-pole,” and “to go or convey in a vehicle.”
These PIE words (as reconstructed by historical lin-
guists) have recognizable descendant words in many
HISTORICAL LINGUISTICS IE languages. This suggests that wheeled vehicles
historical linguistics
Study of languages
Sociolinguists study contemporary variation in must have been invented before PIE started diverg- over time.
speech—language change in progress. Historical ing (Wade 2012). The earliest such vehicles date to
linguistics deals with longer-term change. Lan- 3500 b.c.e. subgroups
guage changes over time. It evolves—varies, The main rival theory, first proposed by archae- (Linguistic) closely
spreads, divides into dialects and eventually into ologist Colin Renfrew (1987), is that PIE was spoken related languages.
subgroups (languages within a taxonomy of related and spread by peaceful farmers who lived in Anato-
languages that are most closely related). Historical lia, now Turkey, about 9,000 years ago. Recent stud- daughter languages
Languages sharing a
linguists can reconstruct many features of past lan- ies by the evolutionary biologist Quentin Atkinson
common parent
guages by studying contemporary daughter lan- and his colleagues in New Zealand support the Ana- language, e.g., Latin.
guages. These are languages that descend from the tolian origin of PIE (see Bouckaert et al. 2012).
same parent language and that have been changing Atkinson’s team focused on a set of vocabulary items protolanguage
for hundreds or even thousands of years. We call known to be resistant to linguistic change. These Language ancestral
the original language from which they diverge the include pronouns, parts of the body, and family to several daughter
protolanguage. Romance languages such as relations. For 103 IE languages, the researchers languages.
compared those words with the PIE ancestral word southern Turkey. This is precisely the region origi-
(as reconstructed by historical linguists). Words that nally proposed by Renfrew, because it was the area
clearly descend from the same ancestral word are from which farming spread to Europe. Atkinson also
known as cognates. For example, “mother” (Eng- ran a computer simulation on a grammar-based IE
lish) is cognate with all these words for the same tree—once again finding Anatolia to be the most
relative: “mutter” (German), “mat” (Russian), likely origin point for PIE (Wade 2012). Although
“madar” (Persian), “matka” (Polish) and “mater” many linguists still support the chariot/steppe ori-
(Latin). All are descendants of the PIE word gin theory, several lines of biological and archaeo-
“mehter.” logical evidence now indicate that the Neolithic
For each language, when the word was a cognate economy spread more through the actual migration
the researchers scored it 1; when it was not (having of farmers than through the diffusion of crops and
been replaced by an unrelated word), it was scored ideas. This would seem to offer support to the
0. With each language represented by a string of 1s Renfrew–Atkinson model of PIE origin and disper-
and 0s, the researchers could establish a family tree sal of Neolithic farmers.
showing the relationships among the 103 languages. Historically oriented linguists suspect that a very
Based on those relationships and the geographic remote protolanguage, spoken perhaps 50,000 years
areas where the daughter languages are spoken, the ago in Africa, gave rise to all contemporary
computer determined the likeliest routes of movement languages. Murray Gell-Mann and Merritt Ruhlen
from an origin. The calculation pointed to Anatolia, (2011), who co-direct the Program on the Evolution
of Human Languages at the Sante Fe Institute, have States and Canada spoke many different languages on
reconstructed the syntax (word ordering) of this arrival, but their descendants now speak fluent English.
ancient protolanguage. Their study focused on how Knowledge of linguistic relationships is often
subject (S), object (O), and verb (V) are arranged in valuable to anthropologists interested in history, par-
phrases and sentences in some 2,000 contemporary ticularly events during the past 5,000 years. Cultural
languages. There are six possible word orders: SOV, features may (or may not) correlate with the distribu-
SVO, OSV, OVS, VSO, and VOS. Most common is tion of language families. Groups that speak related
SOV (“I you like,” e.g., Latin), present in more than languages may (or may not) be more culturally simi-
half of all languages. Next comes SVO (“I like you,” lar to each other than they are to groups whose speech
e.g., English). Much rarer are OSV, OVS, VOS, and derives from different linguistic ancestors. Of course,
VSO. Gell-Mann and Ruhlen constructed a family cultural similarities aren’t limited to speakers of
tree of relationships among 2,000 contemporary related languages. Even groups whose members
languages. The directions of change involving the speak unrelated languages have contact through
six word orders were clear. All the languages that trade, intermarriage, and warfare. Ideas and inven-
were SVO, OVS, and OSV derived from SOV tions diffuse widely among human groups. Many
languages—never the other way around. Further-
more, any language with VSO or VOS word order
always came from an SVO language (see Figure 5.3).
The fact that SVO always comes from SOV con- OSV VSO
firms SOV as the original, ancestral word order.
for
o REVIEW
summary 1. Wild primates use call systems to communicate.
Environmental stimuli trigger calls, which cannot
3. Linguistic anthropologists share anthropology’s
general interest in diversity in time and space.
be combined when multiple stimuli are present. Sociolinguistics investigates relationships between
Contrasts between language and call systems in- social and linguistic variation by focusing on the
clude displacement, productivity, and cultural actual use of language. Only when features of
transmission. Over time, our ancestral call systems speech acquire social meaning are they imitated. If
grew too complex for genetic transmission, and they are valued, they will spread. People vary their
hominid communication began to rely on learning. speech, shifting styles, dialects, and languages. As
Humans still use nonverbal communication, such as linguistic systems, all languages and dialects are
facial expressions, gestures, and body stances and equally complex, rule-governed, and effective for
movements. But language is the main system hu- communication. However, speech is used, is evalu-
mans use to communicate. Chimps and gorillas can ated, and changes in the context of political, eco-
understand and manipulate nonverbal symbols nomic, and social forces. Often the linguistic traits
based on language. of a low-status group are negatively evaluated. This
devaluation is not because of linguistic features per
2. No language uses all the sounds the human vocal
se. Rather, it reflects the association of such fea-
tract can make. Phonology—the study of speech
tures with low social status. One dialect, supported
sounds—focuses on sound contrasts (phonemes)
by the dominant institutions of the state, exercises
that distinguish meaning. The grammars and lexi-
symbolic domination over the others.
cons of particular languages can lead their speakers
to perceive and think in certain ways. Studies of 4. Historical linguistics is useful for anthropologists
domains such as kinship, color terminologies, and interested in historic relationships among popula-
pronouns show that speakers of different languages tions. Cultural similarities and differences often
categorize their experiences differently. correlate with linguistic ones. Linguistic clues can
1. What dialects and languages do you speak? Do you tend to use different dialects, languages, or speech styles in
different contexts? Why or why not? critical
2. Culture always plays a role in shaping what we understand as “natural.” What does this mean? Provide three
examples of the relevance of this fact in the context of human language and communication. thinking
3. Consider how changing technologies are altering the ways you communicate with family, friends, and even
strangers. Suppose your best friend decides to study sociolinguistics in graduate school. What ideas about the
relationship between changing technologies, language, and social relations could you suggest to him or her as
worth studying?
4. List some stereotypes about how different people speak. Are those real differences, or just stereotypes? Are the
stereotypes positive or negative? Why do you think those stereotypes exist?
5. What is language loss? Why are some researchers and communities worldwide so concerned by this growing
phenomenon?
Why have
anthropologists
rejected the race
concept?
Racial/ethnic diversity in today’s United States. Might this photo have been taken in your neighborhood? Is baseball
more ethnically diverse than other sports?
chapter outline
ETHNIC GROUPS AND
ETHNICITY
Status Shifting
Minority Groups and
Stratification
W
Races Are Not
first comes to mind? Think of the boss.” “I’m African American.” “I’m your profes- Biologically Distinct
last person you met, or the person sor.” In face-to-face encounters, other people
Explaining Skin Color
sitting nearest you. What labels see who we are—actually, who they perceive us
The AAA RACE Project
pop into your head to describe that person? What to be. They may expect us to think and act in
kinds of identity cues and clues do people use to certain (stereotypical) ways based on their per- RACE AND ETHNICITY
figure out the kinds of people they are dealing ception of our identity (e.g., Latina woman, older
THE SOCIAL
with, and how to act in various social situations? white male golfer). Although we can’t know
CONSTRUCTION OF RACE
Part of human adaptive flexibility is our ability to which aspect of identity they’ll focus on (e.g.,
Hypodescent: Race
shift self-presentation in response to context. ethnicity, gender, age, or political affiliation), in the United States
Italians, for example, maintain separate sets of face to face it’s hard to be anonymous or to be Race in the Census
clothing to be worn inside and outside the home. someone else entirely. That’s what masks, cos-
Not Us: Race in Japan
They invest much more in their outside wardrobe tumes, disguises, and hiding are for. Who’s that
Phenotype and Fluidity:
(thus supporting a vibrant Italian fashion industry)— little man behind the curtain? Race in Brazil
and what it says about their public persona—than Unlike our early ancestors, people today don’t
in indoor garb, which is for family and intimates to just interact face to face. We routinely give our ETHNIC GROUPS,
NATIONS, AND
see. Identities and behavior change with context: “I money and our trust to individuals and institu-
NATIONALITIES
may be a Neandertal at the office, but I’m all Homo tions we’ve never laid eyes on. We phone, write,
Nationalities and
sapiens at home.” Many of the social statuses we and—more than ever—use the Internet, where Imagined Communities
occupy, the “hats” we wear, depend on the situa- we must choose which aspects of ourselves to
tion. A person can be both black and Hispanic, or reveal. The Internet allows myriad forms of ETHNIC TOLERANCE AND
ACCOMMODATION
both a father and a ballplayer. One identity is cybersocial interaction, and people can create
Assimilation
claimed or perceived in certain settings, another new personas by using different “handles,”
in different ones. Among African Americans a including fictitious names and identities. In anon- The Plural Society
“Hispanic” baseball player might be black; among ymous regions of cyberspace, people can manip- Multiculturalism
Hispanics, Hispanic. ulate (“lie about”) their ages, genders, and Changing Demographics
When our claimed or perceived identity physical attributes and create their own cyber-
ROOTS OF ETHNIC
varies depending on the context, this is called fantasies. In psychology, multiple personalities CONFLICT
the situational negotiation of social identity. are abnormal, but for anthropologists, multiple Prejudice and
Depending on the situation, the same woman identities are more and more the norm. Discrimination
Chips in the Mosaic
Aftermaths of
Oppression
103
TABLE 6.1 Racial/Ethnic Identification in the United States, 2012
SOURCE: C. DeNavas-Walt, B. D. Proctor, and J. C. Smith, 2013, Income, Poverty, and Health Insurance Coverage in the United States: U.S.
Census Bureau, Current Population Reports, P60-245. http://www.census.gov/prod/2013pubs/p60-245.pdf
SOURCE: P. Taylor, M. H. Lopez, J. H. Martínez, and G. Velasco, “When Labels Don’t Fit: Hispanics and Their Views of Identity,” Pew Research
Hispanic Center, April 4, 2012. http://www.pewhispanic.org/2012/04/04/when-labels-dont-fit-hispanics-and-their-views-of-identity/
Also shown are cultural alternatives that can make up for biological disadvantages and examples of
natural selection (NS) operating today in relation to skin color.
oils, supplied sufficient vitamin D so as to make a human embryos. NTDs are marked by the incom-
reduction in pigmentation unnecessary. However, plete closure of the neural tube, so the spine and
and again illustrating natural selection at work spinal cord fail to develop completely. One NTD,
today, “when these people don’t eat their aboriginal anencephaly (with the brain an exposed mass),
diets of fish and marine mammals, they suffer tre- results in stillbirth or death soon after delivery. With
mendously high rates of vitamin D–deficiency dis- spina bifida, another NTD, survival rates are higher,
eases such as rickets in children and osteoporosis in but babies have severe disabilities, including paraly-
adults” (Jablonski quoted in Iqbal 2002). Far from sis. NTDs are the second-most-common human
being immutable, skin color can become an evolu- birth defect after cardiac abnormalities. Today,
tionary liability very quickly. women of reproductive age are advised to take folate
According to Jablonski and George Chaplin supplements to prevent serious birth defects such as
(2000; see also Jablonski 2006, 2012), another key spina bifida.
factor explaining the geographic distribution of skin Dark skin color, as we have seen, is adaptive in
color involves the effects of UV on folate, an essen- the tropics because it protects against such UV haz-
tial nutrient that the human body manufactures from ards as sunburn and its consequences. UV radiation
folic acid. Folate is needed for cell division and to also destroys folate in the human body. Preventing
produce new DNA. Pregnant women require large this destruction, melanin has the additional adaptive
amounts of folate to support rapid cell division in advantage of conserving folate and thus protecting
the embryo, and there is a direct connection between against NTDs, which are much more common in
folate and individual reproductive success. Folate light-skinned than in darker-skinned populations
deficiency causes neural tube defects (NTDs) in (Jablonski and Chaplin 2000). Africans and African
racism group is called racism (Gotkowitz 2011; Kuper between them. Consider a New York Times article
Discrimination against 2006; Scupin 2012). published on May 29, 1992. Discussing the chang-
an ethnic group This chapter’s “Appreciating Anthropology” is a ing ethnic composition of the United States, the
assumed to have a statement on race issued by the American Anthropo- article explained (correctly) that Hispanics “can be
biological basis.
logical Association (AAA). It discusses how races of any race” (Barringer 1992, p. A12). In other
have been socially constructed, for example under words, “Hispanic” is an ethnic category that cross-
colonialism. The AAA statement also stresses that cuts racial contrasts such as that between “black”
inequalities among “racial” groups are not conse- and “white.” However, another Times article pub-
quences of their biological inheritance but products lished the same day reported that during Los Ange-
of social, economic, educational, and political les riots in spring 1992, “hundreds of Hispanic
circumstances. residents were interrogated about their immigration
In American culture, we hear the words ethnicity status on the basis of their race alone [emphasis
and race frequently, without clear distinctions made added]” (Mydans 1992a, p. A8). Use of “race” here
seems inappropriate, because “Hispanic” usually is Latina Judge’s Voice,” delivered at the University of
perceived as referring to a linguistically based California, Berkeley, School of Law, Sotomayor
(Spanish-speaking) ethnic group, rather than a bio- declared (as part of a much longer speech):
logically based race. Since these Los Angeles resi-
I would hope that a wise Latina woman with
dents were being interrogated because they were
the richness of her experiences would more
Hispanic, the article is actually reporting on ethnic,
often than not reach a better conclusion than
not racial, discrimination.
a white male who hasn’t lived that life.
In a more recent case, consider a speech deliv-
(Sotomayor 2001/2009)
ered by then appeals court judge Sonia Sotomayor,
newly nominated (in May 2009; confirmed in Conservatives, including Newt Gingrich and radio
August 2009) for the U.S. Supreme Court by Presi- talk show host Rush Limbaugh, seized on this decla-
dent Barack Obama. In a 2001 lecture titled “A ration as evidence that Sotomayor was a “racist” or
a “reverse racist.” Again, however, “Latina” is an isn’t based on biology or on simple ancestry. Take
ethnic (and gendered-female) rather than a racial the case of the child of a “racially mixed” marriage
category. I suspect that Sotomayor also was using involving one black and one white parent. We know
“white male” as an ethnic-gender category, to refer that 50 percent of the child’s genes come from one
to nonminority men. These examples illustrate the parent and 50 percent from the other. Still, Ameri-
difficulty in drawing a precise distinction between can culture overlooks heredity and classifies this
race and ethnicity. child as black. This classificatory rule is arbitrary.
On the basis of genotype (genetic composition), it
would be just as logical to classify the child as white.
descent
Social identity based on
THE SOCIAL Operating here is a rule of descent (it assigns social
identity on the basis of ancestry), but of a sort that is
ancestry. CONSTRUCTION OF RACE rare outside the contemporary United States. It is
hypodescent
Races are ethnic groups assumed (by members of a called hypodescent (Harris and Kottak 1963)
Children of mixed particular culture) to have a biological basis, but because it automatically places children of mixed
unions assigned to the actually race is socially constructed. The “races” we unions in the group of their minority parent (hypo
same group as their hear about every day are cultural, or social, rather means “lower”). Hypodescent divides American
minority parent. than biological categories. Many Americans mistak- society into groups that have been unequal in their
enly assume that whites and blacks, for example, are access to wealth, power, and prestige.
biologically distinct and that these terms stand for The hypodescent rule may be arbitrary, but it is
discrete races. But these labels, like racial terms very strong. How else can we explain the common
used in other societies, really designate culturally assertion that Barack Obama is the first black presi-
perceived rather than biologically based groups. dent, rather than the first biracial president, of the
United States? American rules for assigning racial
Hypodescent: Race status can be even more arbitrary. In some states,
anyone known to have any black ancestor, no matter
in the United States how remote, can be classified as a member of the
How is race culturally constructed in the United black race. The following case from Louisiana is an
States? In American culture, one acquires one’s excellent illustration of the arbitrariness of the
racial identity at birth, as an ascribed status, but race hypodescent rule and of the role that governments
Race in the Census 6. What is this person’s race? Mark X one or more boxes.
The U.S. Census Bureau has gathered data White
by race since 1790. Figure 6.2 shows that Black, African Am., or Negro
the 2010 census asked about both race and
American Indian or Alaska Native — Print name of enrolled or principal tribe.
Hispanic origin. What do you think of the
racial categories included?
Racial classification in the census is a
political issue involving access to resources, Asian Indian Japanese Native Hawaiian
including jobs, voting districts, and programs
Chinese Korean Guamanian or Chamorro
aimed at minorities. The hypodescent rule
results in all the population growth being Filipino Vietnamese Samoan
attributed to the minority category. Attempts Other Asian — Print race, for Other Pacific Islander — Print
to add a “multiracial” category to the U.S. example, Hmong, Laotian, Thai, race, for example, Fijian, Tongan,
Census have been opposed by the National Pakistani, Cambodian, and so on. and so on.
Association for the Advancement of Colored
People (NAACP) and the National Council
of La Raza (a Hispanic advocacy group).
Some other race — Print race.
Minorities fear their political clout will
decline if their numbers go down.
But things are changing. Choice of
“some other race” in the U.S. Census tripled
from 1980 (6.8 million) to 2010 (over
19 million)—suggesting imprecision in and FIGURE 6.2 Reproduction of Questions on Race and Hispanic Origin
dissatisfaction with the existing categories. from Census 2010.
In the 2000 census, 2.4 percent of Americans SOURCE: U.S. Census Bureau, Census 2010 questionnaire.
These photos, taken in Brazil by the author, give just a glimpse of the spectrum of phenotypical diversity encountered among contemporary Brazilians.
have mixed in both countries, Brazilian and American strong, public universities have instituted affirma-
cultures have constructed the results differently. The tive action programs aimed at indigenous peoples
historical reasons for this contrast lie mainly in the and especially at blacks. Racial identities firm up in
different characteristics of the settlers of the two the context of international (e.g., pan-African and
countries. The mainly English early settlers of the pan–Native American) mobilization and access to
United States came as women, men, and families, but strategic resources based on race.
Brazil’s Portuguese colonizers were mainly men—
merchants and adventurers. Many of these Portu-
guese men married indigenous women and recognized ETHNIC GROUPS, NATIONS,
their racially mixed children as their heirs. Like their
North American counterparts, Brazilian plantation AND NATIONALITIES
owners had sexual relations with their slaves. But the The term nation once was synonymous with tribe or nation
Brazilian landlords more often freed the children that ethnic group. All three of these terms have been used Society sharing a
resulted. (Sometimes these were their only children.) to refer to a single culture sharing a single language, language, religion,
Freed offspring became plantation overseers and religion, history, territory, ancestry, and kinship. Thus, history, territory,
ancestry, and kinship.
foremen and filled many intermediate positions in the one could speak interchangeably of the Seneca (Native
emerging Brazilian economy. They were not classed American) nation, tribe, or ethnic group. Now nation
state
with the slaves but were allowed to join a new inter- has come to mean state—an independent, centrally
Stratified society with
mediate category. No hypodescent rule developed in organized political unit, or a government. Nation and formal, central
Brazil to ensure that whites and blacks remained state have become synonymous. Combined in nation- government.
separate (see Degler 1970; Harris 1964). state they refer to an autonomous political entity, a
In today’s world system, Brazil’s system of country—like the United States, “one nation, indivis- nation-state
racial classification is changing in the context of ible” (see Farner 2004; Gellner 1997). An autonomous political
international identity politics and rights move- Because of migration, conquest, and colonialism, entity; a country.
ments. Just as more and more Brazilians claim most nation-states aren’t ethnically homogeneous.
indigenous identities, an increasing number now A 2003 study by James Fearon found that about
assert their blackness and self-conscious member- 70 percent of all countries have an ethnic group that
ship in the African diaspora. Particularly in such forms an absolute majority of the population; the
northeastern Brazilian states as Bahia, where average population share of such a group is 65 per-
African demographic and cultural influence is cent. The average size of the second-largest group,
ROOTS OF ETHNIC
CONFLICT
Ethnicity, based on perceived cultural similarities
and differences in a society or nation, can be
expressed in peaceful multiculturalism or in dis-
crimination or violent interethnic confrontation.
Culture can be both adaptive and maladaptive. The
perception of cultural differences can have disas-
trous effects on social interaction.
The roots of ethnic differentiation—and there-
fore, potentially, of ethnic conflict—can be political,
economic, religious, linguistic, cultural, or racial
(see Kuper 2006). Why do ethnic differences often
lead to conflict and violence? The causes include
economic and political competition; reaction to dis-
crimination, prejudice, and other expressions of
devalued identity; and resentment about actual or
perceived inequality or political favoritism (see
Donham 2011; Friedman 2003; Ryan 1990).
In the United States, Canada, and Western Europe, multiculturalism is of growing importance, In Iraq, under the dictator Saddam Hussein, there
as is suggested by this contemporary scene from London, England. Can you find evidence was discrimination by one Muslim group (Sunnis)
for both multiculturalism and globalization in this photo? against others (Shiites and Kurds). Sunnis, although
I
nternational migration, a key feature of globalization, has brown arose. Federal policies established in the 1920s had
transformed the demographic composition of the United severely curtailed immigration from areas other than northern
States, Canada, and Western Europe. Drawing on a 2010 Europe. In 1965, Congress loosened restrictions—resulting in
Brookings Institution report titled “State of Metropolitan America: an eventual influx of immigrants from southern Europe, Asia,
On the Front Lines of Demographic Transformation,” Ronald Africa, the Caribbean, and Latin America (see Vigil 2012).
Brownstein (2010) analyzes an intensifying confrontation Non-Hispanic whites comprised the overwhelming majority
between groups he describes as “the gray and the brown.” of Americans through the mid–20th century, including the
Brownstein and demographer William Frey, an author of the post–World War II baby boom (1946–1964). Most baby boomers
Brookings report, focus on two key U.S. demographic trends: grew up and have lived much of their lives in white suburbs,
(1) Ethnic/racial diversity is increasing, especially among the residentially isolated from minorities (Brownstein 2010). As they
young, with minorities now constituting 45 percent of all age and retire, many older white Americans are reconstituting
American children under 18. (2) The country is aging, and such communities in racially homogeneous enclaves in the
about 80% of the senior population is white. Southeast and Southwest.
In such communities, except for their yard and construction
The under-18 share of the U.S. population is projected even-
workers and house cleaners, older white Americans live apart
tually to stabilize at around 23 percent, as the senior share rises
from the minorities who represent a growing share of the na-
steadily from about 12 percent today to 20 percent by 2040.
tional population. Since 1965, expanded immigration and
The U.S. working-age population is projected to shrink from
higher fertility rates among minorities have transformed Ameri-
about 63 percent today to 57 percent in two to three decades.
can society. As recently as 1980, minorities made up only
Frey (in Brookings Institution 2010, pp. 26, 63) sees these
20 percent of the total population (versus 38 percent today),
trends as creating a “cultural generation gap”—a sharp contrast
and 25 percent of children under 18 (versus 45 percent today).
in the attitudes, priorities, and political leanings of younger and
Similar trends are evident in Western Europe and are everyday
older Americans. Whites now constitute 80 percent of older
expressions of globalization.
Americans, but only 56 percent of children—a 24-point spread,
versus just 14 points in 1980.
Politically the two groups—the gray (older) and the
brown (younger)—are poles apart. Older whites op-
pose taxes and public spending, while younger people
and minorities value government support of education,
health, and social welfare. In the 2008 and 2012 elec-
tions, young people, especially minorities, strongly sup-
ported Democrat Barack Obama. Seniors, especially
white ones, voted solidly for Republicans John McCain
and Mitt Romney. These differences persisted post-
election in measures of approval for President Obama’s
job performance—consistently highest among non-
whites and young people.
The gray and the brown are actually more interde-
pendent economically than either usually realizes. If
minority children benefit disproportionately from
public education today, minority workers will pay a
growing share of the payroll taxes needed to sustain
Social Security and Medicare—programs that most
directly benefit older white people.
The history of national immigration policy helps us
understand how the gap between the gray and the
a numeric minority within Iraq’s population, enjoyed (conflicts among sects of the same religion) as
privileged access to power, prestige, and position. Sunnis (and their foreign supporters) fueled an
After the elections of 2005, which many Sunnis insurgency against the new government and its for-
chose to boycott, Shiites gained political control. A eign supporters, including the United States. Shiites
civil war soon developed out of “sectarian violence” retaliated against Sunni attacks and a history of
Discrimination refers to
policies and practices
that harm a group and
its members. This
protest sign, hoisted in
New Orleans’s Lower
Ninth Ward, shows
that at least some
community residents
see ethnic and racial
bias in the fact that
African Americans in
that city bore the brunt
of Hurricane Katrina’s
devastation.
accompanied the division of the Indian subcontinent culture or ideology over others. One example is the
into India and Pakistan. Problems between Arabs domination over the former Soviet empire by Russian
and Jews in Palestine began during the British man- people, language, and culture and by communist
date period (see Kamrava 2011). ideology. The dominant culture makes itself the offi-
Multiculturalism may be growing in the United cial culture. This is reflected in schools, the media,
States and Canada, but the opposite is happening in and public interaction. Under Soviet rule ethnic
the former Soviet Union, where ethnic groups minorities had very limited self-rule in republics
(nationalities) want their own nation-states. The and regions controlled by Moscow. All the republics
cultural colonialism flowering of ethnic feeling and conflict as the Soviet and their peoples were to be united by the oneness
Internal domination by empire disintegrated illustrates that years of political of “socialist internationalism.” One common tech-
one group and its repression and ideology provide insufficient com- nique in cultural colonialism is to flood ethnic areas
culture or ideology mon ground for lasting unity. Cultural colonialism with members of the dominant ethnic group. Thus,
over others. refers to internal domination by one group and its in the former Soviet Union, ethnic Russian colonists
POSITIVE
Assimilation Ethnic groups absorbed within Brazil; United States in early, mid-20th century
dominant culture
Plural society Society or region contains economically Areas of Middle East with farmers/herders;
interdependent ethnic groups Swat, Pakistan
Multiculturalism Cultural diversity valued; ethnic Canada; United States in 21st century
cultures coexist with dominant culture
NEGATIVE
Prejudice Devaluing a group based on assumed attributes Worldwide
Discrimination de jure Legal policies and practices harm ethnic group South African apartheid; former
segregation in southern U.S.
Discrimination de facto Not legally sanctioned, but practiced Worldwide
Genocide Deliberate elimination of ethnic group through Nazi Germany; Bosnia; Rwanda;
mass murder Cambodia; Darfur
Ethnocide Cultural practices attacked by dominant Spanish Basques under Franco
culture or colonial power
Ethnic expulsion Forcing ethnic group(s) out of a country Ugandan Asians; Serbia; Bosnia; Kosovo
or region
for REVIEW
1. An ethnic group is composed of members of a
particular culture in a nation or region that con-
on phenotype nor on genes. Children of mixed
unions, no matter what their appearance, are classi-
summary
tains others. Ethnicity is based on actual, per- fied with the minority group parent.
ceived, or assumed cultural similarities (among
5. Racial attitudes in Japan illustrate intrinsic racism—
members of the same ethnic group) and differ-
the belief that a perceived racial difference is a suffi-
ences (between that group and others). Ethnic
cient reason to value one person less than another.
distinctions can be based on language, religion,
The valued group is majority (pure) Japanese, who
history, geography, kinship, or race. A race is an
are believed to share the same blood. Majority Japa-
ethnic group assumed to have a biological basis.
nese define themselves in opposition to others,
Usually, race and ethnicity are ascribed statuses;
including minority groups in Japan and outsiders—
people are born members of a group and remain
anyone who is “not us.”
so all their lives.
6. Such exclusionary racial systems are not inevitable.
2. Because of a range of problems involved in classi- Although Brazil shares a history of slavery with the
fying humans into racial categories, contemporary United States, it lacks the hypodescent rule. Brazil-
biologists focus on specific differences and try to ian racial identity is more of an achieved status. It
explain them. Because of extensive gene flow and can change during someone’s lifetime, reflecting
interbreeding, Homo sapiens has not evolved sub- phenotypical changes.
species or distinct races.
7. The term nation once was synonymous with ethnic
3. Biological similarities between groups may reflect— group. Now nation has come to mean a state—a
rather than common ancestry—similar but indepen- centrally organized political unit. Because of mi-
dent adaptations to similar natural selective forces, gration, conquest, and colonialism, most nation-
such as degrees of ultraviolet radiation from the sun states are not ethnically homogeneous. Ethnic
in the case of skin color. groups that seek autonomous political status (their
own country) are nationalities. Political upheavals,
4. Human races are cultural rather than biological cate-
wars, and migrations have divided many imagined
gories. Such races derive from contrasts perceived in
national communities.
particular societies, rather than from scientific clas-
sifications based on common genes. In the United 8. Assimilation is the process of change an ethnic
States, racial labels such as “white” and “black” des- group may experience when it moves to a country
ignate socially constructed races—categories defined where another culture dominates. By assimilating,
by American culture. American racial classification, the minority adopts the patterns and norms of its
governed by the rule of hypodescent, is based neither host culture. Assimilation isn’t inevitable, and there
1. What’s the difference between a culture and an ethnic group? In what culture(s) do you participate? To what
critical ethnic group(s) do you belong? What is the basis of your primary cultural identity? Do others readily recognize
this basis and identity? Why or why not?
thinking 2. Describe three problems with human racial classification.
3. What explains skin color in humans? Are the processes that determined skin color in humans still continuing
today? If so, what are some examples of this?
4. Choose five people in your classroom who illustrate a range of phenotypical diversity. Which of their features
vary most evidently? How do you explain this variation? Is some of the variation due to culture rather than to
biology?
5. This chapter describes different types of ethnic interaction. What are they? Are they positive or negative?
Anthropologists have made and continue to make important contributions to understanding past and ongoing
cases of ethnic conflict. What are some examples of this?
What is an economy,
and what is
economizing
behavior?
What principles
regulate the
exchange of goods
and services in
various societies?
Thailand’s Damnoen Saduak floating market, located about 100 kilometers (62 miles) south of Bangkok. What’s
being sold here, and by whom?
chapter outline ADAPTIVE STRATEGIES
FORAGING
Geographic Distribution
of Foragers
Correlates of Foraging
ADAPTIVE STRATEGIES
BASED ON FOOD
understanding OURSELVES
he necessities of work, marriage, and Think about the choices your parents have
T
PRODUCTION
raising children are fundamental. How- made in terms of economic versus social goals.
Horticulture
ever, in the non-Western societies Have their decisions maximized their incomes,
Agriculture
where the study of anthropology origi- their lifestyles, their individual happiness, family
The Cultivation
Continuum nated, the need to balance work (economy) and benefits, or what? What about you? What factors
family (society) wasn’t as stark as it is for us. In motivated you when you chose to apply to and
Intensification: People
and the Environment traditional societies, one’s workmates usually attend college? Did you want to stay close to
Pastoralism were also one’s kin. There was no need for a home, to attend college with friends, or to main-
“take your child to work” day, because most tain a romantic attachment (all social reasons)?
MODES OF PRODUCTION women did that every day. People didn’t work Did you seek the lowest tuition and college
Production in with strangers. Home and office, society and costs—or get a generous scholarship (economic
Nonindustrial Societies
economy, were intertwined. decisions)? Did you choose prestige, or perhaps
Means of Production The fact that subsistence and sociality are the likelihood that one day you would earn more
Alienation in Industrial both basic human needs creates conflicts in money because of the reputation of your alma
Economies
modern society. People have to make choices mater (maximizing prestige and future wealth)?
ECONOMIZING AND about allocating their time and energy between Economists tend to assume that the profit motive
MAXIMIZATION work and family. Parents in dual-earner and single- rules in contemporary society. However, different
Alternative Ends parent households always have faced a work– individuals, like different cultures, may choose to
family time bind, and the number of Americans pursue goals other than monetary gain.
DISTRIBUTION, EXCHANGE
living in such households has almost doubled Studies show that most American women now
The Market Principle
in recent decades. Fewer than one-third of expect to join the paid labor force, just as men
Redistribution American wives worked outside the home in do. But the family remains attractive. Most young
Reciprocity 1960, compared with about two-thirds today. women also plan to stay home with small children
Coexistence of The same year, only one-fifth of married women and return to the workforce once their children
Exchange Principles
with children under age 6 were in the work- enter school. How about you? If you have definite
POTLATCHING force, versus three-fifths today. With women career plans, how do you imagine your work will
increasingly able to make it “on their own,” the fit in with your future family life—if you have one
economic importance of marriage has declined. planned? What do your parents want most for
In 2007, for the first time ever, the percentage you—a successful career or a happy family life
of adult American women who were unmarried with children? Probably both. Will it be easy to
exceeded 50. fulfill such expectations?
130
select and breed for desirable traits in plants and independently in the Americas. In both hemispheres
animals. With the advent of food production, which most societies eventually turned from foraging to food production
includes plant cultivation and animal domestication, food production. Today most foragers have at least Plant cultivation and
people, rather than nature, become selective agents. some dependence on food production or on food animal domestication.
Human selection replaces natural selection as food producers (Kent 1992, 2002).
collectors become food producers. The foraging way of life survived into modern
The origin and spread of food production (plant times in certain forests, deserts, islands, and very
cultivation and animal domestication) accelerated cold areas—places where cultivation was not practi-
human population growth and led to the formation cable with simple technology (see Lee and Daly
of larger and more powerful social and political sys- 1999). In many areas, foragers knew about food pro-
tems. The pace of cultural transformation increased duction but never adopted it because their own econ-
enormously. This chapter provides a framework for omies provided a perfectly satisfactory lifestyle and
understanding a variety of human adaptive strate- an adequate and nutritious diet. In some places,
gies and economic systems. people reverted to foraging after trying food produc-
tion and abandoning it.
All contemporary foragers live in nation-states
ADAPTIVE STRATEGIES and are influenced by national policies. Typically,
they are in contact with food-producing neighbors
The anthropologist Yehudi Cohen (1974) used the
as well as with missionaries and other outsiders. We
term adaptive strategy to describe a group’s main adaptive strategy
should not view contemporary foragers as isolated
system of economic production. Cohen argued that Means of making a
or pristine survivors of the Stone Age. Modern for- living; productive
the most important reason for similarities between
agers are influenced by national and international system.
two (or more) unrelated societies is their possession
policies and political and economic events in the
of a similar adaptive strategy. For example, there are
world system.
clear similarities among societies that have a forag-
ing (hunting-and-gathering) strategy. Cohen devel-
oped a typology of societies based on correlations
between their economies and their social features. Geographic Distribution
His typology includes these five adaptive strategies: of Foragers
foraging, horticulture, agriculture, pastoralism, and
In Africa we can identify two broad belts of contem-
industrialism. This chapter focuses on the first four
porary or recent foraging. One is the Kalahari Desert
adaptive strategies.
of southern Africa. This is the home of the San
(“Bushmen”), who include the Ju/’hoansi (see Kent
1996; Lee 2003, 2012). The other main African for-
FORAGING aging area is the equatorial forest of central and
Until about 12,000 years ago all humans were forag- eastern Africa, home of the Mbuti, Efe, and other
ers (see Barnard 2004). However, environmental “pygmies” (Bailey et al. 1989; Turnbull 1965).
differences did create substantial contrasts among People still do, or until recently did, subsistence
the world’s foragers. Some, like the people who foraging in certain remote forests in Madagascar,
lived in Europe during the Ice Ages, were big-game South and Southeast Asia, Malaysia, and the
hunters. Today, hunters in the Arctic still focus on Philippines and on certain islands off the Indian
large animals; they have much less vegetation and coast. Some of the best-known recent foragers are
variety in their diets than do tropical foragers. Mov- the aborigines of Australia. Those Native Australians
ing from colder to hotter areas, the number of spe- lived on their island continent for perhaps 50,000
cies increases. The tropics contain tremendous years without developing food production.
biodiversity, and tropical foragers typically hunt and The Western Hemisphere also had recent forag-
gather a wide range of plant and animal species. The ers. The Eskimos, or Inuit, of Alaska and Canada are
same may be true in temperate areas. For example, well-known hunters. These (and other) northern for-
on the North Pacific Coast of North America, forag- agers now use modern technology, including rifles
ers could draw on varied sea, river, and land species, and snowmobiles, in their subsistence activities. The
such as salmon and other fish, sea mammals, berries, native populations of California, Oregon, Washington,
and mountain goats. Despite differences caused by and British Columbia all were foragers, as were
such environmental variation, all foraging econo- those of inland subarctic Canada and the Great
mies have shared one essential feature: People rely Lakes. For many Native Americans, fishing, hunt-
on nature to make their living. They don’t grow ing, and gathering remain important subsistence
crops or breed and or tend animals. (and sometimes commercial) activities.
Animal domestication (initially of sheep and Coastal foragers also lived near the southern tip
goats) and plant cultivation (of wheat and barley) of South America, in Patagonia. On the grassy
began 12,000 to 10,000 years ago in the Middle plains of Argentina, southern Brazil, Uruguay, and
East. Cultivation based on different crops, such as Paraguay, there were other hunter-gatherers. The
corn (maize), manioc (cassava), and potatoes, arose contemporary Aché of Paraguay usually are called
about 3,000 Basarwa San Bushmen outside their correlations between the economy and social life.
ancestral territory, which was converted into a Associated (correlated) with each adaptive strategy
reserve for wildlife protection. Botswana’s High is a bundle of particular sociocultural features. Cor-
Court eventually ruled that the Basarwa had been relations, however, rarely are perfect. Some foragers
wrongly evicted from the “Central Kalahari Game lack cultural features usually associated with forag-
Reserve” and issued a court order allowing them to ing, and some of those features are found in groups
return, but under conditions likely to prevent most with other adaptive strategies.
of them from doing so. Only the 189 people who What, then, are some correlates of foraging? Peo-
actually filed the lawsuit were granted automatic ple who subsisted by hunting and gathering often, but
right of return with their children, compared with not always, lived in band-organized societies. Their
some 2,000 Basarwa wishing to go back. The others basic social unit, the band, was a small group of band
would have to apply for special permits. Returning fewer than a hundred people, all related by kinship or Basic social unit among
Basarwa would be allowed to build only temporary marriage. Among some foragers, band size stayed foragers; fewer than
100 people; may split
structures and to use enough water for subsistence about the same year-round. In others, the band split
up seasonally.
needs. Water would be a major obstacle, since the up for part of the year. Families left to gather resources
government had shut the main well. Furthermore, that were better exploited by just a few people. Later,
anyone wishing to hunt would have to apply for a they regrouped for cooperative work and ceremonies.
permit. So goes the foraging way of life in today’s Typical characteristics of the foraging life are
world. flexibility and mobility. In many San groups, as
among the Mbuti of Congo, people shifted band
membership several times in a lifetime. One might
Correlates of Foraging be born, for example, in a band in which one’s
Typologies, such as Cohen’s adaptive strategies, are mother had kin. Later, one’s family might move to a
useful because they suggest correlations—that is, band in which the father had relatives. Because bands correlation
association or covariation between two or more were exogamous (people married outside their own Association; when one
variables. (Correlated variables are factors that are band), one’s parents came from two different bands, variable changes,
linked and interrelated, such as food intake and and one’s grandparents might have come from four. another does, too.
body weight, such that when one increases or People could join any band to which they had kin or
decreases, the other changes as well.) Ethnographic marital links. A couple could live in, or shift between,
studies in hundreds of societies have revealed many the husband’s band and the wife’s band.
Agriculture
The greater labor demands associated with agricul-
ture, as compared with horticulture, reflect its common
use of domesticated animals, irrigation, or terracing.
Domesticated Animals
In slash-and-burn horticulture, the land is cleared by cutting down (slashing) Many agriculturalists use animals as means of
and burning trees and bush, using simple technology. After such clearing, production—for transport, as cultivating machines,
digging sticks are used to plant mountain rice in Madagascar. and for their manure. Asian farmers typically
Candon
Irrigation Bontoc
Ilagan
Roxas Palanan
While horticulturalists must await the rainy season, Bauko
Banaue Mayoyao
Tagudin Cauayan
agriculturalists can schedule their planting in advance, Mankayan
Lagawe IFUGAO San
Alicia
South Mateo
because they control water. Like other irrigation Kiangan CAGAYAN
China VALLEY
Sea ILOCOS Bagabag Santiago
experts in the Philippines, the Ifugao (Figure 7.2)
Sea
San Solano Maddela
irrigate their fields with canals from rivers, streams, Fernando Bayombong
pine
springs, and ponds. Irrigation makes it possible to cul- Baguio
L u z o n
ili p
tivate a plot year after year. Irrigation enriches the soil, Lingayen
Ph
Gulf
because the irrigated field is a unique ecosystem with Umingan
0 25 mi
several species of plants and animals, many of them Dagupan
San Carlos
San Jose
minute organisms, whose wastes fertilize the land. 0 25 km
transhumance With transhumance, part of the group moves reflect differences in environments, target resources,
System in which only with the herds, but most people stay in the home or cultural traditions. Thus, a foraging mode of pro-
part of population village. There are examples from Europe and duction may be based on individual hunters or teams,
moves seasonally with Africa. In Europe’s Alps it is just the shepherds and depending on whether the game is a solitary or a herd
herds.
goatherds—not the whole hamlet, village, or town— or flocking animal. Gathering is usually more indi-
who accompany the flocks to highland meadows in vidualistic than hunting, although collecting teams
summer. Among the Turkana of Uganda, men and may assemble when abundant resources ripen and
boys take the herds to distant pastures, while much must be harvested quickly. Fishing may be done
of the village stays put and does some horticultural alone (as in ice fishing or spearfishing) or in crews (as
farming. During their annual trek, pastoral nomads with open-sea fishing and hunting of sea mammals).
trade for crops and other products with more seden-
tary people. Transhumants don’t have to trade for
crops. Because only part of the population accom- Production in
panies the herds, transhumants can maintain year- Nonindustrial Societies
round villages and grow their own crops. (Recap 7.1
Although some kind of division of economic labor
summarizes the major adaptive strategies.)
related to age and gender is a cultural universal, the
specific tasks assigned to each gender and to people
of different ages vary. Many horticultural societies
MODES OF PRODUCTION assign a major productive role to women, but some
economy An economy is a system of production, distribution, make men’s work primary. Similarly, among pasto-
System of resource and consumption of resources; economics is the study ralists, men generally tend large animals, but in
production, distribution, of such systems. Economists focus on modern nations some cultures women do the milking. Jobs accom-
and consumption. and capitalist systems. Anthropologists have broad- plished through teamwork in some cultivating soci-
ened understanding of economic principles by gath- eties are done by smaller groups or individuals
ering data on nonindustrial economies. Economic working over a longer period of time in others.
anthropology brings a comparative perspective to the The Betsileo of Madagascar have two stages of
study of economics (see Chibnik 2011; Hann and teamwork in rice cultivation: transplanting and har-
Hart 2011; Sahlins 2004; Wilk and Cliggett 2007). vesting. Team size varies with the size of the field.
mode of production A mode of production is a way of organizing Both transplanting and harvesting feature a tradi-
Specific set of social production—“a set of social relations through which tional division of labor by age and gender that is well
relations that organizes labor is deployed to wrest energy from nature by known to all Betsileo and is repeated across the gen-
labor. means of tools, skills, organization, and knowledge” erations. The first job in transplanting is the trampling
(Wolf 1982, p. 75). In the capitalist mode of produc- of a previously tilled flooded field by young men driv-
tion, money buys labor power, and there is a social ing cattle, in order to mix earth and water. They bring
gap between the people (bosses and workers) involved cattle to trample the fields just before transplanting.
in the production process. By contrast, in nonindus- The young men yell at and beat the cattle, striving to
trial societies, labor is not usually bought but is given drive them into a frenzy, so that they will trample the
as a social obligation. In such a kin-based mode of fields properly. Trampling breaks up clumps of earth
production, mutual aid in production is one among and mixes irrigation water with soil to form a smooth
many expressions of a larger web of social relations. mud, into which women transplant seedlings. Once
Societies representing each of the adaptive strate- the tramplers leave the field, older men arrive. With
gies just discussed (e.g., foraging) tend to have their spades, they break up the clumps that the cattle
roughly similar modes of production. Differences in missed. Meanwhile, the owner and other adults
the mode of production within a given strategy may uproot rice seedlings and take them to the field.
Means of Production
In nonindustrial societies, there is a more intimate Betsileo women transplant rice seedlings in south central Madagascar. Transplanting and
relationship between the worker and the means of
weeding are arduous tasks that especially strain the back.
production than there is in industrial nations. Means,
or factors, of production include land (territory),
labor, technology, and capital. merely one aspect of ongoing social relations that means (factors)
are expressed on many other occasions. of production
Land Nonindustrial societies contrast with industrial Major productive
Among foragers, ties between people and land were nations in regard to another means of production: resources, e.g., land,
labor, technology,
less permanent than among food producers. Although technology. Manufacturing is often linked to age and
capital.
many bands had territories, the boundaries usually gender. Women may weave and men may make pot-
were not marked, and there was no way they could tery or vice versa. Most people of a particular age
be enforced. The hunter’s stake in an animal being and gender share the technical knowledge associated
stalked or hit with a poisoned arrow was more impor- with that age and gender. If married women custom-
tant than where the animal finally died. A person arily make baskets, all or most married women know
acquired the rights to use a band’s territory by being how to make baskets. Neither technology nor techni-
born in the band or by joining it through a tie of cal knowledge is as specialized as it is in states.
kinship, marriage, or fictive kinship. In Botswana in However, some tribal societies do promote spe-
southern Africa, Ju/’hoansi San women, whose cialization. Among the Yanomami of Venezuela and
work provided over half the food, habitually used Brazil (Figure 7.3), for instance, certain villages
specific tracts of berry-bearing trees. However, manufacture clay pots and others make hammocks.
when a woman changed bands, she immediately They don’t specialize, as one might suppose, because
acquired a new gathering area. certain raw materials happen to be available near
Among food producers, rights to the means of particular villages. Clay suitable for pots is widely
production also come through kinship and mar- available. Everyone knows how to make pots, but
riage. Descent groups (groups whose members not everybody does so. Craft specialization reflects
claim common ancestry) are common among nonin- the social and political environment rather than the
dustrial food producers, and those who descend natural environment. Such specialization promotes
from the founder share the group’s territory and trade, which is the first step in creating an alliance
resources. If the adaptive strategy is horticulture, the with enemy villages (Chagnon 1997). Specialization
estate includes garden and fallow land for shifting contributes to keeping the peace, although it has not
cultivation. As members of a descent group, pasto- prevented intervillage warfare.
ralists have access to animals to start their own
herds, to grazing land, to garden land, and to other
means of production. Alienation in Industrial Economies
There are some significant contrasts between indus-
Labor, Tools, and Specialization trial and nonindustrial economies. When factory
Like land, labor is a means of production. In nonin- workers produce for sale and for their employer’s
dustrial societies, access to both land and labor profit, rather than for their own use, they may be
comes through social links such as kinship, mar- alienated from the items they make. Such alienation
riage, and descent. Mutual aid in production is means they don’t feel strong pride in or personal
C a r o ni
People sell their labor for cash, and the economic
ca
R. GUYANA
au domain stands apart from ordinary social life. Work
R.
Esse
Ori
Ar
no
co is separate from family. In nonindustrial societies,
quibo
R. however, the relations of production, distribution,
COLOMBIA Yanomami
R.
and consumption are social relations with economic
R.
co
Bran
aspects. Economy is not a separate entity but is
BRAZIL embedded in the society.
Ne
gr
oR
.
A Case of Industrial Alienation
For decades, the government of Malaysia has pro-
moted export-oriented industry, allowing transnational
FIGURE 7.3 Location of the Yanomami. companies to install labor-intensive manufacturing
operations in rural Malaysia. The industrialization
identification with their products. They see their of Malaysia is part of a global strategy. In search of
product as belonging to someone else, not to the cheaper labor, corporations headquartered in Japan,
man or woman whose labor actually produced it. In Western Europe, and the United States have been
nonindustrial societies, by contrast, people usually moving labor-intensive factories to developing
see their work through from start to finish and have countries. Malaysia has hundreds of Japanese and
a sense of accomplishment in the product. The fruits American subsidiaries, which produce mainly gar-
ments, foodstuffs, and electronics components. In
electronics plants in rural Malaysia, thousands of
young women from peasant families now assemble
microchips and microcomponents for transistors
and capacitors. Aihwa Ong (1987, 2010) did a study
of electronics assembly workers in an area where
85 percent of the workers were young, unmarried
females from nearby villages.
Ong found that, unlike village women, female
factory workers had to cope with a rigid work rou-
tine and constant supervision by men. The discipline
that factories value was being taught in local schools,
where uniforms helped prepare girls for the factory
dress code. Village women wore loose, flowing tunics,
sarongs, and sandals, but factory workers had to don
tight overalls and heavy rubber gloves, in which they
felt constrained. Assembling electronics components
requires precise, concentrated labor. Demanding and
depleting, labor in these factories illustrates the sepa-
ration of intellectual and manual activity—the alien-
ation that Karl Marx considered the defining feature
of industrial work. One woman said about her bosses,
“They exhaust us very much, as if they do not think
In a garment factory in Hlaing Tharyar, Myanmar, Burmese women stitch sports clothing that we too are human beings” (Ong 1987, p. 202).
for a Taiwanese company. Their average wage is less than one American dollar per day. Nor does factory work bring women a substantial
Throughout Southeast Asia, hundreds of thousands of young women from peasant families financial reward, given low wages, job uncertainty,
now work in factories. Chances are good that you own one of their products. and family claims on wages. Young women typically
E
conomic systems are based on production, distribution, being you might speak to is the delivery driver (Smith and Doyle
and consumption. All these processes now have global, 2002). The computers that take and process your order from
and increasingly impersonal, dimensions. The products, Amazon can be on different continents. The products you order
images, and information we consume each day can come from can come from a warehouse anywhere in the world.
anywhere. How likely is it that the item you last bought from a Transnational finance has shifted the economic control of
website, an outlet, or a retail store was made in the United local life to outsiders (see Kennedy 2010). Greeks blame
States, rather than Canada, Mexico, Peru, or China? Germans for their austerity. The European debt crisis that re-
The national has become international. Consider a few familiar cently has occupied so much of the world’s attention shows the
“American” brands: Good Humor, French’s mustard, Frigidaire, fragility of the economic ties created through consolidation (of
Adidas, Caribou Coffee, Church’s Chicken, Trader Joe’s, Holiday the European Union and the euro) and globalization.
Inn, Dial soap, T-Mobile, and Toll House Cookies. All of them have How different is today’s global economy from British poet
foreign ownership. As well, the following iconic brands have Henry Wadsworth Longfellow’s vision of production—noble, lo-
been bought by foreign companies: Budweiser, Alka-Selzer, cal, and autonomous:
Hellmann’s, IBM ThinkPad, Ben and Jerry’s, 7-Eleven, Popsicle,
Under a spreading chestnut-tree
Woman’s Day, Purina, Gerber, Vaseline, Lucky Strike, Firestone,
and Car and Driver Magazine. The village smithy stands. . . .
Also foreign owned are such American architectural icons as Toiling—rejoicing—sorrowing,
New York’s Plaza Hotel, Flatiron Building, and Chrysler Building, Onward through life he goes;
along with the Indiana Toll Road and the Chicago Skyway. A
Brazilian billionaire now owns a significant share in Burger King, Each morning sees some task begin,
a whopper of a chain with over 12,000 outlets worldwide. Each evening sees it close.
Much of America, including half our national debt, now be- (Longfellow, “The Village Blacksmith,” 1839)
longs to outsiders. Already by the mid-1980s, 75 percent of the
buildings in downtown Los Angeles were owned at least in part
by foreign capital (Rouse 1991). According to Bruce Bartlett
(2010), the share of the U.S. national debt owned by foreigners
has swollen since the 1970s, when it was only 5 percent. Since
the 1970s, oil-producing countries have invested their profits in
U.S. Treasury securities because of their liquidity and safety.
By 1975 the foreign share of U.S. national debt had reached
17 percent, where it remained through the 1990s, when China
started buying large amounts of Treasury bills. By 2009, for-
eigners were financing almost half the total publicly held U.S.
national debt.
The Internet is a vital organ in our 21st-century global econ-
omy. All kinds of products—music, movies, clothing, appliances,
this book, you name it—are produced, distributed, and con-
sumed via the Internet. Economic functions that are spatially
dispersed (perhaps continents apart) are coordinated online in
real time. Activities that once involved face-to-face contact are A scene from an Amazon warehouse on Cyber Monday, December 5, 2011, the busiest
now conducted impersonally, often across vast distances. day of the year for online shoppers. This warehouse could be in a lot of places, but it
When you order something via the Internet, the only human happens to be in Great Britain.
work just a few years. Production quotas, three daily hysteria. Spirits have simultaneously invaded as
shifts, overtime, and surveillance take their toll in many as 120 factory workers. Weretigers (the Malay
mental and physical exhaustion. equivalent of the werewolf ) arrive to avenge the
One response to factory relations of production construction of a factory on aboriginal burial
has been spirit possession (factory women are pos- grounds. Disturbed earth and grave spirits swarm on
sessed by spirits). Ong interprets this phenomenon the shop floor. First the women see the spirits; then
as the women’s unconscious protest against labor their bodies are invaded. The women become vio-
discipline and male control of the industrial set- lent and scream abuses. The weretigers send the
ting. Sometimes possession takes the form of mass women into sobbing, laughing, and shrieking fits.
To deal with possession, factories employ local do more.) Spirit possession may even help maintain
medicine men, who sacrifice chickens and goats to the current system by operating as a safety valve for
fend off the spirits. This solution works only some accumulated tensions.
of the time; possession still goes on. Factory women
continue to act as vehicles to express their own frus-
trations and the anger of avenging ghosts. ECONOMIZING
Ong argues that spirit possession expresses AND MAXIMIZATION
anguish at, and resistance to, capitalist relations of
Economic anthropologists have been concerned
production. By engaging in this form of rebellion,
with two main questions:
however, factory women avoid a direct confronta-
tion with the source of their distress. Ong concludes 1. How are production, distribution, and con-
that spirit possession, while expressing repressed sumption organized in different societies?
resentment, doesn’t do much to modify factory con- This question focuses on systems of human
ditions. (Other tactics, such as unionization, would behavior and their organization.
2. What motivates people in different cultures to value. Although anthropologists know that the profit
produce, distribute or exchange, and con- motive is not universal, the assumption that indi-
sume? Here the focus is not on systems of be- viduals try to maximize profits is basic to the capi-
havior but on the motives of the individuals talist world economy and to much of Western
who participate in those systems. economic theory. In fact, the subject matter of eco-
nomics is often defined as economizing, or the economizing
Anthropologists view both economic systems rational allocation of scarce means (resources) to Allocation of scarce
and motivations in a cross-cultural perspective. alternative ends (uses) (see Chibnik 2011). means (resources)
Motivation is a concern of psychologists, but it also What does that mean? Classical economic theory among alternative ends.
has been, implicitly or explicitly, a concern of econ- assumes that our wants are infinite and that our
omists and anthropologists. Economists tend to means are limited. Since means are limited, people
assume that producers and distributors make deci- must make choices about how to use their scarce
sions rationally by using the profit motive, as do resources: their time, labor, money, and capital.
consumers when they shop around for the best (This chapter’s “Appreciating Diversity” disputes
MA L A
from the center, down through the hierarchy, and
back to the common people. ANGOLA
One example of a redistributive system comes ZAMBIA
WI
from the Cherokee, the original owners of the Ten-
E
Zambezi R.
Lusaka
QU
nessee Valley. The Cherokee were productive culti- NORTHERN Lake
C unene R.
SAN
BI
Kariba
vators of maize, beans, and squash, which they
M
Harare
Hei//Om
ZA
supplemented by hunting and fishing. They also had Grootfontein Maun ZIMBABWE O
chiefs. Each of their main villages had a central 20°S M 20°S
plaza, where meetings of the chief’s council took INDIAN
place, and where redistributive feasts were held. Windhoek Ghanzi Francistown
Lim OCEAN
According to Cherokee custom, each family farm NAMIBIA
po
Tropic of Capricorn
Gaborone
BOTSWANA
po
had an area where the family set aside a portion of .
R
Pretoria
its annual harvest for the chief. This supply of corn Maputo
Johannesburg
was used to feed the needy, as well as travelers and
warriors journeying through friendly territory. This SWAZILAND
store of food was available to all who needed it, with
Orange R. SOUTH
30°S
AFRICA LESOTHO 30°S
the understanding that it “belonged” to the chief and ATLANTIC
was dispersed through his generosity. The chief also OCEAN Northern San including
hosted the redistributive feasts held in the main set- Cape Town Ju/’hoansi distribution
Dobe Ju/’hoansi
tlements (Harris 1978).
0 250 500 mi
0 250 500 km
10°E 20°E 40°E
Reciprocity 30E
may be a cousin, a trading partner, or a brother’s One way of reducing the tension in situations of
fictive kinsman. The giver expects something in potential negative reciprocity is to engage in “silent
return. This may not come immediately, but the trade.” One example is the silent trade of the Mbuti
social relationship will be strained if there is no “pygmy” foragers of the African equatorial forest
reciprocation. and their neighboring horticultural villagers. There
Exchanges in nonindustrial societies also may is no personal contact during their exchanges. A
negative reciprocity illustrate negative reciprocity, mainly in dealing Mbuti hunter leaves game, honey, or another forest
Potentially hostile with people outside or on the fringes of their social product at a customary site. Villagers collect it and
exchanges among systems. To people who live in a world of close per- leave crops in exchange. The parties can bargain
strangers. sonal relations, exchanges with outsiders are full of silently. If one feels the return is insufficient, he or
ambiguity and distrust. Exchange is one way of she simply leaves it at the trading site. If the other
establishing friendly relations with outsiders, but party wants to continue trade, it will be increased.
especially when trade begins, the relationship is still
tentative. Often, the initial exchange is close to
being purely economic; people want to get some- Coexistence of Exchange Principles
thing back immediately. Just as in market econo- In today’s North America, the market principle gov-
mies, but without using money, they try to get the erns most exchanges, from the sale of the means of
best possible immediate return for their investment production to the sale of consumer goods. We also
(see Clark 2010; Hann and Hart 2009). have redistribution. Some of our tax money goes to
Generalized and balanced reciprocity are based support the government, but some of it also comes
on trust and a social tie. But negative reciprocity back to us in the form of social services, education,
involves the attempt to get something for as little as health care, and road building. We also have recipro-
possible, even if it means being cagey or deceitful or cal exchanges. Generalized reciprocity character-
cheating. Among the most extreme and “negative” izes the relationship between parents and children.
examples of negative reciprocity was 19th-century However, even here the dominant market mentality
horse thievery by North American Plains Indians. surfaces in comments about the high cost of raising
Men would sneak into camps and villages of neigh- children and in the stereotypical statement of the
boring tribes to steal horses. Such thefts were likely disappointed parent: “We gave you everything
to be reciprocated. A similar pattern of cattle raiding money could buy.”
continues today in East Africa, among tribes such as Exchanges of gifts, cards, and invitations exem-
the Kuria (Fleisher 2000). In these cases, the party plify reciprocity, usually balanced. Everyone has
that starts the raiding can expect reciprocity—a raid heard remarks like “They invited us to their daugh-
on their own village—or worse. The Kuria hunt ter’s wedding, so when ours gets married, we’ll have
down cattle thieves and kill them. It’s still reciproc- to invite them” and “They’ve been here for dinner
ity, governed by “Do unto others as they have done three times and haven’t invited us yet. I don’t think
unto you.” we should ask them back until they do.” Such precise
Anchorage
M a cke
POTLATCHING
nz
ie
R.
One of the most thoroughly studied cultural prac- Gulf of
tices known to ethnography is the potlatch, a festive Alaska
event within a regional exchange system among
Juneau
tribes of the North Pacific Coast of North America, TLINGIT
including the Salish and Kwakiutl of Washington
and British Columbia and the Tsimshian of Alaska 140°W
se
Bella Coola
rR
BELLA BELLA hab
asca R.
C A N A D A
.
At
To give a potlatch enhanced one’s reputation. Pres- Port Hardy KWAKIUTL
Sa
tige increased with the lavishness of the potlatch, Vancouver
Island
sk a
t c h e w a n R.
the value of the goods given away in it. Some tribes NOOTKA Comox
Halkomelem
Victoria
still practice the potlatch, sometimes as a memorial PACIFIC Klallam Vancouver
Straits
.
ia R
to the dead (Kan 1986, 1989). OCEAN QUILEUTE SALISH
mb
Quinault Seattle
lu
The potlatching tribes were foragers, but atypical Puyallup
Co
CHINOOK
Twana
ones. They were sedentary and had chiefs. They had Tillamook Portland
SIUSLAW ALSEA Missouri R.
access to a wide variety of land and sea resources. UMPQUA
COOS
Among their most important foods were salmon, 130°W
TUTUTNI
U N I T E D
40° TOLOWA
herring, candlefish, berries, mountain goats, seals, N
YUROK
KAROK Sn
a k e R. S T A T E S
and porpoises (Piddocke 1969). HUPA
Indians of the
Northwest Coast
According to classical economic theory, the Ethnic groups
profit motive is universal, with the goal of maximiz- 0 200 400 mi Groups of Salish speech
San Francisco appear in lowercase.
ing material benefits. How, then, does one explain 0 200 400 km
the potlatch, in which substantial wealth is given
away (and even destroyed)? Christian missionaries FIGURE 7.5 Location of Potlatching Groups.
considered potlatching to be wasteful and antitheti-
cal to the Protestant work ethic. By 1885, under
pressure from Indian agents, missionaries, and not in terms of its apparent wastefulness but in terms potlatch
Indian converts to Christianity, both Canada and the of its long-term role as a cultural adaptive mecha- Competitive feast on
United States had outlawed potlatching. Between nism. This view not only helps us understand pot- North Pacific Coast of
1885 and 1951, the custom went underground. By latching; it also helps explain similar patterns of North America.
1951 both countries had discreetly dropped the anti- lavish feasting in many other parts of the world.
potlatching laws from the books (Miller n.d.). Here is the ecological interpretation: Customs like
The economist and social commentator Thor- the potlatch are cultural adaptations to alternating
stein Veblen cited potlatching as an example of con- periods of local abundance and shortage.
spicuous consumption in his influential book The How does this work? The overall natural environ-
Theory of the Leisure Class (1934), claiming that ment of the North Pacific Coast is favorable, but
potlatching was based on an economically irrational resources fluctuate from year to year and place to
drive for prestige. This interpretation stressed the place. Salmon and herring aren’t equally abundant
lavishness and supposed wastefulness, especially of every year in a given locality. One village can have
the Kwakiutl displays, to support the contention that a good year while another is experiencing a bad one.
in some societies people strive to maximize prestige Later their fortunes reverse. In this context, the pot-
at the expense of their material well-being. This latch cycle of the Kwakiutl and Salish had adaptive
interpretation has been challenged. value; the potlatch was not a competitive display
Ecological anthropology, also known as cultural that brought no material benefit.
ecology, is a theoretical school in anthropology that A village enjoying an especially good year had a
attempts to interpret cultural practices, such as the surplus of subsistence items, which it could trade
potlatch, in terms of their possible long-term role in for more durable wealth items, such as blankets,
helping humans adapt to their environments. The canoes, or pieces of copper. Wealth, in turn, by being
ecological anthropologists Wayne Suttles (1960) distributed, could be converted into prestige. Mem-
and Andrew Vayda (1961/1968) viewed potlatching bers of several villages were invited to any potlatch
for REVIEW
1. Cohen’s adaptive strategies include foraging (hunt-
ing and gathering), horticulture, agriculture, pasto-
5. Economics has been defined as the science of allo-
cating scarce means to alternative ends. Western
summary
ralism, and industrialism. Foraging was the only economists assume that the notion of scarcity is
human adaptive strategy until the advent of food universal—which it isn’t—and that in making
production (farming and herding) 12,000–10,000 choices, people strive to maximize personal profit.
years ago. Food production eventually replaced for- In nonindustrial societies, indeed as in our own,
aging in most places. Almost all modern foragers people often maximize values other than individual
have at least some dependence on food production profit.
or food producers. 6. In nonindustrial societies, people invest in subsis-
2. Horticulture and agriculture stand at opposite ends of tence, replacement, social, and ceremonial funds.
a continuum based on labor intensity and continuity States add a rent fund: People must share their out-
of land use. Horticulture doesn’t use land or labor put with social superiors. In states, the obligation to
intensively. Horticulturalists cultivate a plot for one pay rent often becomes primary.
or two years and then abandon it. Farther along the 7. In addition to studying production, economic an-
continuum, horticulture becomes more intensive, but thropologists study and compare exchange systems.
there is always a fallow period. Agriculturalists farm The three principles of exchange are the market
the same plot of land continuously and use labor principle, redistribution, and reciprocity. The mar-
intensively. They use one or more of the following: ket principle, based on supply and demand and the
irrigation, terracing, and domesticated animals as profit motive, dominates in states. With redistribu-
means of production and manuring. tion, goods are collected at a central place, but some
3. The pastoral strategy is mixed. Nomadic pastoral- of them are eventually given back, or redistributed,
ists trade with cultivators. Part of a transhumant to the people. Reciprocity governs exchanges be-
pastoral population cultivates while another part tween social equals. It is the characteristic mode of
takes the herds to pasture. Except for some Peruvi- exchange among foragers and horticulturalists.
ans and the Navajo, who are recent herders, the Reciprocity, redistribution, and the market princi-
New World lacks native pastoralists. ple may coexist in a society, but the primary ex-
4. Economic anthropology is the cross-cultural study change mode is the one that allocates the means of
of systems of production, distribution, and con- production.
sumption. In nonindustrial societies, a kin-based 8. Patterns of feasting and exchanges of wealth among
mode of production prevails. One acquires rights to villages are common among nonindustrial food
resources and labor through membership in social producers, as well as among the potlatching cul-
groups, not impersonally through purchase and tures of North America’s North Pacific Coast. Such
sale. Work is just one aspect of social relations systems help even out the availability of resources
expressed in varied contexts. over time.
1. When considering issues of “human nature,” why should we remember that the egalitarian band was a basic
critical form of human social life for most of our history?
2. Intensive agriculture has significant effects on social and environmental relations. What are some of these
thinking effects? Are they good or bad?
3. What does it mean when anthropologists describe nonindustrial economic systems as “embedded” in society?
4. What are your scarce means? How do you make decisions about allocating them?
5. Give examples from your own exchanges of different degrees of reciprocity. Why are anthropologists interested
in studying exchange across cultures?
What kinds of
political systems
have existed
worldwide, and what
are their social and
economic correlates?
State-organized societies have formal governmental institutions, such as the German Reichstag (Parliament) in
Berlin, shown here on a typical workday.
chapter outline WHAT IS “THE POLITICAL”?
understanding
Foraging Bands
Tribal Cultivators
The Village Head
OURSELVES
The “Big Man” ou’ve probably heard the expression take the form of a night in the Lincoln bedroom,
Pantribal Sodalities
Nomadic Politics
CHIEFDOMS
Political and Economic
Y “Big Man on Campus” (BMOC) used to
describe a collegian who is very well
known and/or popular. BMOC status
might be the result of having a large network of
friends, a trendy car or way of dressing, good
an invitation to a strategic dinner, an ambassa-
dorship, or largesse to a particular area of the
country. Tribal big men amass wealth and then
give away pigs. Successful American politicians
also dish out “pork.”
Systems looks, a nice smile, a sports connection, and a As with the big man, eloquence and commu-
Status Systems sense of humor. “Big man” has a different but nication skills contribute to political success (e.g.,
The Emergence related meaning in anthropology. Many indige- Barack Obama, Bill Clinton, and Ronald Reagan),
of Stratification
nous cultures of the South Pacific had a kind of although lack of such skills isn’t necessarily fatal
STATE SYSTEMS political figure that anthropologists call the “big (e.g., either President Bush). What about physical
Population Control man.” Such a leader achieved his status through fitness? Hair, height, health (and even a nice
hard work, amassing wealth in the form of pigs smile) are certainly political advantages. Bravery,
Judiciary
and other native riches. Characteristics that dis- as demonstrated through distinguished military
Enforcement
tinguished the big man from his fellows, enabling service, may help political careers, but it certainly
Fiscal Support
him to attract loyal supporters (a large network of isn’t required. Nor does it guarantee success.
SOCIAL CONTROL friends), included wealth, generosity, eloquence, Just ask John McCain, or John Kerry. Supernatu-
Hegemony and physical fitness, bravery, and supernatural pow- ral powers? Candidates who proclaim them-
Resistance ers. Those who became big men did so because selves atheists are as rare as self-identified
Weapons of the Weak of their personalities rather than by inheriting witches—or not witches. Almost all political can-
Shame and Gossip their wealth or position. Do any of the factors that didates claim to belong to a mainstream religion.
The Igbo Women’s War make for a successful big man (or BMOC, for that Some even present their candidacies or policies
Resistance via Social matter) contribute to political success in a mod- as promoting God’s will. However, contemporary
Media: A Case Study ern nation such as the United States? Although politics isn’t just about personality, as big man
American politicians often use their own wealth, systems are. We live in a state-organized, strati-
inherited or created, to finance campaigns, they fied society with inherited wealth, power, and
also solicit labor and monetary contributions privilege, all of which have political implications.
(rather than pigs) from supporters. And like big As is typical of states, inheritance and kin con-
men, successful American politicians try to be nections play a role in political success. Just think
generous with their supporters. Payback may of Kennedys, Bushes, and Clintons.
Anthropologists share with political scientists variation in power, authority, and legal sys-
an interest in political systems, power, and tems in different societies. (Power is the abil-
politics. Here again, however, the anthropo- ity to exercise one’s will over others; authority
logical approach is global and comparative is the formal, socially approved use of power,
and includes nonstates, while political scien- e.g., by government officials.) (See Kurtz
tists tend to focus on contemporary and recent 2001; Lewellen 2003; Nugent and Vincent
nation-states (see Kamrava 2008). Anthropo- 2004; Schwartz, Turner, and Tuden 2011;
logical studies have revealed substantial Wolf with Silverman 2001.)
152
WHAT IS “THE POLITICAL”?
Morton Fried offered the following definition of
political organization:
Political organization comprises those por-
tions of social organization that specifically
relate to the individuals or groups that manage
the affairs of public policy or seek to control
the appointment or activities of those individ-
uals or groups. (Fried 1967, pp. 20–21)
This definition certainly fits contemporary North
America. Under “individuals or groups that manage
the affairs of public policy” come various agencies
and levels of government. Those who seek to influ-
ence public policy include political parties, unions,
corporations, lobbyists, activists, political action
committees (including superpacs), religious groups,
and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs).
Fried’s definition is less applicable to nonstates,
where it’s often difficult to detect any “public pol-
icy.” For this reason, I prefer to speak of sociopoliti-
Participants in a labor rally hold up signs and posters in Santa Fe, New Mexico. As
cal organization in discussing the exercise of power
and the regulation of relations among groups and anthropologist Margaret Mead once observed about political mobilization, small groups of
their representatives. Political regulation includes committed citizens have the capacity to change the world.
such processes as decision making, dispute manage-
ment, and conflict resolution. The study of political
regulation draws our attention to those who make decisions. Chiefdom refers to a form of sociopoliti- power
decisions and resolve conflicts (are there formal cal organization intermediate between the tribe and The ability to exercise
leaders?). the state. In chiefdoms, social relations were based one’s will over others.
mainly on kinship, marriage, descent, age, genera-
tion, and gender—just as in bands and tribes. How-
ever, although chiefdoms were kin based, they
TYPES AND TRENDS featured differential access to resources (some differential access
Ethnographic and archaeological studies in hundreds people had more wealth, prestige, and power than Favored access to
of places have revealed many correlations between the others did) and a permanent political structure. The resources by
economy and social and political organization. state is a form of sociopolitical organization based superordinates over
Decades ago, the anthropologist Elman Service (1962) on a formal government structure and socioeco- subordinates.
listed four types, or levels, of political organization: nomic stratification.
band, tribe, chiefdom, and state. Today, none of the The four labels in Service’s typology are much
first three types can be studied as a self-contained too simple to account for the full range of political
form of political organization, because all now exist diversity and complexity known to archaeology and
within nation-states and are subject to state control ethnography. We’ll see, for instance, that tribes have
(see Ferguson 2003). There is archaeological evidence varied widely in their political systems and institu-
for early bands, tribes, and chiefdoms that existed tions. Nevertheless, Service’s typology does highlight
before the first states appeared. However, because some significant contrasts in political organization,
anthropology came into being long after the origin of especially those between states and nonstates. For
the state, anthropologists never have been able to example, in bands and tribes—unlike states, which
observe “in the flesh” a band, tribe, or chiefdom out- have clearly visible governments—political organi-
side the influence of some state. There still may be zation did not stand out as separate and distinct from
local political leaders (e.g., village heads) and regional the total social order. In bands and tribes, it was dif-
figures (e.g., chiefs) of the sort discussed in this chap- ficult to characterize an act or event as political
ter, but all now exist and function within the context of rather than merely social.
state organization. Service’s labels “band,” “tribe,” “chiefdom,”
A band is a small, kin-based group (all its mem- and “state” are categories or types within a socio-
bers are related by kinship or marriage) found political typology. These types are associated with
among foragers. Tribes have economies based on particular adaptive strategies or economic systems. tribe
horticulture and pastoralism. Living in villages and Thus, foragers (an economic type) tended to have Food-producing society
organized into kin groups based on common descent band organization (a sociopolitical type). Simi- with rudimentary
(clans and lineages), tribes have no formal govern- larly, many horticulturalists and pastoralists lived political structure.
ment and no reliable means of enforcing political in tribes. Although most chiefdoms had farming
80
60°N
70°N
°N
Chukchi 0 350 700 mi GREENLAND 20°W
Sea (KALAALLIT NUNAAT )
180° B e ri n g 0 350 700 km
St r a i t (Den.)
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Queen Denmark
Sea Ellesmere Strait
Elizabeth I.
Beaufort Islands Baffin
Sea Bay
170°W Banks
Yukon I.
R
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Baffi
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M a ck e n
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I N U I T
50
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R.
OCEAN
Hudson
Peace Bay
Queen R.
Belcher
R.
Charlotte Is.
as ca Is.
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150°W At C A N A D A
F raser R.
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KWAKIUTL
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SALISH
Law
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140°W 130°W U N I T E D S T A T E S
In the past, foraging bands—small nomadic or improper behavior. Norms are cultural standards
seminomadic social units—formed seasonally when or guidelines that enable individuals to distinguish
component nuclear families got together. The between appropriate and inappropriate behavior in
particular families might vary from year to year. a given society (N. C. Kottak 2002). While rules
Marriage and kinship created ties between members and norms are cultural universals, only state soci-
of different bands. Trade and visiting also linked eties, those with established governments, have
them. Band leaders were leaders in name only. In laws that are formulated, proclaimed, and enforced
such an egalitarian society, they were first among (see Donovan 2007).
equals (see Solway 2006). Sometimes they gave Foragers lacked formal law in the sense of a legal law
advice or made decisions, but they had no way to code with trial and enforcement, but they did have Legal code of a state
enforce those decisions. Because of the spread of methods of social control and dispute settlement. society, with trial and
states and globalization, it is increasingly difficult The absence of law did not mean total anarchy. enforcement.
for ethnographers to find and observe such patterns As described by E. A. Hoebel (1954) in a classic
of band organization. ethnographic study of conflict resolution, a sparse
population of some 20,000 Inuit spanned 6,000 miles
The Inuit (9,500 kilometers) of the Arctic region (Figure 8.1).
The aboriginal Inuit (Hoebel 1954, 1954/1968), an- The most significant social groups were the nuclear
other group of foragers, provide a classic example of family and the band. Personal relationships linked
methods of settling disputes—conflict resolution— the families and bands. Some bands had headmen. conflict resolution
in stateless societies. All societies have ways of There also were shamans (part-time religious spe- Means of settling
settling disputes (of variable effectiveness) along cialists). However, these positions conferred little disputes.
with cultural rules or norms about proper and power on those who occupied them.
Ma
Misool
a particularly effective headman. He had demon- Yapen
m
be
strated his fierceness in battle, but he also knew how Cenderawasih
ram
D ere w o
Fakfak Bay Jayapura
Vanimo
to use diplomacy to avoid offending other villagers. Tariku
o
Ta
Ceram r i t a tu
No one in his village had a better personality for I N D O N E S I A
the headmanship. Nor (because Kaobawa had many KAPAUKU
Puncak
a
brothers) did anyone have more supporters. Among Jaya
N EW G U I N E A
Ut
the Yanomami, when a village is dissatisfied with its
u
la
headman, its members can leave and found a new Pu
Kai
Aru
PAPUA
village. This happens from time to time and is called Is.
Is. NEW
village fissioning. GUINEA
With its many villages and descent groups, Dig
ul
Khorramabad
ro duties, and authority were weaker. Nevertheless, his
s Esfahan Da Birjand authority exceeded that of any political figure dis-
Dezful sh AFGHANISTAN
t-e
Ka
ru
Shahr-e Kord Lu cussed so far. The khan’s authority still came from his
IRAQ n M Yazd t
ts personal traits rather than from his office. That is, the
Ahvaz .
QASH Zabol
Khorramshahr Yasuj QAI Basseri followed a particular khan not because of a
Abadan Bandar-e BA political position he happened to fill but because of
Emam Khomeyni SSE Kerman
R I
KUWAIT Shiraz
Sirjan Zahedan
their personal allegiance and loyalty to him as a man.
Bandar-e
Kuwait
Bushehr Ha
lil
Bam
PAKISTAN
The khan relied on the support of the heads of the
Man
BASSERI descent groups into which Basseri society was divided.
d QA Kul
Pe SHQ
rs AI Hamun-e Jaz
Murian
Among the Qashqai, however, allegiance shifted
ia Iranshahr from the person to the office. The Qashqai had multi-
n Bandar-e Abbas
SAUDI BAHRAIN G
Qeshm I. ple levels of authority and more powerful chiefs or
ul it of H
ARABIA
Manama
f tra khans. Managing 400,000 people required a complex
or
S
m
Jask Chah
hierarchy. Heading it was the il-khan, helped by a
uz
Doha Bahar
OMAN
QATAR
Riyadh 25°N deputy, under whom were the heads of constituent
Gulf
0 150 300 mi
Abu
Dhabi
of Om
an tribes, under each of whom were descent-group heads.
150 U.A.E. Muscat 60°E Tropic of Cancer A case illustrates just how developed the Qashqai
0 300 km OMAN
authority structure was. A hailstorm prevented some
nomads from joining the annual migration at the
FIGURE 8.3 Location of the Basseri and Qashqai. appointed time. Although all the nomads recognized
The Qashqai are pastoral nomads who traditionally trekked about 300 miles (480 kilometers) from highland summer pastures to lowland winter pastures near the
Persian Gulf. The traditional migration is shown on the left; the modern trek, incorporating motor vehicles, on the right.
RECAP 8.1 Economic Basis of and Political Regulation in Bands, Tribes, Chiefdoms, and States
G
lobal forces often face roadblocks to their international and information can reinforce the perception that the world is a
spread. Although the Internet makes possible the instan- dangerous place, with threats to security and order every-
taneous global transmission of information, many coun- where. Facebook, Twitter, YouTube, cell-phone and digital
tries censor the Internet and other mass media for political or cameras, and cable/satellite TV link people across the globe.
moral reasons. Cuba makes all unauthorized Internet surfing il- Constant and instantaneous reporting has blurred the distinc-
legal. Many countries limit access to porn sites. China has a tion between the international, the national, and the local. Geo-
sophisticated censorship system—sometimes called the “Great graphic distance is obscured, and risk perception is magnified,
Firewall of China.” China’s local search engine, Baidu, which by the barrage of “bad news” received daily from so many
observes Chinese censorship rules, dwarfs Google, Bing, and places. Many people have no idea how far away the disasters
Yahoo in the Chinese market. As of 2013, despite censorship, and threats really are. Was that suspicious package found
China had almost twice the number of Internet users as the in Paris or Pasadena? Did that bomb go off in Mumbai or
United States. Michigan? Votes in Athens, Greece, or Rome, Italy, can affect
Censorship can be a barrier to international business. The the American stock market more than votes in Athens or Rome,
World Trade Organization (WTO) favors freedom of access to Georgia.
the Internet for commercial reasons: to allow free trade. WTO The political manipulation of media is not new. (Think
rules allow member nations to restrict trade to protect public of book banning and burning, for example. See http://www.
morals or ensure public order, but with the understanding that adlerbooks.com/banned.html for a list of books that have been
such restrictions will disrupt trade as little as possible. banned at some time in the United States.) Would-be guardians
If the Internet and other media are used to promote free trade, of morality and authoritarian regimes always have sought to
how about free thought? The media have the capacity to en- silence dissident voices. What is new is the potentially instanta-
lighten by providing users with unfamiliar information and view- neous and global reach of the voices that question authority.
points and by offering a forum for dissident voices. On the other New media, including cell phones, Twitter, and YouTube, have
hand, the media also spread and reinforce stereotypes and misin- been used to muster public opinion against authority figures in
formation, and, in doing so, close people’s minds to complexity. places as distant as Cairo, Egypt; Istanbul, Turkey; and Davis,
The media also promote fear, which often is manipulated for California. Can you think of examples of how new media have
political reasons. Waves of internationally transmitted images been used to question authority?
Commoners perished in territorial wars that had lit- of society. We’ve looked at political decision mak-
tle relevance to their own needs. Are any of these ing, including leaders and their limits. We’ve also
observations true of contemporary states? recognized that all contemporary humans have been
affected by states, colonialism, and the spread of the
world system (see Shore, et al. 2011).
SOCIAL CONTROL Sociopolitical was introduced as a key concept at
the beginning of this chapter. So far, we’ve focused
In studying political systems, anthropologists pay mainly on the political part of sociopolitical; now
attention not only to the formal institutions but to we focus on the social part. In this section we’ll see
other forms of social control as well. The concept of that political systems have their informal, social,
social control is broader than “the political.” Social social control
and subtle aspects along with their formal, govern-
control refers to “those fields of the social system Maintaining social
mental, and public dimensions. norms and regulating
(beliefs, practices, and institutions) that are most
actively involved in the maintenance of any norms conflict.
and the regulation of any conflict” (N. C. Kottak Hegemony and Resistance
2002, p. 290). Norms are cultural standards or Antonio Gramsci (1971) developed the concept of
guidelines that enable individuals to distinguish hegemony for a stratified social order in which hegemony
between appropriate and inappropriate behavior. subordinates comply with domination by internal- Stratified social order in
Previous sections of this chapter have focused izing their rulers’ values and accepting the “natu- which subordinates
more on formal political organization than on socio- ralness” of domination (this is the way things were accept hierarchy as
“natural.”
political process. We’ve seen how the scale and meant to be). According to Pierre Bourdieu (1977,
strength of political systems have expanded in rela- p. 164), every social order tries to make its own
tion to economic changes. We’ve examined means of arbitrariness (including its mechanisms of control
conflict resolution, or their absence, in various types and domination) seem natural and in everyone’s
be Lake
constantly mention the existence of sorcerers and sor-
Ri
zi Rio
o
Chirua Li
Lig
cu
onh
NAMPULA cery, although they aren’t explicit about who the sor-
ng
a
o
ang
po
fine as with the intense and enduring shame or women or young people—who have limited access
embarrassment they would feel as a confirmed to the formal authority structure, as in the Igbo case,
chicken thief. to which we now turn.
Rural Makua tend to live in one community for
their entire lives. Such communities typically have
fewer than a thousand people, so that residents can The Igbo Women’s War
easily keep track of one another’s identities and rep- Shame and ridicule, used by women against men,
utations. Tight clustering of homes, markets, and played a decisive role in a protest movement in
schools facilitates the monitoring process. In this southeastern Nigeria in 1929. This is remembered as
social environment, people try to avoid behavior the “Aba Women’s Riots of 1929” in British colonial
that might spoil their reputations and alienate them history and as the “Women’s War” in Igbo history
from society. (see Dorward 1983; Martin 1988; Mba 1982; Oriji
Shame can be a very powerful sanction. Broni- 2000; Van Allen 1971). During this two-month
slaw Malinowski (1927) described how Trobriand “war,” at least 25,000 Igbo women joined protests
Islanders might climb to the top of a palm tree and against British officials, their agents, and their colo-
dive to their deaths because they couldn’t tolerate nial policies. This massive revolt touched off the
the shame associated with public knowledge of most serious challenge to British rule in the history
some stigmatizing action. Makua villagers tell the of what was then the British colony of Nigeria.
story of a man rumored to have fathered a child with In 1914, the British had implemented a policy of
his stepdaughter. The political authorities imposed indirect rule by appointing local Nigerian men as
no formal sanctions (e.g., a fine or jail time) on this their agents—known as “warrant chiefs.” These
man, but gossip about the affair circulated widely. chiefs became increasingly oppressive, seizing
The gossip crystallized in the lyrics of a song that property, imposing arbitrary regulations, and impris-
groups of young women would perform. After the oning people who criticized them. Colonial admin-
man heard his name and behavior mentioned in that istrators further stoked local outrage when they
song, he hanged himself by the neck from a tree announced plans to impose taxes on Igbo market
(N. C. Kottak 2002). (Previously we saw the role of women. These women were key suppliers of food
song in the social control system of the Inuit. We’ll for Nigeria’s growing urban population; they feared
see it again in the case of the Igbo women’s war, being forced out of business by the new tax. Market
discussed in the next section.) women were key organizers of the protests.
We see from this discussion that people aren’t After hearing about the tax, thousands of Igbo
just citizens of governments; they are also members women assembled in various towns to protest both
of society, and social sanctions exist alongside the warrant chiefs and the taxes on market women.
governmental ones. Such sanctions also exemplify They used a traditional practice of censoring and
other “weapons of the weak,” because they often are shaming men through all-night song-and-dance ridi-
wielded most effectively by people—for example, cule (called “sitting on a man”). This process
On Rio de Janeiro’s Copacabana beach, protesters agitate for political reform and better public services and against PEC37, a
proposed law that would have deprived independent public prosecutors of the right to probe crimes and political corruption. (The
law was not passed.)
for
o REVIEW
summary 1. Although no ethnographer has been able to ob-
serve a sociopolitical system uninfluenced by
sodalities) organized raiding and buffalo hunting.
Such sodalities provide offense and defense
some state, many anthropologists use a typology when there is intertribal raiding for animals.
that classifies societies as bands, tribes, chief- Among pastoralists, the degree of authority and
doms, or states. Foragers tended to live in egalitar- political organization reflects population size
ian, band-organized societies. Personal networks and density, interethnic relations, and pressure
linked individuals, families, and bands. Band on resources.
leaders were first among equals, with no sure way
5. The state is an autonomous political unit that en-
to enforce decisions. Disputes rarely arose over
compasses many communities. Its government
strategic resources, which were open to all.
collects taxes, drafts people for work and war, and
2. Political authority increased with growth in popu- decrees and enforces laws. The state is a form of
lation size and density and in the scale of regula- sociopolitical organization based on central gov-
tory problems. More people mean more relations ernment and social stratification. Early states are
among individuals and groups to regulate. In- known as archaic, or nonindustrial, states, in con-
creasingly complex economies pose further regu- trast to modern industrial nation-states.
latory problems.
6. Unlike tribes, but like states, chiefdoms had per-
3. Heads of horticultural villages are local leaders manent regional regulation and differential access
with limited authority. They lead by example and to resources. But chiefdoms lacked stratification.
persuasion. Big men have support and authority Unlike states, but like bands and tribes, chiefdoms
beyond a single village. They are regional regula- were organized by kinship, descent, and marriage.
tors, but temporary ones. In organizing a feast, Chiefdoms emerged in several areas, including
they mobilize labor from several villages. Spon- the circum-Caribbean, lowland Amazonia, the
soring such events leaves them with little wealth southeastern United States, and Polynesia.
but with prestige and a reputation for generosity.
7. Weber’s three dimensions of stratification are
4. Age and gender also can be used for regional wealth, power, and prestige. In early states—for
political integration. Among North America’s the first time in human history—contrasts in
Plains Indians, men’s associations (pantribal wealth, power, and prestige between entire groups
1. This chapter notes that the labels “band,” “tribe,” “chiefdom,” and “state” are too simple to account for the full
range of political diversity and complexity known to archaeologists and ethnographers. Why not get rid of this critical
typology altogether if it does not accurately describe reality? What is the value, if any, of researchers retaining
the use of ideal types to study society? thinking
2. Why shouldn’t modern hunter-gatherers be seen as representative of Stone Age peoples? What are some of the
stereotypes associated with foragers?
3. What are sodalities? Does your society have them? Do you belong to any? Why or why not?
4. What conclusions do you draw from this chapter about the relationship between population density and political
hierarchy?
5. This chapter describes population control as one of the specialized functions found in all states. What are
examples of population control? Have you had direct experiences with these controls? (Think of the last time
you traveled abroad, registered to vote, paid taxes, or applied for a driver’s license.) Do you think these controls
are good or bad for society?
Gender
H A P T E R
9
How do gender,
gender roles, and
gender stratification
correlate with other
social, economic, and
political variables?
What is sexual
orientation, and how
do sexual practices
vary cross-culturally?
Gender-neutral “emotion dolls” using in teaching at “Egalia,” a preschool in Stockholm, Sweden. The school’s staff
avoid words like “him” or “her” and address the children as “friends” rather than “girls” and “boys.” This public
preschool exemplifies Sweden’s efforts to engineer lifelong gender equality.
chapter outline
SEX AND GENDER
RECURRENT GENDER
PATTERNS
understanding OURSELVES
GENDER STRATIFICATION
Reduced Gender
Stratification—
table (9.1) in this chapter lists activities gender stereotypes linger. The American expec- Matrilineal-Matrilocal
175
all the traits that a culture assigns to and inculcates
in males and females. Gender, in other words, refers
to the cultural construction of whether one is female,
male, or something else.
Given the “rich and various constructions of gen-
der” within the realm of cultural diversity, Susan
Bourque and Kay Warren (1987) note that the same
images of masculinity and femininity do not always
apply. Margaret Mead did an early ethnographic
study of variation in gender roles. Her book Sex
and Temperament in Three Primitive Societies
(1935/1950) was based on fieldwork in three societies
in Papua New Guinea: the Arapesh, Mundugumor,
and Tchambuli. The extent of personality variation
in men and women among those three societies on
the same island amazed Mead. She found that
Arapesh men and women both acted as Americans
traditionally have expected women to act: in a mild,
parental, responsive way. Mundugumor men and
The realm of cultural diversity contains richly different social constructions and expressions of
women both, in contrast, acted as she believed we
gender roles, as is illustrated by this Wodaabe man at the annual Gerewol male beauty expect men to act: fiercely and aggressively. Finally,
contest in Niger. Tchambuli men were “catty,” wore curls, and went
shopping, but Tchambuli women were energetic and
Humans are sexually dimorphic, more so than some managerial and placed less emphasis on personal
primates, such as gibbons (small, tree-living Asiatic adornment than did the men. (Drawing on their
apes), and less so than others, such as gorillas and case study of the Tchambuli, whom they call the
sexual dimorphism orangutans. Sexual dimorphism refers to differ- Chambri, Errington and Gewertz [1987], while
Marked differences in ences in male and female biology besides the con- recognizing gender malleability, have disputed the
male and female trasts in breasts and genitals. Women and men differ specifics of Mead’s account.)
biology, beyond breasts not just in primary (genitalia and reproductive There is a well-established field of feminist
and genitals.
organs) and secondary (breasts, voice, hair distribu- scholarship within anthropology (Di Leonardo
tion) sexual characteristics but in average weight, 1991; Rosaldo 1980b; Strathern 1988). Anthropolo-
height, strength, and longevity. Women tend to live gists have gathered systematic ethnographic data
longer than men and have excellent endurance capa- about similarities and differences involving gender
bilities. In a given population, men tend to be taller in many cultural settings (Bonvillain 2007; Brettell
and to weigh more than women do. Of course, there and Sargent 2012; Mascia-Lees 2010; Stimpson and
is a considerable overlap between the sexes in terms Herdt 2014; Ward and Edelstein 2013). Anthropolo-
gender of height, weight, and physical strength, and there gists can detect recurrent themes and patterns
The cultural construction has been a pronounced reduction in sexual dimor- involving gender differences. They also can observe
of whether one is phism during human evolution. that gender roles vary with environment, economy,
female, male, or Just how far, however, do such genetically and adaptive strategy, and type of political system.
something else.
physiologically determined differences go? What Before we examine the cross-cultural data, some defi-
gender roles effects do they have on the way men and women act nitions are in order.
The tasks and activities and are treated in different societies? Anthropolo- Gender roles are the tasks and activities a cul-
that a culture assigns to gists have discovered both similarities and differ- ture assigns by gender. Related to gender roles are
each sex. ences in the roles of men and women in different gender stereotypes, which are oversimplified but
cultures. The predominant anthropological position strongly held ideas about the characteristics of
gender stereotypes
on sex-gender roles and biology may be stated as males and females. Gender stratification describes
Oversimplified, strongly
held views about the
follows: an unequal distribution of rewards (socially valued
characteristics of resources, power, prestige, human rights, and per-
The biological nature of men and women
males and females. sonal freedom) between men and women, reflecting
[should be seen] not as a narrow enclosure
their different positions in a social hierarchy.
limiting the human organism, but rather as a
gender stratification According to Ann Stoler (1977), the “economic
broad base upon which a variety of structures
Unequal distribution of determinants of gender status” include freedom or
can be built. (Friedl 1975, p. 6)
social resources autonomy (in disposing of one’s labor and its fruits)
between men and Although in most societies men tend to be some- and social power (control over the lives, labor, and
women. produce of others).
what more aggressive than women are, many of the
behavioral and attitudinal differences between the In stateless societies, gender stratification often is
sexes emerge from culture rather than biology. Sex more obvious in regard to prestige than it is in regard
differences are biological, but gender encompasses to wealth. In her study of the Ilongots of northern
Hunting large aquatic animals Making fire Gathering fuel (e.g., firewood)
(e.g., whales, walrus) Body mutilation Making drinks
Smelting ores Preparing skins Gathering wild vegetal foods
Metalworking Gathering small land animals Dairy production (e.g., churning)
Lumbering Planting crops Spinning
Hunting large land animals Making leather products Doing the laundry
Working wood Harvesting Fetching water
Hunting fowl Tending crops Cooking
Making musical instruments Milking Preparing food (e.g., processing
Trapping Making baskets cereal grains)
Building boats Caring for small animals
Working stone Preserving meat and fish
Working bone, horn, and shell Loom weaving
Mining and quarrying Gathering small aquatic animals
Setting bones Clothing manufacture
Butchering* Making pottery
Collecting wild honey
Clearing land
Fishing
Tending large herd animals
Building houses
Preparing the soil
Making nets
Carrying burdens
Making mats
Making rope
*All the activities above “butchering” are almost always done by men; those from “butchering” through “making rope” usually are done by men.
SOURCE: Adapted from G. P. Murdock and C. Provost, “Factors in the Division of Labor by Sex: A Cross-Cultural Analysis,” Ethnology 12(2):
202–225.
hunting; either gender can collect the honey from a a role. Again there are exceptions, both within and
supermarket, even as most baby-bottom wiping between societies. Table 9.4 uses cross-cultural data
(part of child care and not included in Table 9.1) to answer the question “Who—men or women—is
continues to be in female hands. primarily responsible for the care, handling, and dis-
Cross-culturally the subsistence contributions of cipline of children younger than 4 years?” Women
men and women are roughly equal (Table 9.2). But have primary responsibility for young children in
in domestic activities and child care, female labor two-thirds of the societies, but there are exceptions.
clearly predominates, as we see in Tables 9.3 and In the United States and Canada today, some men are
9.4. Table 9.3 shows that in about half the societies primary caregivers despite the cultural fact that the
studied, men did virtually no domestic work. Even female role in child care remains more prominent.
in societies where men did domestic chores, the Given the critical role of breast-feeding in ensuring
bulk of such work was done by women. Adding infant survival, it makes sense, for infants especially,
together their subsistence activities and their for the mother to be the primary caregiver.
domestic work, women tend to work more hours There are differences in male and female repro-
than men do. Has this changed in the contempo- ductive strategies. Women give birth, breast-feed,
rary world? and assume primary responsibility for infant care.
What about child care? Women tend to be the Women ensure that their progeny will survive by
main caregivers in most societies, but men often play establishing a close bond with each baby. It’s also
TABLE 9.3 Who Does the Domestic Work?* TABLE 9.6 Is There a Double Standard
with Respect to PREMARITAL Sex?*
Males do virtually none 51
Males do some, but females do most 49 Yes—females are more restricted 44
*Percentage of 92 randomly selected societies for which information No—equal restrictions on males and females 56
was available on this variable.
*Percentage of 73 randomly selected societies for which information
SOURCE: M. F. Whyte, “Cross-Cultural Codes Dealing with the Relative was available on this variable.
Status of Women,” Ethnology 17(2):211–239.
SOURCE: M. F. Whyte, “Cross-Cultural Codes Dealing with the Relative
Status of Women,” Ethnology 17(2):211–239.
*Percentage of 67 randomly selected societies for which information *Percentage of 73 randomly selected societies for which informa-
was available on this variable. tion was available on this variable.
SOURCE: M. F. Whyte, “Cross-Cultural Codes Dealing with the Relative SOURCE: M. F. Whyte, “Cross-Cultural Codes Dealing with the
Status of Women,” Ethnology 17(2):211–239. Relative Status of Women,” Ethnology 17(2):211–239.
TABLE 9.8 Cash Employment of American Mothers, Wives, and Husbands, 1960–2011*
1960 19 32 89
1970 30 40 86
1980 45 50 81
1990 59 58 79
2011 62 60 75
*Civilian population 16 years of age and older.
†Husband present.
‡Wife present.
SOURCE: Proquest Statistical Abstract of the United States 2013, Table 607, p. 396; Table 609, p. 397.
TABLE 9.9 Median Annual Income of U.S. Households, by Household Type, 2010
PERCENTAGE OF MEDIAN
NUMBER OF EARNINGS COMPARED
HOUSEHOLDS MEDIAN ANNUAL WITH MARRIED-COUPLE
(1,000s) INCOME (DOLLARS) HOUSEHOLDS
Switzerland 82.2 7
Iceland 81.6 *
Sweden 79.0 9
Norway 77.5 3
Denmark 75.7 1
New Zealand 74.9 8
Canada 74.5 6
Finland 73.6 2
Netherlands 72.8 4
Germany 72.5 *
Australia 72.3 11
United Kingdom 70.8 *
United States 61.7 12
Turkey (lowest in table) 31.8 *
*These countries were not among the 15 “happiest countries.”
SOURCE: Proquest Statistical Abstract of the United States 2013, Table 1383, p. 887; Huffington Post, http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2010/07/03/
worlds-happiest-countries_n_633814.html#s109416title=Denmark_77.
T
he World Economic Forum, based in Switzerland, began in 2006. In terms of health, however, there was a small decline
publishing its annual Global Gender Gap Index in 2006 between 2006 and 2012, from 97 percent to 96 percent.
(see Hausmann, Tyson, and Zahidi 2012). This index as- These rates of improvement strike me as being rather slow.
sesses gender inequality, and progress in reducing it, in 135 There’s still a lot of progress to be made. A country’s gender
countries. For each country, the index measures the gap be- equality is correlated with its overall economic development and
tween males and females in four major categories: economic its global competitiveness. Because women represent about half
opportunity and participation, educational achievement, health of any national talent base, a country’s long-run competitiveness
and survival, and political empowerment. depends significantly on the opportunities it offers its women.
Most of the indexed countries, representing over 90 percent How might your country act to reduce its gender gap?
of the world’s population, have reduced their gender gaps.
Worldwide, 96 percent of the gender gap in health has been
closed, along with 93 percent in education. Only 60 percent of
the economic gap, however, and a paltry 20 percent of the
political gap between men and women have been closed.
Worldwide, only about 20 women serve as elected heads of
government. In 2012, Forbes magazine ranked Angela Merkel,
Germany’s chancellor, the world’s second most powerful per-
son (after President Barack Obama). Merkel, however, was the
only woman in the top 10 and was 1 of only 3 women in the top
20 most powerful people in the world (see http://www.forbes.
com/powerful-people/). In ministries, parliaments, and houses
of congress the global average is less than 20 percent female.
North America has been the world’s most successful region
in terms of correcting gender-based inequality. Next come Eu-
rope and Central Asia, followed by Latin America, Asia, and Af-
rica. The Middle East/North Africa comes in last.
Four Nordic countries consistently have held the top four
positions in the index: Iceland, Finland, Norway, and Sweden.
(Consider how this might relate to the happiness index discussed
in this chapter.) Although no country has yet achieved full gender
equality, those four countries have closed over 80 percent of
their gender gaps, considering all criteria. The lowest-ranking
country, Yemen, has closed only about half of its gender gap.
The United States ranked 22nd overall in the Global Gender
Gap Index in 2012. There was no gender gap in educational at-
tainment. U.S. literacy rates are high for both genders, and male
and female rates of enrollment are comparable at all educational
levels. The United States fared less well in terms of economics
and politics. While ranking eighth in economic participation and
opportunity, the U.S. was only 61st in terms of equal pay for
equal work. The United States did rise somewhat in political
empowerment—from 66th place in 2006 to 55th place in 2012.
To summarize: By 2012, 20 percent of the global political
empowerment gap had been closed, versus 14 percent in 2006.
In economic participation, 60 percent of the global gap had German Chancellor Angela Merkel holds a press conference prior to attending the
been closed, versus 56 percent in 2006. In 2012, 93 percent of annual EU summit meeting in Brussels, Belgium, in March 2014. Merkel has been called
the educational gap had been closed, up a bit from 92 percent the world’s most powerful woman.
sex with women (as husbands) (see Murray and growth, maturity, old age, and death. Etoro culture
Roscoe 1998). promoted the idea that semen was necessary to give
An extreme example of tension involving male– life force to a fetus, which, they believed, was
female sexual relations in Papua New Guinea is pro- implanted in a woman by an ancestral spirit. Sex-
vided by the Etoro (Kelly 1976), a group of 400 ual intercourse during pregnancy nourished the
people who subsist by hunting and horticulture growing fetus. The Etoro believed that men had a
in the Trans-Fly region (Figure 9.2, p. 192). The limited lifetime supply of semen. Any sex act lead-
Etoro illustrate the power of culture in molding ing to ejaculation was seen as draining that supply,
human sexuality. The following account, based on and as sapping a man’s virility and vitality. The
ethnographic fieldwork by Raymond C. Kelly in the birth of children, nurtured by semen, symbolized
late 1960s, applies only to Etoro males and their a necessary sacrifice that would lead to the hus-
beliefs. Etoro cultural norms prevented the male band’s eventual death. Male–female intercourse,
anthropologist who studied them from gathering required only for reproduction, was discouraged.
comparable information about female attitudes and Women who wanted too much sex were viewed as
behavior. Note, also, that the activities described witches, hazardous to their husbands’ health. Etoro
have been discouraged by missionaries. Since there culture allowed male–female intercourse only
has been no restudy of the Etoro specifically focus- about 100 days a year. The rest of the time it was
ing on these activities, the extent to which these tabooed. Seasonal birth clustering shows the taboo
practices continue today is unknown. For this reason, was respected.
I’ll use the past tense in describing them. So objectionable was male–female sex that it
Etoro opinions about sexuality were linked to was removed from community life. It could occur
their beliefs about the cycle of birth, physical neither in sleeping quarters nor in the fields. Coitus
could happen only in the woods, where it was risky force and stunting their growth. A boy’s rapid phys-
because poisonous snakes, the Etoro believed, ical development might suggest that he was getting
were attracted by the sounds and smells of male– semen from other boys. Like a sex-hungry wife, he
female sex. might be shunned as a witch.
Although coitus was discouraged, sex acts The sexual practices just described rested not on
between males were viewed as essential. Etoro hormones or genes but on cultural beliefs and tra-
believed that boys could not produce semen on their ditions. The Etoro shared a cultural pattern, which
own. To grow into men and eventually give life Gilbert Herdt (ed. 1984, 2006) calls “ritualized
force to their children, boys had to acquire semen homosexuality,” with some 50 other tribes in a
orally from older men. No taboos were attached to region of Papua New Guinea. These societies
this. This oral insemination could proceed in the illustrate one extreme of a male–female avoidance
sleeping area or garden. Every three years, young pattern that has been widespread in Papua New
men around the age of 20 were formally initiated Guinea, and patrilineal-patrilocal societies more
into manhood. They went to a secluded mountain generally.
lodge, where they were visited and inseminated by Flexibility in sexual expression seems to be an
several older men. aspect of our primate heritage. Both masturbation and
Male–male sex among the Etoro was governed same-sex sexual activity exist among chimpanzees
by a code of propriety. Although sexual relations and other primates. Male bonobos (pygmy chimps)
between older and younger males were considered regularly engage in a form of mutual masturbation
culturally essential, those between boys of the same that has been called “penis fencing.” Female bonobos
age were discouraged. A boy who took semen from get sexual pleasure from rubbing their genitals against
other youths was believed to be sapping their life those of other females (de Waal 1997). Our primate
0 100 200 mi
Vanimo
0 100 200 km
Wewak
Bismarck
r
I N D O N E S I A
Sepik Rive
Sea N
B
is Karkar I. Witu Is.
m P
NEW a
rc
k Long I.
C e n t r a l Wabag Ra
Mt. m Madang
Wilhelm u Kimbe
Ra Ri
ng ve
R n
GUINEA Mt. e Mount a
r
W hitema
Sisa Hagen n Umboi
Range
g
ETORO e Goroka Huon
Peninsula
I.
KALULI
k l and R.
Lake Lae
New Britain
Murray Kiko
Mt. ur
SAMBIA
P
ri R a ri
Bosavi i ve
ric
r
St
P A P U A
R.
Wau
N E W G U IN E A Solomon Sea
Fly
Ri
ve Morobe
r
Kerema
Trobriand
Is.
Gulf of
Morehead
Papua Popondetta
O D'Entrecasteaux
Daru w Is.
en
Port Ra St
ng an
Torres Strait Moresby e ley
FIGURE 9.2 TThe Location of the Etoro, Kaluli, and Sambia in Papua New Guinea.
The western part of the island of New Guinea is part of Indonesia. The eastern part of the island is the independent nation of Papua
New Guinea, home of the Etoro, Kaluli, and Sambia.
for REVIEW
summary 1. Gender roles are the tasks and activities that a cul-
ture assigns to each sex. Gender stereotypes are
females. Gender stratification describes an unequal
distribution of rewards by gender, reflecting differ-
oversimplified ideas about attributes of males and ent positions in a social hierarchy. Cross-cultural
1. How are sexuality, sex, and gender related to one another? What are the differences between these three con-
cepts? Provide an argument about why anthropologists are uniquely positioned to study the relationships be-
tween sexuality, sex, and gender in society.
critical
2. Using your own society, give an example of a gender role, a gender stereotype, and gender stratification. thinking
3. What is the feminization of poverty? Where is this trend occurring, and what are some of its causes?
4. Is intersex the same as transgender? If not, how do they differ? How might biological, cultural, and personal
factors influence gender identity?
5. This chapter describes Raymond Kelly’s research among the Etoro of Papua New Guinea. What were his find-
ings regarding Etoro male–female sexual relations? How did Kelly’s own gender affect some of the content and
extent of his study? Can you think of other research projects where the ethnographer’s gender would have an
impact?
How is kinship
calculated, and
how are relatives
classified, in various
societies?
A family reunion celebrating the Chinese Lunar New Year outside a cave dwelling in central China’s Henan Province.
chapter outline
FAMILIES
Nuclear and Extended
Families
Industrialism and Family
Organization
apply to a majority of American households. What term, reny, for mother, mother’s sister, and Ambilineal Descent
kind of family raised you? Perhaps it was a nuclear father’s sister. (They also use a single term, ray, Family versus Descent
family. Or maybe you were raised by a single par- for father and all uncles.) The difference between
KINSHIP CALCULATION
ent, with or without the help of extended kin. Per- “real” (biologically based) and socially con-
Genealogical Kin Types
haps your extended kin acted as your parents. Or structed kinship didn’t matter to Rabe. and Kin Terms
maybe you had a stepparent and/or step- or half- Contrast this Betsileo case with Americans’ atti-
siblings in a blended family. Your own family may tudes about kinship and adoption. On family- KINSHIP TERMINOLOGY
match none of these descriptions, or it may have oriented radio talk shows, I’ve heard hosts Lineal Terminology
had different descriptions at different times. distinguish between “birth mothers” and adoptive Bifurcate Merging
Although contemporary American families mothers, and between “sperm daddies” and Terminology
may seem amazingly diverse, other cultures offer “daddies of the heart.” The latter may be adoptive Generational
Terminology
family alternatives that Americans might have fathers or stepfathers who have “been like fathers”
Bifurcate Collateral
trouble understanding. Imagine a society in to someone. American culture tends to promote the
Terminology
which someone doesn’t know for sure, and idea that kinship is, and should be, biological. It’s
doesn’t care much about, who his actual mother increasingly common for adopted children to seek
was. Consider Joseph Rabe, a Betsileo man who out their birth parents (which used to be discour-
was my field assistant in Madagascar. Rabe, who aged as disruptive), even after a perfectly satisfac-
had been raised by his aunt—his father’s sister— tory upbringing in an adoptive family. The American
told me about two sisters, one of whom was his emphasis on biology for kinship is seen also in the
mother and the other his mother’s sister. He recent proliferation of DNA testing. Viewing our
knew their names, but he didn’t know which was beliefs through the lens of cross-cultural compari-
which. Illustrating an adoptive pattern common son helps us appreciate that kinship and biology
among the Betsileo, Rabe was given as a toddler don’t always converge, nor do they need to.
195
an ethnographer must investigate such kin ties. For (or domestic partner) and eventually their children.
example, the most significant local groups may con- Some people establish more than one family through
sist of descendants of the same grandfather. These successive marriages or domestic partnerships.
family of orientation people may live in neighboring houses, farm adjoin- Anthropologists distinguish between the family of
Nuclear family in which ing fields, and help each other in everyday tasks. orientation (the family in which one is born and grows
one is born and grows Other sorts of groups, based on different or more up) and the family of procreation (formed when one
up. distant kin links, get together less often. has children). From the individual’s point of view, the
The nuclear family is one kind of kin group that critical relationships are with parents and siblings in
family of procreation
Nuclear family
is widespread in human societies. The nuclear fam- the family of orientation and with spouse (or domestic
established when
ily consists of parents and children, normally living partner) and children in the family of procreation.
one marries and together in the same household. Other kin groups In most societies, relations with nuclear family
has children. include extended families (families consisting of members (parents, siblings, and children) take pre-
three or more generations) and descent groups— cedence over relations with other kin. Nuclear fam-
lineages and clans. Such groups are not usually resi- ily organization is very widespread but not universal,
dentially based, as the nuclear family is. Extended and its significance in society differs greatly from
family members get together from time to time, but one place to another. In a few societies, such as the
they don’t necessarily live together. Branches of a classic Nayar case (described below), nuclear families
given descent group may reside in several villages are rare or nonexistent. In others, the nuclear family
descent group and rarely assemble for common activity. Descent plays no special role in social life. Other social
Group based on belief groups, which are composed of people claiming units—most notably descent groups and extended
in shared ancestry. common ancestry, are basic units in the social orga- families—can assume many of the functions otherwise
nization of nonindustrial farmers and herders. associated with the nuclear family.
Consider an example from the former Yugoslavia.
Traditionally, among the Muslims of western Bosnia
Nuclear and Extended Families (Lockwood 1975), nuclear families lacked auton-
A nuclear family lasts only as long as the parents and omy. Several such families were embedded in an
children remain together. Most people belong to at extended family household called a zadruga. The
least two nuclear families at different times in their zadruga was headed by a male household head and
lives. They are born into a family consisting of their his wife, the senior woman. It also included married
parents and siblings. Reaching adulthood, they may sons and their wives and children, as well as unmar-
establish a nuclear family that includes their spouse ried sons and daughters. Each nuclear family had a
sleeping room, decorated and partly furnished from
the bride’s trousseau. However, possessions—even
clothing items—were freely shared by zadruga
members. Even trousseau items could be appropri-
ated for use by other zadruga members. Such a resi-
dential unit is known as a patrilocal extended family,
because each couple resides in the husband’s father’s
household after marriage.
The zadruga took precedence over its component
units. Social interaction was more usual among
women, men, or children than between spouses or
between parents and children. Larger households
ate at three successive settings: for men, women,
and children. Traditionally, all children over 12 slept
together in boys’ or girls’ rooms. When a woman
wished to visit another village, she sought the per-
mission of the male zadruga head. Although men
usually felt closer to their own children than to those
of their brothers, they were obliged to treat them
A big sister has been equally. Children were disciplined by any adult in
bathing her little brother the household. When a nuclear family broke up,
in India’s Ganges River.
children under 7 went with the mother. Older chil-
dren could choose between their parents. Children
Siblings play a
were considered part of the household where they
prominent role in child
were born even if their mother left. One widow who
rearing in many remarried had to leave her five children, all over 7,
societies. Do your in their father’s zadruga, headed by his brother.
siblings belong to your Another example of an alternative to the nuclear
family of orientation or family is provided by the Nayars (or Nair), a large
procreation? and powerful caste on the Malabar Coast of southern
such
ssuc
ucchh as t zadrug
as the zadruga.
zadru
zza druga. Another
drug A r type
tty e oof expand
expanded
exp
expan
pand
anded
an ddedd fa
fam-
am-
amm-
ly is the collateral
ily
il
ly cco
o erral
ollate rraall household,
househ
ho
household
ouuseho
ouseho hol
old
ld, wh which
hhich
hic
ich
ch
h includes
inccludess sib-
in s
si
lings
li
linn and their
ngs thhei
heir
heir
ir spouses
sp
ppoousess aand child
chil
children.
childre
ildr
ild
ddre
ren.
re
Th hig
The
T high
higher
ggherer proportion
pro
proport
ro
opo
opor
op porti
orti
ortio
rtio
tiooon of expanded
expaan anded fam
family
miily
m
mily
ly hou
hhouse-
use-
us
use-
see-
holds among poorer Americans has been explained
as an adaptation to poverty (Stack 1975). Unable to
survive economically as nuclear family units, rela-
tives band together in an expanded household and
pool their resources. Adaptation to poverty causes
kinship values and attitudes to diverge from middle-
class norms (see Hansen 2005). Thus, when North
Americans raised in poverty achieve financial suc-
cess, they often feel obligated to provide financial
help to a wide circle of less fortunate relatives. (This
chapter’s “Appreciating Diversity” shows how poor
Brazilians use kinship, marriage, and fictive kinship
as a form of social security.)
An extended family of cocoteros, workers on a coconut plantation in the rural town of Barigua Changes in North American Kinship
in eastern Cuba. Try to guess the relationships among them. The nuclear family may remain a cultural ideal for
many Americans, but, as we see in Table 10.1 and
2012 1970
Numbers
Total number of households 122 million 63 million
Number of people per household 2.6 3.1
Percentages of households
Married couples with children 20% 40%
Married couples without children 29% 30%
Family households 66% 81%
Five or more people 10% 21%
People living alone 27% 17%
Single-mother family households 13% 5%
Single-father family households 5% 0%
Children under 18 29% 45%
SOURCE: Jonathan Vespa, Jamie M. Lewis, and Rose M. Kreider, 2013, “America’s Families and Living Arrangements: 2012,” Current
Population Reports, P20-570, U.S. Census Bureau, Washington, DC. https://www.census.gov/prod/2013pubs/p20-570.pdf
60%
30.3% 17.8% Other family 2000 the rate has drifted up slightly, to 53 percent
households
in 2011.
29.9% The growth of single-parent households also
40% 29.8% has outstripped population growth, almost
28.9% 28.7% 28.3% 28.8%
29.1% Married
tripling from fewer than 4 million in 1970 to
couples 11.2 million in 2012. (The overall American
without
children
population in 2012 was about 1.5 times its size
20% 40.3% in 1970.) The percentage (24 percent) of chil-
30.9% dren living in fatherless households (mother-
26.3% 25.5% 24.1% 22.9% 20.9% headed, no resident dad) in 2012 was more than
19.6% Married
couples twice the 1970 rate, while the percentage
with children (4 percent) in motherless homes (father-headed,
0
1970 1980 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2012 no resident mom) increased fivefold.
Year Fewer than half (46 percent) of American
women lived with a husband in 2012, compared
with 65 percent in 1950 and 51 percent in 2000
FIGURE 10.2 Households by Type: Selected Years, (Roberts et al. 2007; Vespa et al. 2013). The
1970 to 2012 (Percent Distribution). proportion of one-person households rose
SOURCES: Jonathan Vespa, Jamie M. Lewis, and Rose M. Kreider, 2013, “America’s Families and Living
by 10 percentage points between 1970 and
Arrangements: 2012,” Current Population Reports, P20-570, U.S. Census Bureau, Washington, DC. 2012, from 17 percent to 27 percent (Vespa
https://www.census.gov/prod/2013pubs/p20-570.pdf et al. 2013).
Table 10.3 documents comparable declines
in the size of families and households in the
Figure 10.2, nuclear families now account for barely United States and Canada since 1980. The trend
one-fifth of American households. Other domestic toward smaller families and living units also is detect-
arrangements now outnumber the “traditional” able in Western Europe and other industrial nations.
American household five to one. There are several To be sure, contemporary Americans maintain social
reasons for this changing household composition. lives through work, friendship, sports, clubs, reli-
Women increasingly have joined men in the cash gion, and organized social activities. However, the
workforce. Often, this removes them from their growing isolation from kin that these figures suggest
family of orientation while making it economically may well be unprecedented in human history.
feasible to delay (or even forgo) marriage. Often, The entire range of kin attachments is narrower
job demands compete with romantic attachments. for North Americans, particularly those in the mid-
The median age at first marriage for American dle class, than it is for nonindustrial peoples.
women rose from 21 years in 1970 to 27 in 2012. Although we recognize ties to grandparents, uncles,
For men the comparable ages were 23 and 29. More aunts, and cousins, we have less contact with, and
than a third (36 percent) of American men and depend less on, those relatives than people in other
30 percent of American women had never married cultures do. We see this when we answer a few ques-
as of 2012 (Vespa, Lewis, and Kreider 2013). tions: Do we know exactly how we are related to all
The divorce rate also has risen. Between 1970 our cousins? How much do we know about our
and 2012, the number of divorced Americans ancestors, such as their full names and where they
TABLE 10.2 Ratio of Divorces to Marriages per 1,000 U.S. Population, Selected Years, 1950–2011
1980 2011
R
WASHINGTON MONTANA
may move from one band to another several times
O
(see Hill et al. 2011). Although nuclear families are
COL
C o lum b ia
C
ke
ultimately as impermanent among foragers as they
K
a
UM
Sn
are in any other society, they are usually more stable
Y
IDAHO
BI
than bands are.
A
WYOMING BLACK
OREGON HILLS
Many foraging societies lacked year-round band SHOSHONI
P
L
T
A
E
organization. The Native American Shoshoni of the A
U
Great Basin in Utah and Nevada (Figure 10.3) pro-
M
vide an example. The resources available to the
SIER
Great
COA
O
NEVADA Salt Lake
Shoshoni were so meager that for most of the year
RA
U
families traveled alone through the countryside,
ST
GREAT
N T
hunting and gathering. In certain seasons families UTAH
NE
o COLORADO
BASIN
d
assembled to hunt cooperatively as a band; after just
ra
VA
lo
A I
CALIFORNIA Co
a few months together, they dispersed (see Fowler
DA
DEA
COLORADO
and Fowler 2008).
RA
N S
TH
In neither industrial nor foraging societies are G RAN D
VA
N
PLATEAU
LL
G CANYO N
people tied permanently to the land. The mobility and
EY
E
S MOJAVE
the emphasis on small, economically self-sufficient DESERT
NEW MEXICO
family units promote the nuclear family as a basic
Rio
ARIZONA
do
kin group in both types of societies. PACIFIC
Colo ra
G r a n de
OCEAN
0 150 300 mi
DESCENT 120°W 0 150 300 km
3 4 1 2 3 4
Bifurcate Merging Terminology
bifurcate merging Bifurcate merging kinship terminology (Fig-
kinship terminology ure 10.9) bifurcates, or splits, the mother’s side and
Four parental kin terms: the father’s side. But it also merges same-sex sib-
M5MZ, F5FB, MB, and 1 Mother 3 Uncle lings of each parent. Thus, mother and mother’s sis-
FZ each stand alone.
ter are merged under the same term (1), while father
2 Father 4 Aunt and father’s brother also get a common term (2).
There are different terms for mother’s brother (3)
and father’s sister (4).
FIGURE 10.7 Lineal Kinship Terminology People use this system in societies with unilineal
(patrilineal and matrilineal) descent rules and unilo-
cal (patrilocal and matrilocal) postmarital residence
rules. When the society is unilineal and unilocal, the
logic of bifurcate merging terminology is fairly
clear. In a patrilineal society, for example, father and
father’s brother belong to the same descent group,
gender, and generation. Since patrilineal societies
usually have patrilocal residence, the father and his
Ego
3 1 1 2 2 4
1 Mother 3 Uncle
FIGURE 10.8 The Distinctions among Lineals, Collaterals, FIGURE 10.9 Bifurcate Merging Kinship
and Affinals as Perceived by Ego. Terminology.
for
o REVIEW
summary 1. In nonindustrial societies, kinship, descent, and
marriage organize social and political life. In study-
who may pool their resources in dealing with
poverty. Today, however, even in the American
ing kinship, we must distinguish between kin middle class, nuclear family households are declin-
groups, whose composition and activities can be ing as single-person households and other domestic
observed, and kinship calculation—how people arrangements increase.
identify and designate their relatives.
4. The descent group is a basic kin group among
2. One widespread kin group is the nuclear family,
nonindustrial farmers and herders. Unlike families,
consisting of a married couple and their children.
descent groups have perpetuity—they last for
There are functional alternatives to the nuclear fam-
generations. Descent-group members share and
ily. That is, other groups may assume functions
manage a common estate: land, animals, and other
usually associated with the nuclear family. Nuclear
resources. There are several kinds of descent
families tend to be especially important in foraging
groups. Lineages are based on demonstrated
and industrial societies. Among farmers and herd-
descent; clans, on stipulated descent. Descent rules
ers, other kinds of kin groups often overshadow the
may be unilineal or ambilineal. Unilineal (patrilin-
nuclear family.
eal and matrilineal) descent is associated with
3. In contemporary North America, the nuclear family unilocal (respectively, patrilocal and matrilocal)
is a characteristic kin group for the middle class. postmarital residence. Obligations to one’s descent
Expanded households and sharing with extended group and to one’s family of procreation may
family kin occur more frequently among the poor, conflict, especially in matrilineal societies.
affinals 208
ambilineal descent 204
family of orientation 196
family of procreation 196 key terms
bifurcate collateral kinship terminology 209 functional explanation 208
bifurcate merging kinship terminology 208 generational kinship terminology 209
bilateral kinship calculation 207 kinship calculation 206
clan 204 lineage 204
collateral relative 208 lineal kinship terminology 208
descent group 196 lineal relatives 208
ego 206 neolocality 197
extended family household 197 unilineal descent 204
1. Why is kinship so important to anthropologists? How might the study of kinship be useful for research in fields
of anthropology other than cultural anthropology? critical
2. What are some examples of alternatives to nuclear family arrangements considered in this chapter? What may
be the impact of new (and increasingly accessible) reproductive technologies on domestic arrangements? thinking
3. Although the nuclear family remains the cultural ideal for many Americans, other domestic arrangements now
outnumber the “traditional” American household about five to one. What are some reasons for this? Do you
think this trend is good or bad? Why?
4. To what sorts of family or families do you belong? Have you belonged to other kinds of families? How do the
kin terms you use compare with the four classification systems discussed in this chapter?
5. Cultures with unilocal residence and unilineal descent tend to have bifurcate merging terminology, while ambi-
lineal descent and ambilocal residence correlate with generational terminology. Why does this make sense?
What are some examples of each case?
How is marriage
defined and
regulated, and what
rights does it convey?
What forms of
marriage exist cross-
culturally, and what
are their social
correlates?
Part of a wedding ceremony in Khartoum, Sudan. On women’s night, friends gather and an older woman anoints the
bride with oil.
chapter outline
WHAT IS MARRIAGE?
ENDOGAMY
ccording to the radio talk show psychol- In contemporary North America, although
A
Caste
ogist (and undergraduate anthropology neither women nor men typically have to adjust
Royal Endogamy
major) Dr. Joy Browne, parents’ job is to to in-laws living nearby full-time, conflicts with
give their kids “roots and wings.” Roots, in-laws aren’t at all uncommon. Just read “Dear MARITAL RIGHTS AND
she says, are the easier part. In other words, it’s Abby” or listen to Dr. Joy Browne (cited previ- SAME-SEX MARRIAGE
easier to raise children than to let them go. Has that ously) for a week. Even more of a challenge is MARRIAGE AS GROUP
been true of your parents with respect to you? I’ve learning to live with a spouse. Marriage always ALLIANCE
heard comments about today’s “helicopter par- raises issues of accommodation and adjustment. Gifts at Marriage
ents” hovering over even their college-aged kids, Initially, the married couple is just that, unless Durable Alliances
using cell phones, e-mail, and texting to follow their there are children from a previous marriage.
progeny more closely than in prior generations. Do If there are, adjustment issues will involve DIVORCE
you have any experience with such a pattern? step-parenthood—and a prior spouse—as well
PLURAL MARRIAGES
It can be difficult to make the transition as the new marital relationship. Once a couple
Polygyny
between the family that raised us (our family of has its own child, the family-of-procreation men-
Polyandry
orientation) and the family we form if we have chil- tality takes over. In the United States, family loy-
dren (our family of procreation). In contemporary alty shifts, but not completely, from the family of THE ONLINE MARRIAGE
America, we usually get a head start by “leaving orientation to the family that includes spouse and MARKET
home” long before we establish a family of procre- child(ren). Given our bilateral kinship system, we
ation. We go off to college or find a job that enables maintain relations with our sons and daughters
us to support ourselves, so that we can live inde- after they marry, and grandchildren theoretically
pendently or with roommates. In nonindustrial are as close to one set of grandparents as to the
societies people, especially women, may leave other set. In practice, grandchildren tend to be a
home abruptly when they marry. Often, a woman bit closer to their mother’s than to their father’s
must leave her home village and her own kin and families. Can you speculate about why that might
move in with her husband and his relatives. This be? How is it for you? Are you closer to your
can be an unpleasant and alienating transition. paternal or maternal grandparents? How about
Many women complain about feeling isolated, or your uncles and aunts on one side or the other?
being mistreated, in their husband’s village. Why is that?
213
(or more) women, or a woman weds a group of kinship, other factors that restrict sexual access
brothers—an arrangement called fraternal polyan- include age and the range of sexual acts that are
dry that is characteristic of certain Himalayan cul- socially tolerated. In the United States the age of
tures. In the Brazilian community of Arembepe, consent for sexual activity varies by state between
people can choose among various forms of marital 16 and 18. It is 16 in Canada and 14 in Italy. Cul-
union. Most people live in long-term “common-law” tures and governments routinely try to regulate sex-
domestic partnerships that are not legally sanctioned. ual activity. Until 2003, when the Supreme Court
Some have civil marriages, which are licensed and struck them down, several states had sodomy laws,
legalized by a justice of the peace. Still others go used mainly against gay men who engaged in nonre-
through religious ceremonies, so that they are united productive sex. Most people probably don’t know
in “holy matrimony,” although not legally. And some what is legal and what isn’t in a given state or coun-
have both civil and religious ties. The different forms try and can get in trouble as a result (e.g., when an
of union permit someone to have multiple spouses 18-year-old has sex with a 17-year-old).
(e.g., one common-law, one civil, one religious) with- Sex is contested. That is, people in the same cul-
out ever getting divorced. ture can disagree and argue about the definition and
Some societies recognize various kinds of same- propriety of particular sexual acts. President Bill
sex marriages. In South Sudan, a Nuer woman can Clinton famously asserted, “I did not have sexual
marry a woman if her father has only daughters but relations with that women. . . .” Should sexual prac-
no male heirs, who are necessary if his patrilineage tices other than heterosexual coitus (oral sex, for
is to survive. He may ask his daughter to stand as a example) be considered “sexual relations”? With
son in order to take a bride. This daughter will respect to incest restrictions, what, if any, kind of
become the socially recognized husband of another sexual contact is permissible between a teenager
woman (the wife). This is a symbolic and social and his or her cousin of comparable age? How about
relationship rather than a sexual one. The “wife” has step-siblings, half-siblings, and siblings? Some U.S.
sex with a man or men (whom her female “husband” states permit marriage, and therefore sex, with first
must approve) until she gets pregnant. The children cousins, while others ban it. The social construction
born to the wife are accepted as the offspring of both of kinship, and of incest, is far from simple.
the female husband and the wife. Although the For example, is a first cousin always a relative?
genitor female husband is not the actual genitor, the bio- Many societies distinguish between two kinds of
A child’s biological logical father, of the children, she is their pater, or first cousins: cross cousins and parallel cousins.
father. socially recognized father. What’s important in this The children of two brothers or two sisters are
Nuer case is social rather than biological paternity. parallel cousins. The children of a brother and a
pater We see again how kinship is socially constructed. sister are cross cousins. Your mother’s sister’s
One’s socially
The bride’s children are considered the legitimate children and your father’s brother’s children are
recognized father; not
necessarily the genitor.
offspring of her female “husband,” who is biologi- your parallel cousins. Your father’s sister’s chil-
cally a woman but socially a man, and the descent dren and your mother’s brother’s children are your
parallel cousins line continues. cross cousins.
Children of two brothers The American kin term cousin doesn’t distinguish
or two sisters. between cross and parallel cousins, but in many soci-
eties, especially those with unilineal descent, the dis-
cross cousins INCEST AND EXOGAMY tinction is essential. As an example, consider a
Children of a brother In nonindustrial societies, a person’s social world community with only two descent groups. This
and a sister. exemplifies what is known as moiety organization—
includes two main categories—friends and strang-
ers. Strangers are potential or actual enemies. Mar- from the French moitié, which means “half.” Descent
riage is one of the primary ways of converting bifurcates the community so that everyone belongs
strangers into friends, of creating and maintaining to one half or the other. Some societies have patrilin-
exogamy personal and political alliances. Exogamy, the cus- eal moieties; others have matrilineal moieties.
Marriage outside one’s tom and practice of seeking a mate outside one’s In Figures 11.1 and 11.2, notice that cross
own group. own group, has adaptive value, because it links peo- cousins always are members of the opposite moi-
ple into a wider social network that nurtures, helps, ety and parallel cousins always belong to your
and protects them in times of need. Incest restric- (ego’s) own moiety. With patrilineal descent (Fig-
tions (prohibitions on sex with relatives) reinforce ure 11.1), people take the father’s descent-group
exogamy by pushing people to seek their mates out- affiliation; in a matrilineal society (Figure 11.2),
side the local group. Most societies discourage sex- they take the mother’s affiliation. You can see from
ual contact involving close relatives, especially these diagrams that your mother’s sister’s children
members of the same nuclear family. (MZC) and your father’s brother’s children
incest Incest refers to sexual contact with a relative, but (FBC) always belong to your group. Your cross
Sexual relations with a cultures define their kin, and thus incest, differently. cousins—that is, FZC and MBC—belong to the
close relative. In other words, incest, like kinship, is socially con- other moiety.
structed. Marriage entails sex, so one can marry Parallel cousins belong to the same generation
only someone with whom sex is permitted. Besides and the same descent group as ego does, and they
Hills
Dhaka Agartala Yanomami. Another society in their
Asansol
MY A N MA R sample is the Ashanti, for whom the
Burdwan
L AKHE R ethnographer Meyer Fortes reports,
“In the old days it [incest] was pun-
Mizo
Shwebo
Haora
Calcutta Haka ished by death. Nowadays the cul-
Chittagong Monywa Maymyo
Kharagpur prits are heavily fined” (Fortes 1950,
Mandalay
p. 257). This suggests that there
Bay of
Bengal
really were violations of Ashanti
Myingyan
Meiktila
incest restrictions, and that such vio-
lations were, and still are, punished.
More strikingly, among 24 Ojibwa
FIGURE 11.3 Location of the Lakher.
individuals from whom he obtained
information about incest, A. Irving
Hallowell found 8 cases of parent–
child incest and 10 cases of brother–
“Appreciating Anthropology”). This emigration sister incest (Hallowell 1955, pp. 294–95). Because
reduces the frequency of incestuous unions, but it reported cases of actual parent–child and sibling
doesn’t stop them. DNA testing of wild chimps has incest are very rare in the ethnographic literature,
confirmed incestuous unions between adult sons and questions about the possibility of social construction
their mothers, which reside in the same group. arise here too. In many cultures, including the
Human behavior with respect to mating with close Ojibwa, people use the same terms for their mother
relatives may express a generalized primate ten- and their aunt, their father and their uncle, and their
dency, in which we see both urges and avoidance. cousins and siblings. Could the siblings in the Ojibwa
case actually have been cousins, and the parents and
children, uncles and nieces?
In ancient Egypt, sibling marriage apparently
was allowed for both royalty and commoners, in
some districts at least. Based on official census
records from Roman Egypt (first to third centuries
c.e.), 24 percent of all documented marriages in the
Arsinoites district were between “brothers” and
Ego “sisters.” The rates were 37 percent for the city of
Incestuous Nonincestuous Arsinoe and 19 percent for the surrounding villages.
union union
These figures are much higher than any other docu-
mented levels of inbreeding among humans
: Ego's : Ego's mother's
(Scheidel 1997). Again one wonders if the relatives
, patrilineage , second husband's involved were actually as close biologically as the
patrilineage kin terms would imply.
According to Anna Meigs and Kathleen Barlow
: Ego's mother's : Ego's father's (2002), for Western societies with nuclear family
patrilineage second wife's organization, “father–daughter incest” is much
patrilineage
more common with stepfathers than with biologi-
: Separation or divorce. cal fathers. But is it really incest if they aren’t
FD by second marriage is a comember of ego's descent biological relatives? American culture is unclear
group and is included within the incest taboo.
MD by second marriage is not a comember of ego's
on this matter. Incest also happens with biological
descent group and is not tabooed. fathers, especially those who were absent or did
little caretaking of their daughters in childhood
(Williams and Finkelhor 1995). In a carefully
FIGURE 11.4 Patrilineal Descent-Group Identity designed study, Linda M. Williams and David
and Incest among the Lakher. Finkelhor (1995) found father–daughter incest to
be least likely when there was substantial paternal A century ago, early anthropologists speculated
parenting of daughters. This experience enhanced that incest restrictions reflect an instinctive horror of
the father’s parenting skills and his feelings of mating with close relatives (Hobhouse 1915; Lowie
nurturance, protectiveness, and identification 1920/1961). But why, one wonders, if humans really
with his daughter, thus reducing the chance of do have an instinctive aversion to incest, would for-
incest. mal restrictions be necessary? No one would want to
ENDOGAMY
The practice of exogamy pushes social organization
outward, establishing and preserving alliances
endogamy among groups. In contrast, rules of endogamy dic-
Marriage of people tate mating or marriage within a group to which one
from the same social belongs. Formal endogamic rules are less common
group. but are still familiar to anthropologists. Indeed, most
societies are endogamous units, although they usually
don’t need a formal rule requiring people to marry
someone from their own society. In our own society,
Discovered in Egypt’s Valley of the Kings, a gold and silver
classes and ethnic groups are quasi-endogamous
inlaid throne from the tomb of Tutankhamun is now on display
groups. Members of an ethnic or religious group
in Cairo’s Egyptian Museum. Sibling marrage was allowed not often want their children to marry within that group,
only for ancient Egyptian royalty but also for commoners in although many of them do not do so. The outmar-
some regions. riage rate varies among such groups, with some more
committed to endogamy than others are.
have sexual contact with a relative. Yet as social
workers, judges, psychiatrists, and psychologists are
well aware, incest is more common than we might
suppose.
Incest Avoidance
Why do societies discourage incest? Is it because
incestuous unions tend to produce abnormal off-
spring, as the early anthropologist Lewis Henry
Morgan (1877/1963) suggested? Laboratory exper-
iments with animals that reproduce faster than
humans do (such as mice and fruit flies) have been
used to investigate the effects of inbreeding: A
decline in survival and fertility does accompany
brother–sister mating across several generations.
However, despite the potentially harmful biologi-
cal results of systematic inbreeding, human mar-
riage patterns are based on specific cultural beliefs
rather than universal concerns about fertility
decline several generations in the future. Biologi-
cal concerns certainly cannot explain why so many
societies promote marriage of cross cousins but not
of parallel cousins.
In most societies, people avoid incest by fol-
lowing rules of exogamy, which force them to
mate and marry outside their kin group (Lévi-
Strauss 1949/1969; Tylor 1889; White 1959).
Exogamy is adaptively advantageous because it
creates new social ties and alliances. Marrying a
How many fingers do this Indian woman and her child have?
close relative, with whom one already is on peace-
ful terms, would be counterproductive. There is Such genetically determined traits as polydactylism (extra fingers)
more to gain by extending peaceful relations to a may show up when there is a high incidence of endogamy.
wider network of groups (see “Appreciating Despite the biological effects of inbreeding, marriage preferences
Anthropology”). Marriage within the group would and prohibitions are based on specific cultural beliefs rather than
isolate that group from its neighbors and their universal concerns about future biological degeneration.
In Lagos, Nigeria,
women work with green
vegetables in a bayside
market. In parts of
Nigeria, prominent
market women may
take a wife. Such
marriage allows wealthy
women to strengthen
their social status and
the economic
importance of their
households.
Gifts at Marriage
In societies with descent groups, people enter mar-
riage not alone but with the help of the descent
group. Often, it is customary for a substantial gift to
be given before, at, or after the marriage by the hus-
band and his kin to the wife and her kin. The
BaThonga of Mozambique call such a gift lobola,
and the custom of giving something like lobola is
very widespread in patrilineal societies (Radcliffe-
Brown 1924/1952). This gift compensates the
bride’s group for the loss of her companionship and
labor. More important, it makes the children born to
the woman full members of her husband’s descent
group. In matrilineal societies, children are mem-
bers of the mother’s group, and there is no reason for
a lobola-like gift.
This “I love you” wall is on display in an open area of Monmartre, Paris, France. It shows how Another kind of marital gift, dowry, occurs when
to say “I love you” in various languages. Is romantic love a cultural universal? the bride’s family or kin group provides substantial
Sororate
What happens if Sarah dies young? Michael’s Levirate
group will ask Sarah’s group for a substitute, often
sororate her sister. This custom is known as the sororate
Sarah
Widower marries sister (Figure 11.5). If Sarah has no sister or if all her
of his deceased wife. sisters are already married, another woman from Michael
her group may be available. Michael marries her,
there is no need to return the lobola, and the alli-
ance continues. The sororate exists in both matri- : Sarah's descent group
lineal and patrilineal societies. In a matrilineal
society with matrilocal postmarital residence, a : Michael's descent group
widower may remain with his wife’s group by
marrying her sister or another female member of
her matrilineage. FIGURE 11.5 Sororate and Levirate.
among her close kinswomen. Among the Betsileo of greater risk now than previously if their husband mis-
Madagascar, the different wives always lived in dif- treats, neglects, or leaves them (Bilefsky 2006).
ferent villages. A man’s first and senior wife, called
“Big Wife,” lived in the village where he cultivated
his best rice field and spent most of his time. High- Polyandry
status men with several rice fields and multiple Polyandry is rare and is practiced under very spe-
wives had households near each field. They spent cific conditions. Most of the world’s polyandrous
most of their time with the senior wife but visited peoples live in South Asia—Tibet, Nepal, India, and
the others throughout the year. Sri Lanka. In some of these areas, polyandry seems
Plural wives can play important political roles in to be a cultural adaptation to mobility associated
nonindustrial states. The king of the Merina, a popu- with customary male travel for trade, commerce,
lous society in the highlands of Madagascar, had and military operations. Polyandry ensures there
palaces for each of his 12 wives in different prov- will be at least one man at home to accomplish male
inces. He stayed with them when he traveled through activities within a gender-based division of labor.
the kingdom. They were his local agents, overseeing Fraternal polyandry is also an effective strategy
and reporting on provincial matters. The king of when resources are scarce. Brothers with limited
Buganda, the major precolonial state of Uganda, resources (in land) pool their resources in expanded
took hundreds of wives, representing all the clans in (polyandrous) households. They take just one wife.
his nation. Everyone in the kingdom became the Polyandry restricts the number of wives and heirs.
king’s in-law, and all the clans had a chance to pro- Less competition among heirs means that land can
vide the next ruler. This was a way of giving the be transmitted with minimal fragmentation.
common people a stake in the government.
These examples show that there is no single
explanation for polygyny. Its context and function THE ONLINE MARRIAGE
vary from society to society and even within the
same society. Some men are polygynous because MARKET
they have inherited a widow from a brother (the levi- People today shop for everything, including roman-
rate). Others have plural wives because they seek tic relationships, in what has been labeled the “mar-
prestige or want to increase household productivity. riage market.” There are huge differences in the
Still others use marriage as a political tool or a marriage markets of industrial versus nonindustrial
means of economic advancement. Men and women societies. In some of the latter, potential spouses
with political and economic ambitions cultivate may be limited to cross cousins or members of the
marital alliances that serve their aims. In many soci- other moiety (see Figures 11.1 and 11.2). Some-
eties, including the Betsileo of Madagascar and the times there are set rules of exogamy, such that, for
Igbo of Nigeria, women arrange the marriages. example, women of descent group A have to marry
Like all institutions studied by anthropologists, men from descent group B, while men from A must
customs involving plural marriage are changing in the marry women from C. Often, marriages are arranged
contemporary world and in the context of nation-states by relatives. In almost all cases, however, there is
and globalization. In Turkey, for example, polygyny some kind of preexisting social relationship between
has been allowed for men who could afford multiple any two individuals who marry and their kin groups.
wives and many children. Polygyny now is outlawed, Potential mates still meet in person in modern
but it still is practiced. Because polygynous unions nations. Sometimes friends—more rarely relatives—
have lost legal status, secondary wives are at much help arrange such meetings. Besides friends of
for REVIEW
1. Marriage, which usually is a form of domestic part-
nership, is hard to define. Human behavior with re-
In patrilineal societies, the groom and his relatives
often transfer wealth to the bride and her relatives. As
summary
spect to mating with close relatives may express the value of that transfer increases, the divorce rate
generalized primate tendencies, but types, risks, declines. Examples of how marital customs create
and avoidance of incest also reflect specific kinship and maintain group alliances include the sororate and
structures. The avoidance of incest promotes exog- the levirate.
amy, which widens social networks.
5. The ease and frequency of divorce vary across cul-
2. Endogamic rules are common in stratified societies. tures. Political, economic, social, cultural, and reli-
One extreme example is India, where castes are the gious factors affect the divorce rate. When marriage
endogamous units. Certain ancient kingdoms en- is a matter of intergroup alliance, divorce is less
couraged royal incest while prohibiting incest by common. A large fund of joint property also com-
commoners. plicates divorce.
3. The discussion of same-sex marriage illustrates the 6. Many societies permit plural marriages. The two
various rights that go along with different-sex mar- kinds of polygamy are polygyny and polyandry.
riages. Marriage establishes legal parentage, and it The former (and more common) involves multiple
gives each spouse rights to the sexuality, labor, and wives; the latter, multiple husbands.
property of the other. Marriage also establishes a
7. The Internet, which reconfigures social relations
“relationship of affinity” between each spouse and
and networks more generally, is an important
the other spouse’s relatives.
addition to the marriage market in contemporary
4. In societies with descent groups, marriages are rela- nations.
tionships between groups as well as between spouses.
1. What is homogamy? In countries such as the United States, what are the social and economic implications of
critical homogamy (especially when coupled with other trends such as the rise of female employment)?
2. What is dowry? What customs involving gift giving typically occur with marriage in patrilineal societies? Do
thinking you have comparable customs in your society? Why or why not?
3. According to Edmund Leach (1955), depending on the society, several different kinds of rights are allocated by
marriage. What are these rights? Which among these rights do you consider more fundamental than others in
your definition of marriage? Which ones can you do without? Why?
4. Outside industrial societies, marriage is often more a relationship between groups than one between individuals.
What does this mean? What are some examples of this?
5. Divorce tends to be more common in matrilineal than in patrilineal societies. Why?
What is religion,
and what are its
various forms,
social correlates,
and functions?
What is ritual,
and what are its
various forms and
expressions?
EXPRESSIONS OF
RELIGION
Spiritual Beings
Powers and Forces
Magic and Religion
Uncertainty, Anxiety,
understanding OURSELVES
Solace ave you ever noticed how much base- creating an illusion of control when real control is
Rituals
Rites of Passage
Totemism
232
time. There also are supernatural or sacred forces, religion
some of them wielded by deities and spirits, others Belief and ritual
that simply exist. In many societies, people believe concerned with
they can benefit from, become imbued with, or supernatural beings,
powers, and forces.
manipulate such forces (see Bowen 2011; Bowie
2006; Crapo 2003; Hicks 2010; Lambek 2008; Stein
and Stein 2011; Warms, Garber, and McGee 2009).
Wallace’s definition of religion focuses on pre-
sumably universal categories (beings, powers, and
forces) within the supernatural realm. For Émile
Durkheim (1912/2001), one of the founders of the
anthropology of religion, the key distinction was
between the sacred and the profane. Like the super-
natural for Wallace, Durkheim’s “sacred” was the
domain set off from the ordinary, or the mundane
(he used the word profane). For Durkheim, every
society had its sacred, but that domain varied from Detroit Tiger third baseman Miguel Cabrera kisses his maple bat
society to society. Durkheim focused on Native before hitting his 42nd home run of 2012 at Comerica Park.
Australian societies, which he believed had pre- Sometimes baseball magic works: Cabrera went on that year to
served the most elementary, or basic, forms of reli- achieve baseball’s Triple Crown and win the American League’s
gion. He noted that their most sacred objects, MVP award. He repeated as AL batting champion and MVP in 2013.
including plants and animals that served as totems,
were not supernatural at all. Rather, they were “real-
world” entities (e.g., kangaroos, grubs) that, over
the generations, had acquired special meaning for texts, and statements about, including rules of,
the social groups that had made them sacred and ethics and morality (see Hicks 2010; Klass 2003;
continued to “worship” them. Moro and Meyers 2012; Stein and Stein 2011). The
Many definitions of religion focus on groups of anthropological study of religion also encompasses
people who gather together regularly for worship notions about purity and pollution (including taboos
(see Reese 1999). These congregants or adherents involving diet and physical contact), sacrifice, initia-
internalize common beliefs and a shared system of tion, rites of passage, vision quests, pilgrimages,
meaning. They accept a set of doctrines involving spirit possession, prophecy, study, devotion, and
the relationship between the individual and divinity, moral actions (Lambek 2008, p. 9).
the sacred, or whatever is taken to be the ultimate Like ethnicity and language, religion both unites
nature of reality. Anthropologists like Durkheim and divides. Participation in common rites can
have stressed the collective, social, shared, and affirm, and thus maintain, the solidarity of a group
enacted nature of religion, the emotions it generates, of adherents. Religious differences also can be asso-
and the meanings it embodies. As Michael Lambek ciated with bitter enmity. Contacts and confronta-
(2008, p. 5) remarks, “good anthropology under- tions have increased between so-called world
stands that religious worlds are real, vivid, and sig- religions, such as Christianity and Islam, and the
nificant to those who construct and inhabit them.” more localized forms of religion that missionaries
Durkheim (1912/2001) highlighted religious effer- typically lump together under the disparaging term
vescence, the bubbling up of collective emotional “paganism.” Increasingly, ethnic, regional, and class
intensity generated by worship. Victor Turner conflicts come to be framed in religious terms.
(1969/1995) updated Durkheim’s notion, using the Recent and contemporary examples of religion as a
term communitas, an intense community spirit, a social and political force include the Iranian revolu- communitas
feeling of great social solidarity, equality, and tion, the rise of the religious right in the United Intense feeling of social
togetherness. States, and the worldwide spread of Pentecostalism. solidarity.
The word religion derives from the Latin religare— Long ago, Edward Sapir (1928/1956) argued for
“to tie, to bind”—but it is not necessary for all mem- a distinction between “a religion” and “religion.”
bers of a given religion to meet together as a common The former term would apply only to a formally
body. Subgroups meet regularly at local congrega- organized religion, such as the world religions just
tion sites. They may attend occasional meetings mentioned. The latter—religion—is universal; it
with adherents representing a wider region. And they refers to religious beliefs and behavior, which exist
may form an imagined community with people of in all societies, even if they don’t stand out as a sep-
similar faith throughout the world. arate and clearly demarcated sphere. Indeed, many
In studying religion cross-culturally, anthropolo- anthropologists (e.g., Asad 1983/2008) argue that
gists pay attention to religion as a social phenome- such categories as “religion,” “politics,” and “the
non as well as to the meanings of religious doctrines, economy” are arbitrary constructs that apply best,
settings, acts, and events. Verbal manifestations of and perhaps only, to Western, Christian, and modern
religious beliefs include prayers, chants, myths, societies. In such contexts religion can be seen as a
Rites of Passage
Magic and religion, as Malinowski noted, can reduce
anxiety and allay fears. Ironically, beliefs and rituals
also can create anxiety and a sense of insecurity and
danger (Radcliffe-Brown 1962/1965). Anxiety can
arise because a rite exists. Indeed, participation in a
collective ritual (e.g., circumcision of early teen
boys, common among East African pastoralists) can
produce stress, whose common reduction, once the
ritual is completed, enhances the solidarity of the
participants.
Rites of passage can be individual or collective.
Traditional Native American vision quests illustrate
individual rites of passage (customs associated
with the transition from one place or stage of life to
another). To move from boyhood to manhood, a
youth would temporarily separate from his commu-
nity. After a period of isolation in the wilderness,
often featuring fasting and drug consumption, the
young man would see a vision, which would become
his guardian spirit. He would return then to his com-
munity as a socially recognized adult.
Contemporary rites of passage include confirma-
tions, baptisms, bar and bat mitzvahs, initiations,
weddings, and application for Social Security and
Medicare. Passage rites involve changes in social
status, such as from boyhood to manhood and from
nonmember to sorority sister. More generally, a rite
of passage can mark any change in place, condition,
social position, or age.
All rites of passage have three phases: separation,
liminality, and incorporation. In the first phase, peo-
ple withdraw from ordinary society. In the third
phase, they reenter society, having completed a rite
that changes their status. The second, or liminal,
Passage rites are often collective. A group—such as these initiates in Togo or these Navy phase is the most interesting. It is the limbo, or
trainees in San Diego—passes through the rites as a unit. Such liminal people experience “time-out,” during which people have left one status
the same treatment and conditions and must act alike. They share communitas, an intense but haven’t yet entered or joined the next (Turner
community spirit, a feeling of great social solidarity or togetherness. 1969/1995).
Transition State
Homogeneity Heterogeneity
Communitas Structure
Equality Inequality
Anonymity Names
Absence of property Property
Absence of status Status
Nakedness or uniform dress Dress distinctions
Sexual continence or excess Sexuality
Minimization of sex distinctions Maximization of sex distinctions
Absence of rank Rank
Humility Pride
Disregard of personal appearance Care for personal appearance
Unselfishness Selfishness
Total obedience Obedience only to superior rank
Sacredness Secularity
Sacred instruction Technical knowledge
Silence Speech
Simplicity Complexity
Acceptance of pain and suffering Avoidance of pain and suffering
SOURCE: Victor W. Turner, The Ritual Process: Structure and Anti-Structure (Chicago: Aldine de Gruyter, 1969), pp. 106–107. Reproduced with
permission of Aldine Transaction via Copyright Clearance Center.
Liminality always has certain characteristics. Liminality is basic to all passage rites. Further- liminality
Liminal people exist apart from ordinary distinctions more, in certain societies, including our own, liminal The in-between phase
and expectations; they are living in a time out of symbols can be used to set off one (religious) group of a rite of passage.
time. A series of contrasts demarcate liminality from another—and from society as a whole. Such
from normal social life. For example, among the “permanent liminal groups” (e.g., sects, brother-
Ndembu of Zambia, a chief underwent a rite of pas- hoods, and cults) are found most characteristically
sage prior to taking office. During the liminal period, in nation-states. Such liminal features as humility,
his past and future positions in society were ignored, poverty, equality, obedience, sexual abstinence, and
even reversed. He was subjected to a variety of silence (see Recap 12.1) may be required for all sect
insults, orders, and humiliations. or cult members. Those who join such a group agree
Passage rites often are collective. Several to its rules. As if they were undergoing a passage
individuals—boys being circumcised, fraternity or rite—but in this case a never-ending one—they may
sorority initiates, men at military boot camps, foot- have to abandon their previous possessions and
ball players in summer training camps, women social ties, including those with family members. Is
becoming nuns—pass through the rites together as a liminality compatible with Facebook?
group. Recap 12.1 summarizes the contrasts, or oppo- Members of a sect or cult often wear uniform
sitions, between liminality and normal social life. clothing. Often they adopt a common hairstyle
Most notable is the social aspect of collective limi- (shaved head, short hair, or long hair). Liminal
nality called communitas (Turner 1967). Liminal peo- groups submerge the individual in the collective.
ple experience the same treatment and conditions and This may be one reason Americans, whose core val-
must act alike. Liminality can be marked ritually ues include individuality and individualism, are so
and symbolically by reversals of ordinary behavior. fearful and suspicious of “cults.”
For example, sexual taboos may be intensified; con- Not all collective rites are rites of passage. Most
versely, sexual excess may be encouraged. Liminal societies have occasions on which people come
symbols, such as special clothing or body paint, together to worship or celebrate and, in doing so,
mark the condition as extraordinary—beyond ordi- affirm and reinforce their solidarity. Rituals such as
nary society and everyday life. the totemic ceremonies described in the next section
SOCIAL CONTROL
Religion means a lot to people. It helps them cope
with uncertainty, adversity, fear, and tragedy. It
offers hope that things will get better. Lives can be
transformed through spiritual healing. Sinners can
repent and be saved—or they can go on sinning and
be damned. If the faithful truly internalize a system
of religious rewards and punishments, their religion
becomes a powerful influence on their attitudes and
behavior, as well as what they teach their children.
Many people engage in religious activity because
it works for them. Prayers get answered. Native
Americans in southwestern Oklahoma use faith heal-
ers at high monetary costs, not just because it makes
them feel better about the uncertain, but because they
think it works (Lassiter 1998). Each year legions of
Brazilians visit a church, Nosso Senhor do Bonfim,
in the city of Salvador, Bahia. They vow to repay
“Our Lord” (Nosso Senhor) if healing happens.
Showing that the vows work, and are repaid, are the
thousands of ex votos, plastic impressions of every
conceivable body part, that adorn the church, along
with photos of people who have been cured.
Religion can work by getting inside people and
mobilizing their emotions—their joy, their wrath,
their righteousness. Adherents can feel a deep sense The Right Reverend Kay Goldsworthy during her consecration
of shared joy, meaning, experience, communion, service and ordination as Australia’s first female Anglican bishop
belonging, and commitment to their religion. The at St. George’s Cathedral in Perth, Australia.
16.3%
Unaffiliated
23.2%
Muslims
135W
The growth of Evangelical Protestantism has of its clerics, and its reputation as mainly a women’s
been particularly explosive in Brazil—traditionally religion.
(and still) the world’s most Catholic country. In Evangelical Protestantism stresses conservative
1980, when Pope John Paul II visited the country, morality, biblical authority, and a personal (“born-
89 percent of Brazil’s population claimed to be again”) conversion experience. Most Brazilian Evan-
Roman Catholic. Since then, Evangelical Protes- gelicals are Pentecostals, who additionally embrace
tantism has spread like wildfire. Having made small glossolalia (speaking in tongues) and beliefs in faith
inroads during the first half of the 20th century, healing, spirits, exorcism, and miracles. São Paulo,
Evangelical Protestantism grew exponentially in Brazil’s largest city, has been called the Pentecostal
Brazil during the second half. Protestants accounted world capital, with over 4 million adherents.
for less than 5 percent of the population through Like members of a sect marked by liminal attri-
the 1960s. By 2000, Evangelical Protestants com- butes, converts to Pentecostalism are expected to
prised more than 15 percent of Brazilians affiliated separate themselves both from their pasts and from
with a church. The current estimate of the Evan- the secular social world that surrounds them. In
gelical share of Brazil’s population is between 20 Arembepe, Brazil, for example, the crentes (“true
and 25 percent and growing. Evangelical Protes- believers,” as members of the local Pentecostal
tantism’s penetration of Brazil has been mainly at community are called) set themselves apart by
the expense of Catholicism. Among the factors that their beliefs, behavior, and lifestyle (Kottak 2006).
have worked against Catholicism are these: a They worship, chant, and pray. They dress simply
declining priesthood overly dependent on foreign- and forgo such worldly temptations (seen as vices)
ers, sharply contrasting political agendas of many as tobacco, alcohol, gambling, and extramarital
for REVIEW
summary 1. Religion, a cultural universal, consists of belief
and behavior concerned with supernatural beings,
2. Tylor considered animism—the belief in spirits or
souls—to be religion’s earliest and most basic
powers, and forces. Religion also encompasses form. He focused on religion’s explanatory role,
the feelings, meanings, and congregations associ- arguing that religion would eventually disappear
ated with such beliefs and behavior. Anthropo- as science provided better explanations. Besides
logical studies have revealed many aspects and animism, yet another view of the supernatural
functions of religion. also occurs in nonindustrial societies. This sees
animism 234
antimodernism 246
polytheism 234
religion 232 key terms
cargo cults 242 revitalization movements 241
communitas 233 rites of passage 236
cosmology 238 ritual 236
fundamentalism 247 shaman 240
liminality 237 syncretisms 242
magic 235 taboo 235
mana 234 totem 238
monotheism 234
1. How did anthropologist Anthony Wallace define religion? After reading this chapter, what problems do you
think there are with his definition? critical
2. Describe a rite of passage you (or a friend) have been through. How did it fit the three-stage model given in the text?
3. From the news or your own knowledge, can you provide additional examples of revitalization movements, new thinking
religions, or liminal cults?
4. Religion is a cultural universal. But religions are parts of particular cultures, and cultural differences show up
systematically in religious beliefs and practices. How so?
5. This chapter notes that many Americans see recreation and religion as separate domains. Based on my field-
work in Brazil and Madagascar and my reading about other societies, I believe that this separation is both
ethnocentric and false. Do you agree with this? What has been your own experience?
The Olympics unite arts, media, and sports. This ArcelorMittal Orbit Sculpture was constructed for London’s
Olympic Park. The sculpture, made mostly of recycled steel, stands 376 feet (114.5 meters) high. Can you see the
five Olympic rings within it?
chapter outline
WHAT IS ART?
Art and Religion
Locating Art
Art and Individuality
understanding
The Work of Art
I
Ethnomusicology
70 percent of a nation’s viewers. That has segments—target audiences.
Representations of Art
happened repeatedly in Brazil as a popular As one example, consider the evolution of and Culture
telenovela draws to a close. (Telenovelas sports coverage. From 1961 to 1998, ABC offered a Art and Communication
are prime-time serial melodramas that run for weekly sports anthology titled Wide World of
Art and Politics
about 150 episodes.) It happened in the United Sports. On a given Saturday afternoon Americans
The Cultural Transmission
States in 1953, when 72 percent of all sets were might see bowling, track and field, skating, college of the Arts
tuned to I Love Lucy as Lucy Ricardo went to the wrestling, gymnastics, curling, swimming, diving, Continuity and Change
hospital to give birth to Little Ricky. It happened or another of many sports. It was like having a mini-
even more impressively in 1956, when 83 percent Olympics running throughout the year. Today, MEDIA AND CULTURE
of all sets tuned to The Ed Sullivan Show to dozens of specialized (often pay-for-view) sports Using the Media
watch Elvis Presley’s TV debut. A single broad- channels cater to every taste, including Major Assessing the Effects
cast’s largest audience share in more recent League Baseball, the National Football League, of Television
years occurred in 1983, when 106 million view- and international soccer. Think of the choices now Networking and
Sociability On- and
ers and 77 percent of all sets watched the final available through cable and satellite, websites,
Offline
episode of M*A*S*H. In the 21st century, five smartphones, tablets, Netflix, DVDs, DVRs, and the
successive Super Bowls (2010, 2011, 2012, remote control. Target audiences now have access SPORTS AND CULTURE
2013, and 2014) topped the viewership, but not to a multiplicity of channels, featuring all kinds of American Football
nearly the audience share, of the M*A*S*H music, sports, games, news, comedy, science What Determines
finale. The 2014 Super Bowl set a record, with fiction, soaps, movies, cartoons, old TV sitcoms, International Sports
111.5 million viewers, but the half-time show that programs in Spanish and various other languages, Success?
year, which featured Bruno Mars and the Red nature shows, travel shows, adventure shows, his- The Fall from Grace:
Golf and the Celebrity
Hot Chili Peppers, did even better, attracting tories, biographies, and home shopping. News
Scandal
115.3 million viewers. channels (e.g., Fox News or MSNBC) even cater to
One notable development in the United States particular political interests.
over the past few decades has been a shift from It seems likely there is a connection between
mass culture to segmented cultures. An increas- these media developments and the “special
ingly differentiated nation recognizes, even cel- interests” about which politicians perpetually
ebrates, diversity. The mass media join—and complain. Do you think people might agree
intensify—this trend, measuring and catering to more—and Americans be less polarized—if
various “demographics.” Products and messages everyone still watched the same TV programs?
251
arts art objects themselves, and the profession of the cre- society. All these fields are considered distinct
Include visual arts, ators of those works. For two Yoruba lineages of domains and have their own academic specialists. In
literature (written and leather workers, Otunisona and Osiisona, the suffix non-Western societies, however, the production and
oral), music, and -ona in their names denotes art (Adepegba 1991). appreciation of art are part of everyday life, just as
performance arts.
A dictionary defines art as “the quality, produc- popular culture is in our own society.
expressive culture
tion, expression, or realm of what is beautiful or of This chapter will not attempt to do a systematic
Dance, music, painting, more than ordinary significance; the class of objects survey of all the arts. Rather, the general approach
sculpture, pottery, cloth, subject to aesthetic criteria” (Random House College will be to examine topics and issues that apply to
stories, drama, comedy, Dictionary 1982, p. 76). According to the same dic- expressive culture generally. The term art will be
etc. tionary, aesthetics involves “the qualities perceived used to encompass all the arts, including print and
in works of art . . . ; the . . . mind and emotions in film narratives. In other words, the observations to be
art relation to the sense of beauty” (p. 22). A more made about art are intended to apply to music, the-
Object, event, or other recent definition sees art as “something that is created ater, film, television, books, stories, and lore, as well
expressive form that with imagination and skill and that is beautiful or that as to painting and sculpture. Expressive culture also
evokes an aesthetic
expresses important ideas or feelings” (Merriam- encompasses such creative forms as jokes, storytell-
reaction.
Webster 2013). We know, however, that a work of ing, dance, children’s play, games, and festivals, and
aesthetics art can attract attention, have special significance, anthropologists have written about all of these.
The appreciation of and demonstrate imagination and skill without being That which is aesthetically pleasing is perceived
qualities perceived considered beautiful. Pablo Picasso’s Guernica, a with the senses. Usually, when we think of art, we
in art. famous painting of the Spanish Civil War, comes to have in mind something that can be seen or heard.
mind as a scene that, while not beautiful, is indisput- But others might define art more broadly to include
ably moving and thus a work of art. things that can be smelled (scents, fragrances),
In many societies, art isn’t viewed as a separate, tasted (recipes), or touched (cloth textures). How
special activity. But this doesn’t stop individuals from enduring must art be? Visual works and written
being moved by sounds, patterns, objects, and events works, including musical compositions, may last for
in a way that we would call aesthetic. Our own centuries. Can a single noteworthy event, such as a
society does provide a fairly well-defined role for the feast, which is not in the least eternal, except in
connoisseur of the arts. We also have sanctuaries— memory, be a work of art?
concert halls, theaters, museums—where people can
go to be aesthetically pleased and emotionally moved
by objects and performances. Art and Religion
Western culture tends to compartmentalize art as Some of the issues raised in the discussion of reli-
something apart from everyday life. This reflects a gion also apply to art. Definitions of both art and
more general modern separation of institutions like religion mention the “more than ordinary” or the
government and the economy from the rest of “extraordinary.” Religious scholars may distinguish
between the sacred (religious) and the profane
(secular). Similarly, art scholars may distinguish
between the artistic and the ordinary.
If we adopt a special attitude or demeanor when
confronting a sacred object, do we display some-
thing similar when experiencing a work of art?
According to the anthropologist Jacques Maquet
(1986), an artwork is something that stimulates and
sustains contemplation. It compels attention and
reflection. Maquet stresses the importance of the
object’s form in producing such contemplation. But
other scholars stress feeling and meaning in addition
to form. The experience of art involves feelings,
such as being moved, as well as appreciation of
form, such as balance or harmony.
Such an artistic attitude can be combined with
and used to bolster a religious attitude. Many of the
high points of Western art and music had religious
inspiration, or were done in the service of religion,
as a visit to a church or a large museum will surely
illustrate. Bach and Handel are as well known for
their church music as Michelangelo is for his
religious painting and sculpture. The buildings
Many of the high points of Western art had religious inspiration or were done in the service of (churches and cathedrals) in which religious music
religion. Consider The Creation of Adam (and other frescoes painted from 1508 to 1512) by is played and in which visual art is displayed may
Michelangelo, on the ceiling of the Sistine Chapel in Vatican City, Rome, Italy. themselves be works of art. Some of the major
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Not necessarily. Previously, we challenged the view societies. The impression is that art is collectively
that non-Western art always has some kind of con- produced. Sometimes it is; sometimes it isn’t.
nection to religion. The Kalabari case to be dis- To some extent, there is more collective produc-
cussed now makes the opposite point: that religious tion of art in non-Western societies than in the
sculpture is not always art. United States and Canada. According to Hackett
The Kalabari of southern Nigeria (Figure 13.1) (1996), African artworks (sculpted figures, textiles,
carve wooden sculptures not for aesthetic reasons paintings, and pots) generally are enjoyed, critiqued,
but to serve as “houses” for spirits (Horton 1963). and used by communities or groups. The artist may
The Kalabari place these sculptures, and thus local- receive more feedback during the creative process
ize the spirits, in a cult house. Here, sculpture is than the individual artist typically gets in our own
done not for art’s sake but as a means of manipulat- society. Here, the feedback often comes too late,
ing spiritual forces. The Kalabari do have standards after the product is complete, rather than during pro-
for the carvings, but beauty isn’t one of them. A duction, when it can still be changed.
sculpture must be sufficiently complete to represent During his fieldwork among Nigeria’s Tiv peo-
its spirit, and carvers must base their work on past ple, Paul Bohannan (1971) concluded that the proper
models. Each spirit has a known image associated study of art there should pay less attention to artists
with it, and it’s risky to deviate too much from that and more attention to art critics and products. There
image. Offended spirits may retaliate. As long as were few skilled Tiv artists, and such people avoided
they observe these standards of completeness and doing their art publicly. However, mediocre artists
established images, carvers are free to express them- would work in public, where they routinely got
selves. But these images are considered repulsive comments from onlookers (critics). Based on sug-
rather than beautiful. And they are not manufactured gestions, an artist often changed a design, such as a
for artistic but for religious reasons. carving, in progress. There was yet another way in
which Tiv artists worked socially rather than indi-
vidually. Sometimes, when artists put their work
Art and Individuality aside, someone else would pick it up and start work-
Those who work with non-Western art have been ing on it. The Tiv clearly didn’t recognize the same
criticized for ignoring the individual and focusing kind of connection between individuals and their art
too much on the social nature and context of art. that we do.
When art objects from Africa or Papua New Guinea In Western societies, artists of many sorts (e.g.,
are displayed in museums, often only the name of writers, painters, sculptors, actors, musicians) have
the tribe and of the Western donor are given, rather reputations for being iconoclastic and antisocial.
than that of the individual artist. It’s as though Social acceptance may be more important in
skilled individuals don’t exist in non-Western non-Western societies. Still, there are well-known
women, singing thus signaled a series of transitions Representations of Art and Culture
between age grades: girl to maiden (public singing),
The creative products and images of folk, rural, and
maiden to wife (private singing), and wife to elder
non-Western cultures are increasingly spread—and
(no more singing).
commercialized—by the media and tourism. A
Singing and dancing were common at Bosnian
result is that many Westerners have come to think of
prelos attended by males and females. In Planinica
“culture” in terms of colorful customs, music, danc-
the Serbo-Croatian word prelo, usually defined as
ing, and adornments: clothing, jewelry, and hair-
“spinning bee,” meant any occasion for visiting.
styles. A bias toward the arts and religion, rather
Prelos were especially common in winter. During
than the more mundane economic and social aspects
the summer, villagers worked long hours, and prelos
of culture, shows up on TV’s Discovery Channel,
were few. The prelo offered a context for play, relax-
and even in many anthropological films (see
ation, song, and dance. All gatherings of maidens,
Grimshaw and Ravetz 2009). Many ethnographic
especially prelos, were occasions for song. Married
films start off with music, often drumbeats: “Bonga,
women encouraged them to sing, often suggesting
bonga, bonga, bonga. Here in [supply place name],
specific songs. If males were also present, a singing
the people are very religious.” Such presentations
duel might occur, in which maidens and young men
just reinforce the previously critiqued assumption
teased each other. A successful prelo was well
that the arts of nonindustrial societies are always
attended, with much singing and dancing.
linked to religion. This may create a false impres-
Public singing was traditional in many other con-
sion that non-Western peoples spend much of their
texts among prewar Bosnian Muslims. After a day
time wearing colorful clothes, singing, dancing, and
of cutting hay on mountain slopes, parties of village
practicing religious rituals. Taken to an extreme,
men would congregate at a specific place on the trail
such images portray culture as recreational and ulti-
above the village. They formed lines according to
mately not serious, rather than as something that
their singing ability, with the best singers in front
ordinary people live every day of their lives—not
and the less talented ones behind. They proceeded to
just when they have festivals.
stroll down to the village together, singing as they
went, until they reached the village center, where
they dispersed. According to Lockwood, whenever
an activity brought together a group of maidens or Art and Communication
young men, it usually would end with public sing- Art also functions as a form of communication
ing. The inspiration for parts of Snow White and between artist and community or audience. Some-
Shrek (the movies) can be traced back to such cus- times, however, there are intermediaries between the
toms of the European countryside. artist and the audience. Actors, for example, translate
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ceremony, or a demonstration of origami (Japanese culture may not translate as funny in another. When
paper folding), will be alien to a foreign observer. a joke doesn’t work, an American may say, “Well,
Appreciation of the arts is learned, in particular you had to be there at the time.” Jokes, like aesthetic
cultural settings (Layton 1991). judgments, depend on context.
For example, music with certain tonalities and Anthropology’s approach to the arts contrasts
rhythm patterns pleases some people but alienates with the traditional humanities’ focus on “fine arts,”
others. In a study of Navajo music, McAllester as in art history, “Great Books,” and classical music.
(1954) found that it reflected the overall culture of Anthropology has extended the definition of “cul-
that time in three main ways. First, individualism tured” well beyond the elitist meaning of “high” art
was a key Navajo cultural value: It was up to the and culture. For anthropologists, everyone acquires
individual to decide what to do with his or her culture through enculturation. In academia today,
songs. Second, the Navajo saw foreign music as growing acceptance of the anthropological defini-
dangerous and rejected it. (This second point is no tion of culture has helped broaden the study of the
longer true; there are now Navajo rock bands.) humanities from fine art and elite art to “folk” and
Third, a general stress on proper form applied to non-Western arts, as well as the creative expressions
music. There was, in Navajo belief, a right way to of popular culture.
sing every kind of song (see Figure 13.2 for the Using examples from popular culture, this chap-
location of the Navajo). ter’s “Appreciating Anthropology” on pp. 260–261
People learn to appreciate certain kinds of music shows that techniques anthropologists use to ana-
and other art forms, just as they learn to hear and lyze myths and folktales can be extended to two fan-
decipher a foreign language. Unlike Londoners and tasy films that most of you have seen: The Wizard
New Yorkers, Parisians don’t flock to musicals. of Oz and Star Wars. “Appreciating Anthropology”
Despite its multiple French origins, even the musi- also highlights the contributions of the French anthro-
cal Les Misérables, a huge hit in London, New York, pologist Claude Lévi-Strauss (1967) along with the
and dozens of cities worldwide, bombed in Paris. neo-Freudian psychoanalyst Bruno Bettelheim (1975).
Humor, too, a form of verbal art, depends on cul- Both have made important contributions to the study
tural background and setting. What’s funny in one of myths and fairy tales.
threes. Dorothy takes along wisdom (the Scare- ers. And compare settings—the witch’s castle All successful cultural products blend old and
crow), love (the Tin Woodman), and courage (the and the Death Star, the Emerald City and new, drawing on familiar themes. They may rear-
Lion). Star Wars includes a structurally equivalent the rebel base. The endings also are parallel. range them in novel ways and thus win a lasting
trio—Han Solo, C3PO, and Chewbacca—but their Luke accomplishes his objective on his own, us- place in the imaginations of the culture that creates
association with particular qualities isn’t as pre- ing the Force (mana, magical power). Dorothy’s or accepts them. Star Wars successfully used old
cise. The minor characters also are structurally goal is to return to Kansas. She does that by cultural themes in novel ways. It did that by drawing
parallel: Munchkins and Jawas, Apple Trees and tapping her shoes together and drawing on the on the American fairy tale, one that had been avail-
Sand People, Flying Monkeys and Stormtroop- Force in her ruby slippers. able in book form since the turn of the 20th century.
be a corollary of a more general, TV-influenced shift Amazon and rural areas in general. About 40 per-
from traditional toward more liberal social attitudes. cent of Brazilians are now online, compared with
Anthropologist Janet Dunn’s (2000) further field- about 80 percent of Americans. Most of those online
work in Brazil has demonstrated how TV exposure Brazilians (68 million of about 78 million) use Face-
actually works to influence reproductive choice and book, which has been free on cell phones since 2010
family planning. (Richard Pace, personal communication). Brazil is
now second in the world in number of Facebook,
Twitter, and YouTube users (Holmes 2013). As of
Networking and Sociability 2013, 35 percent of all Brazilians were on Face-
book, compared with 51 percent of all Americans.
On- and Offline Facebook’s recent growth rate in Brazil has been
For generations, anthropologists have stressed the phenomenal, with 30 million new users added
linking social functions (alliance creation) of such between 2012 and 2013 (Richard Pace, personal
ages-old institutions as marriage and trade. Today’s communication). Offline, Brazilians are inherently
world offers some radically new ways to connect social people, and they seem to be transferring this
socially. Aaron Sorkin chose The Social Network as sociability to the online world. As in the United
the title for his movie about the founding of Face- States, SNSs reinforce family connections while
book, which (like LinkedIn) is precisely that—a establishing and maintaining contacts in a wider
social networking site (SNS), where people go to world of nonrelatives.
get linked in cyberspace. We already have seen Research in the United States provides additional
(p. 264) that modern media allow local people access evidence that SNSs enhance social connectivity,
to connections that provide contact, information, rather than (as some have feared) isolating people
entertainment, and potential social validation. and truncating their social relationships. Through
Among Brazilians, we saw that extensive media use survey research, the Pew Research Center’s ongoing
reflects an external orientation, a general wish for Internet & American Life Project has investigated
connections—a social network—beyond what is how the use of SNSs is related to trust, social sup-
locally and routinely available. port, and political engagement (see Hampton et al.
Brazil is rapidly increasing its Internet access 2011). In a 2010–2011 Pew study, 79 percent of
and its use of social media. During the last decade, American adults (aged 18 and over) said they used
as the Brazilian middle class has grown, Internet the Internet, and 59 percent of those users partici-
access has spread across the country, although it pated in at least one SNS. Facebook was dominant,
remains unreliable in small communities along the attracting 92 percent of SNS users, compared with
Reflecting larger
cultural values,
Americans usually
do well in sports
that emphasize
individual achievement.
“Special Olympics” and
Paralympics, which is
shown here in Atlanta,
Georgia, commend
people who run good
races without being the
best in the world.
for REVIEW
1. Even if they lack a word for “art,” people every-
where do associate an aesthetic experience with ob-
judge the mastery and completion displayed in a work
of art. Typically, the arts are exhibited, evaluated,
summary
jects and events having certain qualities. The arts, performed, and appreciated in society. Music, which
sometimes called “expressive culture,” include the often is performed in groups, is among the most
visual arts, literature (written and oral), music, and social of the arts. Folk art, music, and lore are the
theater arts. Some issues raised about religion also expressive culture of ordinary, usually rural, people.
apply to art. If we adopt a special attitude or de-
4. Art can stand for tradition, even when traditional art
meanor when confronting a sacred object, do we
is removed from its original context. Art can ex-
display something similar with art? Much art has
press community sentiment, with political goals
been done in association with religion. In tribal per-
used to call attention to social issues. Often, art is
formances, the arts and religion often mix. But non-
meant to commemorate and to last. Growing accep-
Western art isn’t always linked to religion.
tance of the anthropological definition of culture
2. The special places where we find art include muse- has guided the humanities beyond fine art, elite art,
ums, concert halls, opera houses, and theaters. and Western art to the creative expressions of the
However, the boundary between what’s art and masses and of many cultures. Myths, legends, tales,
what’s not may be blurred. Variation in art appre- and the art of storytelling often play important roles
ciation is especially common in contemporary soci- in the transmission of culture.
ety, with its professional artists and critics and great 5. The arts go on changing, although certain art forms
cultural diversity. have survived for thousands of years. Countries and
cultures are known for particular contributions. To-
3. Those who work with non-Western art have been
day, a huge “arts and leisure” industry links Western
criticized for ignoring individual artists and for
and non-Western art forms in an international net-
focusing too much on the social context and collec-
work with both aesthetic and commercial dimensions.
tive artistic production. Art is work, albeit creative
work. In state societies, some people manage to 6. Any media-borne message can be analyzed as a
support themselves as full-time artists. In nonstates, text, something that can be “read”—that is, pro-
artists are normally part-time. Community standards cessed, interpreted, and assigned meaning by
1. Recall the last time you were in an art museum. What did you like, and why? How much of your aesthetic tastes
critical can you attribute to your education, to your culture? How much do you think responds to your own individual
tastes? How can you make the distinction?
thinking 2. Think of a musical composition or performance you consider to be art, but whose status as such is debatable.
How would you convince someone else that it is art? What kinds of arguments against your position would you
expect to hear?
3. Can you think of a political dispute involving art or the arts? What were the different positions being debated?
4. Media consumers actively select, evaluate, and interpret media in ways that make sense to them. People use
media for all sorts of reasons. What are some examples? Which are most relevant to the way you consume, and
maybe even creatively alter and produce, media?
5. This chapter describes how sports and the media reflect culture. Can you come up with examples of how sports
and media influence culture?
How do colonialism,
neoliberalism,
development, and
industrialization
exemplify
intervention
philosophies?
In Kebili, Tunisia, two Bedouin men use a laptop in the desert. Might they be uploading a photo of their
camel to Instagram?
chapter outline THE WORLD SYSTEM
The Emergence of the
World System
INDUSTRIALIZATION
Causes of the Industrial
Revolution
SOCIOECONOMIC EFFECTS
understanding OURSELVES
n our 21st-century world system, people are there to teach the Malagasy to defend their
I
OF INDUSTRIALIZATION
linked as never before by modern means of island, strategically placed in the Indian Ocean,
Industrial Stratification
transportation and communication. Descen- against imagined enemies. Later, I went down to
Modern Stratification
Systems dants of villages that hosted ethnographers Betsileo country to visit Leon, my schoolteacher
a generation ago now live transnational lives. For friend from Ambalavao, who had become a
COLONIALISM me, some of the most vivid illustrations of this prominent politician. Unfortunately for me, he
British Colonialism new transnationalism come from Madagascar. was in Moscow, participating in a 3-month
French Colonialism They begin in Ambalavao, a town in southern exchange program.
Colonialism and Identity Betsileo country, where I rented a small house in During my next visit to Madagascar, in sum-
Postcolonial Studies 1966–1967. mer 1990, I met Emily, the 22-year-old daughter
By 1966, Madagascar had gained indepen- of Noel and Lenore, whose courtship I had wit-
DEVELOPMENT dence from France, but its towns still had for- nessed in 1967. One of her aunts brought Emily to
Neoliberalism eigners to remind them of colonialism. Besides meet me at my hotel in Antananarivo. Emily was
NAFTA’s Economic my wife and me, Ambalavao had at least a about to visit several cities in the United States,
Refugees
dozen world-system agents, including an Indian where she planned to study marketing. I met her
THE SECOND WORLD cloth merchant, Chinese grocers, and a few again just a few months later in Gainesville,
Communism French people. Two young men in the French Florida. She asked me about her father, whom
equivalent of the Peace Corps were there teach- she had never met. She had sent several letters
Postsocialist Transitions
ing school. One of them, Noel, lived across the to France, but Noel had never responded.
THE WORLD SYSTEM street from a prominent local family. Since Noel Descendants of Ambalavao are dispersed
TODAY often spoke disparagingly of the Malagasy, I globally. Emily, a child of colonialism, had aunts
was surprised to see him courting a young in France (Malagasy women married to French
woman from this family. She was Lenore, the men) and another in Switzerland (a retired diplo-
sister of Leon, a schoolteacher who became my mat). Members of her family, which is not espe-
good friend. cially wealthy, have traveled to Russia, Canada,
My next trip to Madagascar was a brief visit the United States, France, Germany, and West
in February 1981. I had to spend a few days in Africa. How many of your classmates, including
Antananarivo, the capital. There I was confined perhaps you, yourself, have recent transnational
each evening to the newly built Hilton hotel by a roots? A descendant of a Kenyan village (although
curfew imposed after a civil insurrection. I shared not born there himself) is a twice-elected presi-
the hotel with a group of Russian military pilots, dent of the United States.
274
THE WORLD SYSTEM labor for export to the core and the semiperiphery
(Shannon 1996).
The world system and the relations among the In the United States and Western Europe today,
countries within it are shaped by the capitalist world immigration—legal and illegal—from the periph-
economy (see White 2009). A huge increase in ery and semiperiphery supplies cheap labor for
international trade during and after the 15th century agriculture. U.S. states as distant as California,
led to the capitalist world economy (Wallerstein Michigan, and South Carolina make significant use
capitalist world
2004; Wallerstein et al. 2013), a single world system of farm labor from Mexico. The availability of
economy
committed to production for sale or exchange, Profit-oriented global
relatively cheap workers from noncore nations such economy based on
with the object of maximizing profits rather than as Mexico (in the United States) and Turkey (in production for sale
supplying domestic needs. Capital refers to Germany) benefits farmers and business owners in or exchange.
wealth or resources invested in business, with the core countries while supplying remittances to fami-
intent of using the means of production to make a lies in the semiperiphery and periphery. As a result capital
profit. of 21st-century telecommunications technology, Wealth invested with
World-system theory can be traced to the French cheap labor doesn’t even need to migrate to the the intent of producing
social historian Fernand Braudel. In his three-volume United States. Thousands of families in India are profit.
work Civilization and Capitalism, 15th–18th Cen- being supported as American companies “out-
tury (1981, 1982, 1992), Braudel argued that society source” jobs—from telephone assistance to soft-
consists of interrelated parts assembled into a sys- ware engineering—to nations outside the core (see
tem. Societies are subsystems of larger systems, this chapter’s “Focus on Globalization” on p. 282).
with the world system the largest. The key claim of
world-system theory is that an identifiable social world-system theory
system, featuring wealth and power differentials, The Emergence of Idea that a discernible
extends beyond individual countries. That system social system, based on
has been formed by a set of economic and political the World System wealth and power
differentials, transcends
relations that has characterized much of the globe By the 15th century, Europeans were profiting from
individual countries.
since the 16th century, when the Old World estab- a transoceanic trade-oriented economy, and people
lished regular contact with the Americas (see worldwide entered Europe’s sphere of influence.
Bodley 2003). What was new was the trans-Atlantic component of
According to Wallerstein (1982, 2004), coun- a long history of Old World sailing and commerce.
tries within the world system occupy three differ- As early as 600 b.c.e., the Phoenicians/Carthagin-
ent positions of economic and political power: ians sailed around Britain on regular trade routes
core, periphery, and semiperiphery (see also and circumnavigated Africa. Likewise, Indonesia
Wallerstein, Rojas, and Lemert 2012). The core, and Africa have been linked in Indian Ocean trade core
the dominant position, includes the strongest and for at least 2,000 years. In the 15th century, Europe Dominant position in
most powerful nations. In core nations, “the com- established regular contact with Asia, Africa, and the world system;
plexity of economic activities and the level of cap- eventually the New World (the Caribbean and the nations with advanced
systems of production.
ital accumulation is the greatest” (Thompson 1983, Americas). Christopher Columbus’s first voyage
p. 12). With its sophisticated technologies and from Spain to the Bahamas and the Caribbean in
mechanized production, the core churns out prod- 1492 was soon followed by additional voyages.
ucts that flow mainly to other core countries. Some These journeys opened the way for a major exchange
also go to the periphery and semiperiphery. of people, resources, products, ideas, and diseases,
According to Arrighi (2010), the core monopolizes as the Old and New Worlds were forever linked
the most profitable activities, especially the control (Crosby 2003; Diamond 1997; Mann 2011). Led by
of world finance. Spain and Portugal, Europeans extracted silver and
The semiperiphery is intermediate between the gold, conquered the natives (taking some as slaves), semiperiphery
core and the periphery. Contemporary nations of and colonized their lands. Position in the world
the semiperiphery are industrialized. Like core The frequency and nature of conflict, violence, system intermediate
nations, they export both industrial goods and and warfare vary among the world’s cultures. This between core and
periphery.
commodities, but they lack the power and economic chapter’s “Appreciating Diversity” on pp. 276–277
dominance of core nations. Thus, Brazil, a semi- examines a debate about the origin and characteris-
periphery nation, exports automobiles to Nigeria tics of warfare among Native Americans. Did Euro-
(a periphery nation) and auto engines, orange pean contact play a role in fostering increased
juice extract, coffee, and shrimp to the United violence? The Columbian exchange is the term for the
States (a core nation). The periphery includes the spread of people, resources, products, ideas, and dis- periphery
world’s least privileged and powerful countries. eases between Eastern and Western Hemispheres after Weakest structural and
Economic activities there are less mechanized than contact. As you read “Appreciating Diversity,” con- economic position in
are those in the semiperiphery, although some sider the impact of trade, disease, and slave raiding on the world system.
degree of industrialization has reached even periph- Native Americans, including conflict and warfare.
ery nations. The periphery produces raw materials, Previously in Europe as throughout the world,
agricultural commodities, and, increasingly, human rural people had produced mainly for their own
needs, growing their own food and making clothing, was carried to the Americas by Columbus (Mintz
furniture, and tools from local products. People 1985, 2007). The climate of Brazil and the
produced beyond their immediate needs in order to Caribbean proved ideal for growing sugarcane, and
pay taxes and to purchase trade items, such as salt Europeans built plantations there to supply the
and iron. As late as 1650 the English diet, like diets growing demand for sugar. This led to the develop-
in most of the world today, was based on locally ment in the 17th century of a plantation economy
grown starches (Mintz 1985). In the 200 years that based on a single cash crop—a system known as
followed, however, the English became extraordi- monocrop production.
nary consumers of imported goods. One of the earli- The demand for sugar in a growing international
est and most popular of those goods was sugar market spurred the development of the trans-Atlantic
(Mintz 1985). slave trade and New World plantation economies
Sugarcane, originally domesticated in Papua based on slave labor. By the 18th century, an
New Guinea, was first processed in India. Reach- increased English demand for raw cotton had led to
ing Europe via the eastern Mediterranean, it rapid settlement of what is now the southeastern
United States and the emergence there of another example, a knitting machine invented in England in
slave-based monocrop production system. Like 1589 was so far ahead of its time that it played a
sugar, cotton was a key trade item that fueled the profitable role in factories two and three centuries
growth of the world system. later. The appearance of cloth mills late in the Mid-
dle Ages foreshadowed the search for new sources
of wind and water power that characterized the
Industrial Revolution.
INDUSTRIALIZATION Industrialization required capital for investment.
By the 18th century the stage had been set for the The established system of transoceanic commerce
Industrial Revolution—the historical transfor- supplied that capital from the enormous profits it gen- Industrial Revolution
mation (in Europe, after 1750) of “traditional” erated. As wealthy people invested in machines and In Europe, after 1750,
into “modern” societies through industrialization. engines to drive machines, capital and scientific inno- socioeconomic
The seeds of industrial society had been planted vation fueled invention. Industrialization increased transformation through
industrialization.
well before the 18th century (Gimpel 1988). For production in both farming and manufacturing.
Industrial Stratification
The social theorists Karl Marx and Max Weber
focused on the stratification systems associated with
industrialization. From his observations in England
and his analysis of 19th-century industrial capital-
ism, Marx (Marx and Engels 1848/1976) saw socio-
economic stratification as a sharp and simple
division between two opposed classes: the bourgeoi-
sie (capitalists) and the proletariat (propertyless
workers). The bourgeoisie traced its origins to over-
seas ventures and the world capitalist economy,
which had transformed the social structure of north- In the home-handicraft, or domestic, system of production, an organizer supplied raw materials
western Europe, creating a wealthy commercial to workers in their homes and collected their products. Family life and work were intertwined,
class (White 2009). as in this English scene. Is there a modern equivalent to the domestic system of production?
Industrialization shifted production from farms
and cottages to mills and factories, where mechan-
ical power was available and where workers could and other means of production. Members of the bourgeoisie
be assembled to operate heavy machinery. The working class, or proletariat, had to sell their Owners of the means of
bourgeoisie owned the factories, mines, estates, labor to survive. production.
working class
(proletariat)
People who must sell
their labor to survive.
H
Stavanger
Stockholm
Sea
Northern Scotland Aberdeen Linköping
Glasgow
Katteg
Ireland
Edinburgh
Göteborg Gotland
Newcastle
at
Belfast upon Tyne LATVIA
i sh Jutland Århus Öland
Dublin r
I ea
UNITED N o r t h
tic
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°N IRELAND Liverpool
al
Cork Leeds
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DENMARK
Odense
Malmö B LITHUANIA
Manchester Sheffield
Kaliningrad RUSSIA
Birmingham KINGDOM
Wales Gdańsk
England NETHERLANDS Elb Hamburg
Vistu l a
Cardiff Bristol Amsterdam e
AT L A N T I C Portsmouth London
Bremen
Hannover
Szczecin
Rotterdam
Antwerp Berlin Poznań
OCEAN English Channel Brussels Essen GERMANY
Cologne
Warsaw
O
Channel Is. Lille Lódź
de
(UK) Le Havre BELGIUM LiègeBonn Leipzig Dresden POLAND
r
Brest Rouen Frankfurt Wroclaw
LUXEMBOURG Prague
Luxembourg Katowice
Paris Mannheim
0 125 250 mi CZECH REP.
Nantes Brno Ostrava
Loire Strasbourg
e
Stuttgart nuDa
n
SLOVAKIA
Rhi
0 125 250 km Munich be
Dijon Košice
Bay FRANCE Bern Zürich Linz
Vienna Bratislava
of L. LIECHTENSTEIN
Biscay Geneva AUSTRIA
Geneva SWITZERLAND Budapest
Gijón Bordeaux
Lyon Alps Graz
SLOVENIA
HUNGARY
Vigo Mt. Blanc Milan Ljubljana Pécs
e
D
Rhôn
Bilbao i Zagreb
Porto Py
Toulouse Turin PoVerona Venice
na
Eb re Genoa Bologna Belgrade
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ri
40° ro ne Ap CROATIA BOSNIA AND &
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MARINO HERZEGOVINA
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s
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Ajaccio VATICAN Rome Se Podgorica
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Córdoba SPAIN Majorca ITALY Bari Tiranë
Minorca
Palma Sardinia Naples
Seville Alicante Is. Salerno ALBANIA
Cádiz earic (It.)
Granada Bal p.)(S Tyrrhenian
Strait of Málaga Cagliari Sea
Gibraltar Mediterranean GREECE
Sea Palermo Ionian
Rabat Mt. Etna Sea
Algiers Sicily
Tunis (It.) Catania
Casablanca 20°E
Industrialization and the rural-to-urban migration their interests and increase their share of industrial
it fueled hastened the process of proletarianization— profits. During the 19th century, trade unions and
the separation of workers from the means of produc- socialist parties emerged to express a rising anticapi-
tion. Bourgeoisie domination extended to the means talist spirit. The concerns of the English labor move-
of communication, the schools, and other key institu- ment were to remove young children from factories
tions. Class consciousness (recognition of collective and limit the hours during which women and children
interests and personal identification with one’s eco- could work. The profile of stratification in industrial
nomic group) was a vital part of Marx’s view of class. core nations gradually took shape. Capitalists con-
He saw bourgeoisie and proletariat as socioeconomic trolled production, but labor was organizing for better
divisions with radically opposed interests. Marx wages and working conditions. By 1900 many gov-
viewed classes as powerful collective forces that ernments had factory legislation and social-welfare
could mobilize human energies to influence the programs. Mass living standards in core nations rose
course of history. On the basis of their common expe- as population grew.
rience, workers, he thought, would develop class con- Today, the existence of publicly traded companies
sciousness, which could lead to revolutionary change. complicates the division between capitalists and
Although no proletarian revolution was to occur in workers. Through pension plans and personal invest-
England, workers did develop organizations to protect ments, some workers have become part-owners
SOURCE: J. Martel, “Income Analysis Shows Widening Gap,” Bankrate.com, December 10, 2013. http://www.bankrate.com/finance/economics/
income-gap-widening-1.aspx
rather than propertyless workers. Today’s key capi- the income gains since the recession ended. Higher
talist isn’t the factory owner, who may have been stock prices, home values, and corporate profits pro-
replaced by stockholders, but the CEO or the chair of pelled the recovery among affluent Americans,
the board of directors, neither of whom may actually while blue- and white-collar workers continued to
own the corporation. feel the effects of high unemployment and stagnant
wages (Lowrey 2013).
When we consider wealth (investments, property,
Modern Stratification Systems possessions, etc.) rather than income, the contrast is
Modern stratification systems aren’t simple and di- even more striking: The top 1 percent of American
chotomous. They include (particularly in core and households hold over one-third (35 percent) of the
semiperiphery nations) a middle class of skilled nation’s wealth (Allegretto 2011; Economic Policy
and professional workers. Gerhard Lenski (1966) Institute 2012). Their net worth was 288 times
argued that social equality tends to increase in ad- greater than the median, or typical, household’s net
vanced industrial societies. The masses improve their worth (Figure 14.2). This is the highest ratio on
access to economic benefits and political power. In record. Between 1983 and 2010, 74 percent of U.S.
Lenski’s scheme, the shift of political power to the
masses reflects the growth of the middle class, which
reduces the polarization between owning and working
classes. The proliferation of middle-class occupations 300
288
creates opportunities for social mobility and a more
complex stratification system (Giddens 1981). 280
Most contemporary Americans claim to belong to
the middle class, which they tend to perceive as a 260
vast, undifferentiated group. There are, however, sig-
240
Ratio: top 1%/median
T
hroughout the world, young people are abandoning traditional
subsistence pursuits and seeking cash. A once popular song economic recovery for 99 percent of Americans.
asked, “How’re you gonna keep ’em down on the farm after Max Weber faulted Karl Marx for an overly sim-
they’ve seen Paree?” Nowadays, most people have seen Paree (Paris, ple and exclusively economic view of stratification.
that is), along with other world capitals—maybe not in person but in print Weber (1922/1968) looked beyond class and identi-
or on-screen images. Young people today are better educated and fied three (separate but correlated) dimensions of
wiser in the ways of the world than ever before. Increasingly, they are social stratification: wealth, power, and prestige.
exposed to the material and cultural promises of a better life away from Weber also believed that social identities based on
the farm. They seek paying jobs, but work is scarce, spurring migration nationality, ethnicity, and religion could take prior-
within and across national boundaries. If they can’t get cash legally, they ity over class (social identity based on economic
seek it illegally. status). In fact, the modern world system is cross-cut
For the past few years, work also has been scarce in the industrial by collective identities based on nationality, ethnic-
world, including the United States and Western Europe. As ordinary ity, and religion. Class conflicts tend to occur within
Americans were struggling to recover from the “Great Recession” of nations, and nationalism has impeded global class
2007–2009, the U.S. stock market (Dow Jones Industrial Average [DJIA]) solidarity, particularly of proletarians (see “Focus
was skyrocketing. From its low of 6,457 in March 2009, the DJIA sur- on Globalization”).
passed 15,000 for the first time ever in May 2013. During much of that Although the capitalist class dominates politi-
time, however, corporations held on to their rising profits, rather than hir- cally in most countries, growing wealth has made it
ing new workers. The goal of capitalism, after all, is profitability, and pay- easier for core nations to benefit their workers
ing good wages to fellow citizens isn’t necessarily the best way to (Hopkins and Wallerstein 1982). However, the
maximize profits. To reduce labor costs, jobs continue to be outsourced, improvement in core workers’ living standards
and machines continue to replace people. Increasingly, corporations of- wouldn’t have occurred without the world system.
fer their customers incentives to bypass humans. Through the Internet we The wealth that flows from periphery and semiper-
can buy plane tickets (bye bye, travel agents), print boarding passes, re- iphery to core has helped core capitalists maintain
serve hotel rooms, move money, and pay bills. Amazon.com dominates
not only “mom and pop” stores but even once powerful chains like Barnes
and Noble, Sears, and Radio Shack. Nowadays, when one does manage
to speak to an actual human, that person is as likely to be in Mumbai or
Manila as Minneapolis or Miami.
What can workers do? Historically, collective bargaining has been the
answer, and unions still bring benefits to their workers. Median weekly
earnings of American union members—$943 in 2012—remain higher than
those of nonunion workers—$742 (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics 2012).
But effective unions have been national or local—not global like today’s
job market. How likely is it that a worker in Mumbai would strike in sympa-
thy with one in Detroit?
Companies claim, with some justification, that labor unions limit their
flexibility, adaptability, and profitability. In the United States, corporations
and the politicians they work to elect have become more open about their
opposition to unions and more aggressive in limiting workers’ rights to
organize and recruit. Union membership in the United States has reached
its lowest point in more than seventy years. The unionized percentage of
the American workforce fell to 11.3 percent in 2012, compared with
20.1 percent in 1983, and a high of 35 percent during the mid-1950s. The
number of unionized private-sector workers stood at 7.0 million in 2012,
versus a larger share—7.3 million workers—in the public sector (U.S.
Bureau of Labor Statistics 2012). One cause of declining union member-
ship has been a reduction in public-sector (government) jobs (which are
more likely to be unionized than private-sector jobs) because of austerity
measures imposed by politicians. From the United States to Greece to the
United Kingdom, such austerity measures have been spreading interna-
tionally, reducing employment and workers’ benefits. This October 15, 201 1, demonstration in Philadelphia was one of
many that were held in the United States and Canada in support
of the Occupy Wall Street demonstration in New York City.
NORTH
and India, where France previously had competed particularly Spain, had been severely diminished in
with Britain (Cody 1998). scope. Britain’s position as imperial power and the
The American Revolution ended the first stage of world’s leading industrial nation was unchallenged.
British colonialism. A second colonial empire, on During the Victorian Era (1837–1901), as
which the “sun never set,” rose from the ashes of the Britain’s colonial expansion continued, Prime Minis-
first. Beginning in 1788, but intensifying after 1815, ter Benjamin Disraeli implemented a foreign policy
the British settled Australia. Britain had acquired justified by a view of imperialism as shouldering “the
Dutch South Africa by 1815. By 1819 Singapore white man’s burden”—a phrase coined by the poet
anchored a British trade network that extended to Rudyard Kipling. People in the empire were seen as
much of South Asia and along the coast of China. By incapable of governing themselves, so British guid-
this time, the empires of Britain’s traditional rivals, ance was needed to civilize and Christianize them.
This paternalistic and racist doctrine was used to
legitimize Britain’s acquisition and control of parts of
central Africa and Asia (Cody 1998; Cooper 2014).
After World War II, the British empire began to
fall apart, with nationalist movements for indepen-
dence. India became independent in 1947, as did the
Republic of Ireland in 1949. Decolonization in
Africa and Asia accelerated during the late 1950s.
Today, the ties that remain between Britain and its
former colonies are mainly linguistic or cultural
rather than political (Cody 1998).
French Colonialism
French colonialism also had two phases. The first
began with the explorations of the early 1600s. Prior
to the French Revolution in 1789, missionaries,
explorers, and traders carved out niches for France in
Canada, the Louisiana Territory, several Caribbean
islands, and parts of India, which were lost along
with Canada to Great Britain in 1763 (Harvey 1980).
The foundations of the second French empire
were established between 1830 and 1870. In Great
On January 1, 1900, a British officer in India receives a pedicure from a servant. What does Britain the drive for profit led expansion, but French
this photo say to you about colonialism? Who gives pedicures in your society? colonialism was spurred more by the state, church,
FRANCE
40°N 40°N
ATLANTIC
OCEAN FRENCH
Tropic of Cancer NORTH AFRICA
20°N FRENCH 20°N
FRENCH FRENCH
PACIFIC WEST AFRICA SOMALILAND PACIFIC
INDOCHINA OCEAN
OCEAN FRENCH FRENCH
GUIANA Equator EQUATORIAL AFRICA
0° 0°
140°W 120°W 100°W 20°W 60°E 80°E 160°E
INDIAN
MADAGASCAR OCEAN
20°S 20°S
Tropic of Capricorn
ATLANTIC
THE FRENCH OCEAN
40°S
EMPIRE 0 1,000 2,000 mi
Empire 1914
0 1,000 2,000 km
60°S
Antarctic Circle
FIGURE 14.4 Map of the French Empire at Its Height around 1914.
SOURCE: From the Academic American Encyclopedia, Vol. 8, p. 309. 1998 Edition. Copyright © 1998 by Grolier Incorporated. Reprinted
with permission.
and armed forces than by pure business interests. within them, were colonial inventions. In West
France acquired Algeria and part of what eventually Africa, for example, by geographic logic, several
became Indochina (Cambodia, Laos, and Vietnam). adjacent countries could be one (Togo, Ghana, Ivory
By 1914 the French empire covered 4 million square Coast [Côte d’Ivoire], Guinea, Guinea-Bissau,
miles and included some 60 million people (see Sierra Leone, Liberia). Instead, they are separated
Figure 14.4). By 1893 French rule had been fully by linguistic, political, and economic contrasts pro-
established in Indochina. Tunisia and Morocco moted under colonialism (Figure 14.5).
became French protectorates in 1883 and 1912, Hundreds of ethnic groups and “tribes” are colo-
respectively (Harvey 1980). nial constructions (see Ranger 1996). The Sukuma
To be sure, the French, like the British, had sub- of Tanzania, for instance, were first registered as a
stantial business interests in their colonies, but they single tribe by the colonial administration. Then
also sought, again like the British, international missionaries standardized a series of dialects into a
glory and prestige. The French promulgated a mis- single Sukuma language, into which they translated
sion civilisatrice, their equivalent of Britain’s “white the Bible and other religious texts. Thereafter, those
man’s burden.” The goal was to implant French cul- texts were taught in missionary schools and to
ture, language, and religion (Roman Catholicism), European foreigners and other non-Sukuma speak-
throughout the colonies (Harvey 1980). ers. Over time this standardized the Sukuma lan-
The French used two forms of colonial rule: indi- guage and ethnicity (Finnstrom 1997).
rect rule, governing through native leaders and As in most of East Africa, in Rwanda and Burundi
established political structures, in areas with long farmers and herders live in the same areas and speak
histories of state organization, such as Morocco and the same language. Historically, they have shared
Tunisia; and direct rule by French officials in many the same social world, although their social organi-
areas of Africa, where the French imposed new gov- zation is “extremely hierarchical,” almost “caste-
ernment structures to control diverse societies, many like” (Malkki 1995, p. 24). There has been a
of them previously stateless. Like the British empire, tendency to see the pastoral Tutsis as superior to the
the French empire began to disintegrate after World agricultural Hutus. Tutsis have been presented as
War II. France fought long—and ultimately futile— nobles, Hutus as commoners. Yet when distributing
wars to keep its empire intact in Indochina and identity cards in Rwanda, the Belgian colonizers
Algeria (Harvey 1980). simply identified all people with more than 10 head
of cattle as Tutsi. Owners of fewer cattle were regis-
tered as Hutus (Bjuremalm 1997). Years later, these
Colonialism and Identity arbitrary colonial registers were used systematically
Many geopolitical labels in the news today had no for “ethnic” identification during the mass killings
equivalent meaning before colonialism. Whole (genocide) that took place in Rwanda in 1994 (as
countries, along with social groups and divisions portrayed vividly in the film Hotel Rwanda).
al
Timbuktu Agadez
Dakar C H A D
SENEGAL
THE GAMBIA Kayes Ségou Zinder Lake Abéché
BURKINA Niamey
Banjul Chad
Bissau FASO Sokoto
Bamako
GUINEA- Labé Ouagadougou N’Djamena
Kano Zaria
10°N BISSAU GUINEA Kankan Bobo-Dioulasso Maroua
BENIN
NIGERIA
Conakry
SIERRA CÔTE TOGO Abuja nue Sarh
D’IVOIRE GHANA Ogbomoso Be Garoua
Freetown LEONE
Bouaké Lomé Ibadan
Monrovia Kumasi CEN.
Lagos Onitsha AFR. REP.
Yamoussoukro
LIBERIA Porto-Novo CAMEROON Bouar Uban
Abidjan Accra gi
Port Harcourt
ATL ANTI C Sekondi
Douala
Bangui
Malabo
O CEAN Yaoundé
EQUATORIAL GUINEA Cong
o
0 250 500 mi REP.
SÃO TOMÉ AND PRÍNCIPE
0° Libreville OF THE Mbandaka
0 250 500 km São Tomé CONGO
Port- GABON DEM. REP.
Gentil OF THE
20°W 10°W 0° Franceville CONGO
Neoliberalism
One currently prominent intervention philosophy powerful financial institutions such as the Interna- intervention
is neoliberalism, which encompasses a set of tional Monetary Fund (IMF), the World Bank, and philosophy
assumptions that have become widespread during the Inter-American Development Bank (see Ideological justification
the last 30 years. Neoliberal policies are being Edelman and Haugerud 2005). Neoliberalism for outsiders to guide or
rule native peoples.
implemented in developing nations, including entails open (tariff- and barrier-free) international
postsocialist societies (e.g., those of the former trade and investment. Profits are sought through neoliberalism
Soviet Union). Neoliberalism is the current form the lowering of costs, whether through improving Principle that
of the classic economic liberalism laid out in Adam productivity, laying off workers, or seeking work- governments shouldn’t
Smith’s famous capitalist manifesto The Wealth of ers who accept lower wages. In exchange for regulate private
Nations, published in 1776, soon after the Indus- loans, the governments of postsocialist and devel- enterprise; free market
trial Revolution. Smith advocated laissez-faire oping nations have been required to accept the forces should rule.
(hands-off ) economics as the basis of capitalism: neoliberal premise that deregulation leads to
The government should stay out of its nation’s eco- economic growth, which will eventually benefit
nomic affairs. Free trade, Smith argued, is the best everyone through a process sometimes called
way for a nation’s economy to develop. There “trickle down.” Accompanying the belief in free
should be no restrictions on manufacturing, no bar- markets and the idea of cutting costs is a tendency
riers to commerce, and no tariffs. This philosophy to impose austerity measures that cut government
is called “liberalism” because it aimed at liberating expenses. This can entail reduced public spending
or freeing the economy from government controls.
Economic liberalism encouraged “free” enterprise
and competition, with the goal of generating prof-
its. (Ironically, Adam Smith’s liberalism is today’s
capitalist “conservatism.”)
Economic liberalism prevailed in the United
States until President Franklin Roosevelt’s New
Deal during the 1930s. The Great Depression
produced a turn to Keynesian economics, which
challenged liberalism. John Maynard Keynes
(1927, 1936) insisted that full employment was
necessary for capitalism to grow, that governments
and central banks should intervene to increase
employment, and that government should promote
the common good. The face of the Scottish economist Adam Smith aptly appears
Especially since the fall of Communism (1989– on this English 20-pound banknote. In his famed capitalist
1991), there has been a revival of neoliberalism, manifesto, The Wealth of Nations, published in 1776, Smith
which has been spreading globally. Around the advocated “free” enterprise and competition, with the goal of
world, neoliberal policies have been imposed by generating profits.
which prevailed in the Soviet Union (USSR) from Communist systems were authoritarian (promoting
1917 to 1991. The heyday of Communism was a obedience to authority rather than individual free-
40-year period from 1949 to 1989, when more Com- dom). Many were totalitarian (banning rival parties
munist regimes existed than at any time before or and demanding total submission of the individual
after. Today only five Communist states remain— to the state). The Communist Party monopolized
China, Cuba, Laos, North Korea, and Vietnam, power in every Communist state, and relations
compared with 23 in 1985. within the party were highly centralized and strictly
Communism, which originated with Russia’s disciplined. Communist nations had state owner-
Bolshevik Revolution in 1917 and took its inspira- ship, rather than private ownership, of the means of
tion from Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, was not production. Finally, all Communist regimes, with
uniform over time or among countries. All the goal of advancing communism, cultivated a
RECAP 14.1 Ascent and Decline of Nations within the World System
SOURCE: Thomas R. Shannon, An Introduction to the World-System Perspective, 2nd ed., p. 147. Copyright © 1989, 1996 by Westview Press,
Inc. Reprinted by permission of Westview Press, a member of the Perseus Books Group.
40°N 40°N
ATLANTIC
OCEAN PACIFIC
OCEAN
Tropic of Cancer
20°N 20°N
PACIFIC
OCEAN
Equator
0° 0°
140°W 120°W 100°W 20°W 0° 60°E 80°E 160°E
INDIAN
OCEAN
20°S 20°S
Tropic of Capricorn
Core ATLANTIC
Semiperiphery OCEAN
40°S Periphery
0 1,000 2,000
, mi
Unclassified
0 1,000 2,000 km
60°S
Antarctic Circle
for REVIEW
1. Local societies increasingly participate in wider
systems—regional, national, and global. The capi-
bourgeoisie and the proletariat. Class consciousness
was a key feature of Marx’s view of this stratifica-
summary
talist world economy depends on production for tion. Weber believed that social solidarity based on
sale, with the goal of maximizing profits. The key ethnicity, religion, race, or nationality could take
claim of world-system theory is that an identifiable priority over class. Today’s capitalist world econ-
social system, based on wealth and power differen- omy maintains the contrast between those who own
tials, extends beyond individual countries. That the means of production and those who don’t, but
system is formed by a set of economic and political the division is now worldwide. There is a substan-
relations that has characterized much of the globe tial contrast between not only capitalists but also
since the 16th century. World capitalism has politi- workers in the core nations versus workers on the
cal and economic specialization at the core, semipe- periphery.
riphery, and periphery.
4. Imperialism is the policy of extending the rule of a
2. Columbus’s voyages opened the way for a major nation or an empire over other nations and of taking
exchange between the Old and New Worlds. and holding foreign colonies. Colonialism is the
Seventeenth-century plantation economies in the domination of a territory and its people by a foreign
Caribbean and Brazil were based on sugar. In the power for an extended time. European colonialism
18th century, plantation economies based on cotton had two main phases. The first started in 1492 and
arose in the southeastern United States. lasted through 1825. For Britain this phase ended
with the American Revolution. For France it ended
3. The Industrial Revolution began in England around when Britain won the Seven Years’ War, forcing
1750. Transoceanic commerce supplied capital the French to abandon Canada and India. For Spain
for industrial investment. Industrialization hastened it ended with Latin American independence. The
the separation of workers from the means of pro- second phase of European colonialism extended ap-
duction. Marx saw a sharp division between the proximately from 1850 to 1950. The British and
1. According to world-system theory, societies are subsystems of bigger systems, with the world system as the
critical largest. What are the various systems, at different levels, in which you participate?
2. How does world-system theory help explain why companies hire thousands of workers in India while laying off
thinking an equivalent number in Europe and the United States?
3. What were the causes of the Industrial Revolution? Why did it begin in England rather than France? How might
this knowledge be relevant for an anthropologist interested in investigating the dynamics of industrialization
today?
4. Think of a recent case in which a core nation has intervened in the affairs of another nation. What was the
intervention philosophy used to justify the action?
5. This chapter describes the labels “First World,” “Second World,” and “Third World” as a common, although
ethnocentric, way of categorizing nations. Why is it ethnocentric? Do you think there is any reason to keep
using these labels, despite their problems? Why or why not?
in a Globalizing World
What is global
climate change,
and how can
anthropologists study
it, along with other
environmental
threats?
What is cultural
imperialism, and
what forces work to
favor and oppose it?
Perito Moreno glacier, in Patagonia, Argentina. Portions of this massive glacier have been collapsing since winter
2009, as a likely reflection of global climate change.
chapter outline ENERGY CONSUMPTION
AND INDUSTRIAL
DEGRADATION
ENVIRONMENTAL
ANTHROPOLOGY
Global Assaults on Local
understanding OURSELVES
Autonomy hat’s your favorite science fiction significantly. Then we traveled to Madagascar to
Deforestation
Emerging Diseases
INTERETHNIC CONTACT
Cultural Imperialism
W movie or TV show? What imagined
images of other planets, or of a
future Earth, stand out in your
memory? Can you visualize Star Wars’s Death
Star, poor old Alderan, the two suns of Tatooine?
study those areas on the ground. It’s interesting
to imagine what an alien might “see” in similar
images. If these aliens were (as the more benev-
olent science fiction movies imagine) interested
in studying life on Earth, rather than conquering,
and Indigenization
How about Avatar’s Pandora? Such images may controlling, or even eating its inhabitants, they
A Global System
be as familiar to you as those of real planets. would have a lot to interpret. In my work abroad,
of Images
Think, too, about how extraterrestrials have been I’ve been impressed by two major global trends:
A Global Culture
of Consumption portrayed in movies. On the one hand are ET ’s population increase and the shift from subsis-
harmless plant collectors and Avatar’s endan- tence to cash economies. These trends have led
PEOPLE IN MOTION gered Na’vi. More typical are Earth’s would-be to agricultural intensification, resource depletion
conquerors, as shown in Independence Day, (including deforestation), and emigration and
INDIGENOUS PEOPLES
Starship Troopers, V, and a hundred others. Still have made it increasingly harder to not think
ANTHROPOLOGY’S other films, most notably The Day the Earth Stood globally when asking ourselves who we are.
LESSONS Still (either the 1951 or the 2008 version), feature I’m struck by the growing number of young
omnipotent, omniscient guardians of interplane- people worldwide who have abandoned tradi-
tary affairs. tional subsistence pursuits. They seek jobs for
If some of our most vivid perceptions of other cash, but work is scarce, spurring migration
planets are based in fiction, modern technology within and across national boundaries. In turn,
makes it easier than ever for us to perceive the transnational migration increases cultural diver-
Earth as both a planet and our world. Anthropolo- sity in the United States, Canada, and Western
gists can use Google Earth to locate communities European countries. Even small towns in the
they have studied in remote corners of the world. South and Midwest have Chinese restaurants.
My colleagues and I have even used space Pizza and tacos are as American as apple pie.
images to choose communities to study on Earth. Every day we encounter people whose ancestral
Interested in the causes of deforestation in countries and cultures have been studied by
Madagascar, we examined a series of satellite anthropologists for generations—making cultural
images taken in successive years to determine anthropology all the more relevant to our daily
areas where the forest cover had diminished lives in an increasingly interconnected world.
This chapter applies an anthropological per- is the primary meaning of globalization used
spective to contemporary global issues. Let’s throughout this book. (2) Globalization as
begin by reviewing two different meanings of contested ideology and policy: efforts by the
the term globalization: (1) Globalization as International Monetary Fund (IMF), the
fact: the spread and connectedness of produc- World Bank, the World Trade Organization
tion, distribution, consumption, communica- (WTO), and other international financial
tion, and technologies across the world. This powers to create a global free market for
296
goods and services. This second meaning is political TABLE 15.1 Total Energy Consumption,
and continues to generate considerable opposition. 2011–2012, by Country, Top Ten Countries
The fact that certain practices and risks have (in quadrillion BTUs)
global implications warrants a discussion of energy
consumption and environmental degradation, includ-
TOTAL PER CAPITA
ing climate change, or global warming. Also consid-
ered are the threats that deforestation and emerging World 510.6* 74.4†
diseases pose to global biodiversity and human China 109.6 82.0
life. The second half of this chapter turns from ecol-
United States 95.1 312.8
ogy to the contemporary flows of people, technol-
ogy, finance, information, messages, images, and Russia 32.8 229.9
ideology that contribute to a global culture of con- India 23.6 19.9
sumption. Globalization promotes intercultural Japan 20.2 163.6
communication, through the media, travel, and
migration, which bring people from different societ- Canada 13.6 396.6
ies into direct contact. Finally, we’ll consider how Germany 13.2 160.6
such contacts and external linkages affect indige- Brazil 11.7 59.0
nous peoples, as well as how those groups have
South Korea 11.3 228.9
organized to confront and deal with national and
global issues. France 10.6 165.1
It would be impossible in a single chapter to do a *510.6 quadrillion (510,600,000,000,000,000) BTUS
complete review of all the global issues that are †74.4 million BTUS
salient today and that anthropologists have studied. SOURCE: U.S. Energy Information Administration, International
Many such issues (e.g., war, displacement, terror- Energy Statistics. http://www.eia.gov/cfapps/ipdbproject/IEDIndex3.
ism, NGOs, the media) have been considered in pre- cfm?tid544&pid544&aid52
vious chapters, and a series of boxes have “focused
on globalization” throughout this book. For timely
chiefdoms. Occupying vast areas, those nonstate soci-
anthropological analysis of a range of global issues,
eties, although not totally isolated, were only margin-
see recent books by John Bodley (2008, 2012) and
ally affected by nation-states and the world capitalist
Richard Robbins (2011).
economy. In 1800, bands, tribes, and chiefdoms con-
trolled half the globe and 20 percent of its population
ENERGY CONSUMPTION (Bodley 2008). Industrialization tipped the balance in
favor of states (see Hornborg and Crumley 2007).
AND INDUSTRIAL Many contemporary nations are repeating—at an
DEGRADATION accelerated rate—the process of resource depletion
that started in Europe and the United States during
Industrialization entailed a shift from reliance on
the Industrial Revolution. Fortunately, however,
renewable resources to the use of fossil fuels. Earth’s
today’s world has some environmental watchdogs
supply of oil, gas, and coal is being depleted to
that did not exist during the Industrial Revolution.
support a previously unknown level of consump-
Given national and international cooperation and
tion. Americans are the world’s foremost consumers
sanctions, the modern world may benefit from the
of nonrenewable energy. The average American con-
lessons of the past (see Hornborg, McNeill, and
sumes about 35 times more energy than the average
Martinez-Alier 2007).
forager or tribesperson (Bodley 2008).
A key component of globalization is the global-
Table 15.1 compares energy consumption, per
ization of risk (Smith and Doyle 2002). Hazards
capita and total, in the United States and selected
linked to industrial production, emerging diseases,
other countries. Overall the United States represents
or a cyber attack can spread quickly beyond their
18.6 percent of the world’s annual energy consump-
point of origin. Climate risks have become global-
tion, compared with China’s 21.5 percent, but the
ized, as each consumer of fossil fuels makes his or
average American consumes almost 4 times the
her individual contribution (the consumer’s “carbon
energy used by the average Chinese and 16 times
footprint”) to global climate change, to which we
the energy used by the average inhabitant of India.
now turn.
Consumption has been rising in China and India,
while declining a bit in the United States and
Canada, and more dramatically in Europe.
Industrialization has spread to Asia, Latin America, GLOBAL CLIMATE CHANGE
Africa, and the Pacific. One result of industrial expan- Globally, the year 2010 tied 2005 as the hottest ever
sion has been the destruction of indigenous econo- recorded by NASA’s Goddard Institute for Space
mies, ecologies, and populations. Two centuries ago, Studies (GISS) (2011 was the second hottest). For
as industrialization was developing, 50 million people the United States (but not the globe), 2012 was the
still lived in politically independent bands, tribes, and hottest year since record keeping began in 1895
early 20th century (see Johansen 2008). (This chap- 14.4 58.0OF
ter’s “Appreciating Diversity” discusses how this
14.2 57.6OF
rise has affected an indigenous group in Alaska.)
About two-thirds of this increase has been since 14.0 57.2OF
1978 (Figure 15.1). Global warming is not due to
increased solar radiation. The causes are mainly 13.8 56.8OF
Annual Mean
anthropogenic anthropogenic—caused by humans and their activ- 5-year Mean
13.6
Caused by humans and ities. Who can reasonably deny that 7 billion people,
80
00
20
40
60
80
00
18
19
19
19
19
19
20
WARMING
Carbon dioxide (CO2) Has natural and human sources; levels increasing due to burning of fossil fuels.
Methane (CH4) Has risen due to an increase in human activities, including livestock raising, rice
growing, landfill use, and the extraction, handling, and transport of natural gas.
Ozone (O3) Has natural sources, especially in the stratosphere, where chemicals have
depleted the ozone layer; ozone also produced in the troposphere (lower part
of the atmosphere) when hydrocarbons and nitrogen oxide pollutants react.
Nitrous oxide (N2O) Has been rising from agricultural and industrial sources.
Halocarbons Include chlorofluorocarbons (CFCs), which remain from refrigerants in
appliances made before CFC ban.
Aerosols Some airborne particles and droplets warm the planet; black carbon
particles (soot) produced when fossil fuels or vegetation are burned;
generally have a warming effect by absorbing solar radiation.
COOLING
Aerosols Some cool the planet; sulfate (SO4) aerosols from burning fossil fuels reflect
sunlight back to space.
Volcanic eruptions Emit gaseous SO2, which, once in the atmosphere, forms sulfate aerosol
and ash; both reflect sunlight back to space.
Sea ice Reflects sunlight back to space.
Tundra Reflects sunlight back to space.
WARMING/COOLING
Forests Deforestation creates land areas that reflect more sunlight back to space
(cooling); it also removes trees that absorb CO2 (warming).
Europe. Climate change may benefit these areas, over 21 percent of world energy consumption, com-
offering milder winters and extended growing sea- pared with 9 percent in 2000. The U.S. share fell
sons. However, many more people worldwide prob- from 25 percent in 2000 to 19 percent in 2012 (U.S.
ably will be harmed (see Cribb 2010). Already we Energy Information Administration 2013). (See
know that in the Arctic temperatures have risen Table 15.1.) Among the alternatives to fossil fuels
almost twice as much as the global average. Arctic are nuclear power and such renewable energy tech-
landscapes and ecosystems are changing rapidly and nologies as solar, wind, and biomass generators.
perceptibly, as this chapter’s “Appreciating Diver-
sity” illustrates. Coastal communities worldwide
can anticipate increased flooding and more severe ENVIRONMENTAL
storms and surges. At risk are people, animals,
plants, freshwater supplies, and such industries as ANTHROPOLOGY
tourism and farming (Crate and Nuttall 2008; Anthropology always has been concerned with how
National Academy of Sciences 2008). (Recap 15.1 environmental forces influence humans and how
summarizes the major factors that work to heat and human activities affect the environment. The
to cool Earth.) 1950s–1970s witnessed the emergence of an area of
Global energy demand is the single greatest study known as cultural ecology, or ecological
ecological obstacle to slowing down climate change. World- anthropology (see Haenn and Wilk 2006). That field
anthropology wide, energy consumption continues to grow with initially focused on how cultural beliefs and prac-
Study of cultural economic and population expansion. China and tices helped human populations adapt to their envi-
adaptations to India, in particular, are rapidly increasing their use ronments, as well as how people used elements of
environments. of energy, mainly from fossil fuels, and conse- their culture to maintain their ecosystems. Ecological
quently their emissions. China now accounts for anthropologists showed that many indigenous groups
last few decades are due to human encroachment does little damage to their health. When the virus
on wild lands, particularly forests, and to changes moves from bats into other species, however, it can
in demography (human population increase and be lethal. Fruit bats eat the pulp of fruit and spit out
changing settlement patterns). In the Amazon, one the residue. In rural Malaysia in 1999, an infected
study showed that an increase in deforestation of bat appears to have dropped a piece of chewed fruit
just 4 percent produced a 50 percent increase in the into the food supply of a swine herd (a scenario
incidence of malaria. This is because mosquitoes, depicted in the movie Contagion). The virus then
which transmit malaria, thrive in the right mix of spread from those pigs to humans. Of 276 people
sunlight and water in recently deforested areas infected in Malaysia, 106 died. Eleven more people
(Robbins 2012; see also Livingstone 1969). The died in Signapore, when the virus was exported
recent emergence and spread of infectious diseases there via live pigs. South Asia has experienced a
like HIV/AIDS, Ebola, West Nile, SARS (severe dozen smaller Nipah outbreaks in recent years.
acute respiratory syndrome), and Lyme disease are Spillovers from wildlife to humans have quadru-
all the result of things people have done to their pled in the last half-century, reflecting increasing
environments. human encroachment on disease hotspots, espe-
The spread of disease from wild to domesticated cially in the tropics (Robbins 2012). Wildlife traf-
animals and then to humans has been going on ficking and modern air travel contribute to the
since the Neolithic, when animals first were domes- potential for a serious outbreak or pandemic among
ticated. Diseases that spread from animals to humans. (A pandemic is an epidemic with global
humans are known as zoonotic diseases, and they scope.) The zero patient for the HIV/AIDS pan-
pose a huge threat today because of human popula- demic (in North America, at least) is reputed to have
tion increase and forces of globalization. Emerging been a flight attendant who flew internationally.
diseases kill more than two million people annu- HIV/AIDS originally jumped from chimpanzees to
ally, and 60 percent of those diseases originate in humans through bush-meat hunters in Africa, who
animals (Robbins 2012). kill and butcher chimps.
Especially since the Neolithic, infectious dis- The threat posed by zoonotic diseases has been
eases, including malaria and plague, have moved recognized by biologists and doctors. One interna-
from woods and wildlife to humans, often through tional project, called PREDICT, funds teams of
their domesticated animals. One such disease, the veterinarians, conservation biologists, medical
Nipah virus, began its migration from fruit bats to doctors, and epidemiologists to identify disease-
humans in South Asia. Because fruit bats have co- causing organisms in wildlife before they spread to
evolved with the Nipah virus for millions of years, it humans (see http://www.vetmed.ucdavis.edu/ohi/
Illustrating both globalization and indigenization, McDonald’s now routinely tries to tailor its A Global Culture of Consumption
offerings to specific cultural appetites. Shown here in downtown Fort de France, Martinique Besides the electronic media, other key global
(French West Indies), is a billboard advertising a hamburger topped with Italian cheese forces are production, commerce, and finance. As
(Parmigiano-Reggiano). Arjun Appadurai (1991, p. 194) puts it, “money,
INDIGENOUS PEOPLES
With so many people on the move, the unit of anthropological study has expanded from the
All too often, conquest, annexation, and develop-
local community to the diaspora, the offspring of an area who have spread to many lands,
ment have been associated with genocide—the
such as the owners of this falafel shop in Paris, France.
deliberate extermination of a specific ethnic group.
Examples include the Holocaust, Rwanda in 1994,
and Bosnia in the early 1990s. Bodley (2008) esti-
genocide Tzintzuntzan, which, with his mentor George Foster, mates that an average of 250,000 indigenous people
Deliberate elimination he has studied for decades. However, their database perished annually between 1800 and 1950. The
of a group through now includes not just Tzintzuntzan but its descen- causes included warfare, outright murder, intro-
mass murder. dants all over the world. Given the Tzintzuntzan duced diseases, slavery, land grabbing, and other
diaspora, Kemper was even able to use some of his forms of dispossession and impoverishment.
time in Chicago to visit people from Tzintzuntzan The indigenous groups that have survived now
who had established a colony there. In today’s live within nation-states. Often, they maintain a dis-
world, as people move, they take their traditions and tinct ethnic identity, despite having lost their ances-
their anthropologists along with them. tral cultures to varying degrees. Many such groups
postmodernity Postmodernity describes our time and situa- aspire to autonomy. As the original inhabitants of
Time of questioning of tion: today’s world in flux, these people on the their territories, they are called indigenous peoples
established canons, move who have learned to manage multiple identi- (see Maybury-Lewis 2002).
identities, and ties depending on place and context. In its most The term indigenous people entered interna-
standards.
general sense, postmodern refers to the blurring tional law in 1982 with the creation of the United
postmodern
and breakdown of established canons (rules or Nations Working Group on Indigenous Populations
Marked by the
standards), categories, distinctions, and boundar- (WGIP). This group meets annually and has mem-
breakdown of ies. The word is taken from postmodernism—a bers from six continents. The UN General Assem-
established canons, style and movement in architecture that succeeded bly adopted its Declaration of Indigenous Rights
categories, distinctions, modernism, beginning in the 1970s. Postmodern in 2007. Convention 169, a document supporting
and boundaries. architecture rejected the rules, geometric order, cultural diversity and indigenous empowerment,
and austerity of modernism. Modernist buildings was approved by the International Labor Organiza-
postmodernism were expected to have a clear and functional tion (ILO) in 1989. Such documents, along with the
Movement after design. Postmodern design is “messier” and more global work of the WGIP, have influenced govern-
modernism in
playful. It draws on a diversity of styles from ments, NGOs, and international agencies to adopt
architecture; now
describes comparable
different times and places—including popular, policies favorable to indigenous peoples. Social
developments in music,
ethnic, and non-Western cultures. Postmodernism movements worldwide now use indigenous people
literature, and visual art. extends “value” well beyond classic, elite, and as a self-identifying label in their quests for social,
Western cultural forms. Postmodern is now used cultural, and political rights (Brower and Johnston
to describe comparable developments in music, 2007; de la Peña 2005).
literature, and visual art. From this origin, post- In Spanish-speaking Latin America, social scien-
modernity describes a world in which traditional tists and politicians now favor the term indígena
standards, contrasts, groups, boundaries, and (indigenous person) over indio (Indian), the colonial
identities are opening up, reaching out, and break- term that European conquerors used for Native
ing down. Americans (de la Peña 2005). Until the mid- to late
New kinds of political and ethnic units have 1980s, Latin American public policy emphasized
emerged along with globalization. In some cases, assimilation. The past 30 years have witnessed a
cultures and ethnic groups have banded together in dramatic shift. The emphasis has shifted from
for
o REVIEW
summary 1. Fueling global warming are human population
growth and increasing use of fossil fuels. The term
technology, including the mass media, is destroy-
ing traditional cultures. But others see an important
climate change encompasses global warming along role for new technology in allowing local cultures
with changing sea levels, precipitation, storms, and to express themselves.
ecosystem effects.
4. As the forces of globalization spread, they are mod-
2. Anthropologists have studied how environmental ified (indigenized) to fit into local cultures. Modern
forces influence humans and how human activities media can help diffuse a national culture within its
affect the Earth’s atmosphere. An ethnoecology is own boundaries. The media also play a role in pre-
a society’s set of environmental practices and per- serving ethnic and national identities among people
ceptions. Indigenous ethnoecologies increasingly who lead transnational lives.
are being challenged by global forces. A challenge 5. People travel more than ever. But migrants also
for applied ecological anthropology is to devise maintain ties with home, so they live multilocally.
culturally appropriate strategies for conservation Postmodernity describes this world in flux, with
in the face of population growth and commercial people on the move who manage multiple social
expansion. identities depending on place and context. New
kinds of political and ethnic units are emerging as
3. Causes of deforestation include demographic
others break down or disappear.
pressure on subsistence economies, commercial
logging, road building, cash cropping, urban ex- 6. Governments, NGOs, and international agencies
pansion, and clearing and burning associated with have adopted policies designed to recognize and ben-
livestock. Infectious diseases such as HIV/AIDS, efit indigenous peoples. Social movements world-
Ebola, West Nile, and SARS have emerged and wide have adopted this term as a self-identifying and
spread because of things that people have done to political label based on past oppression but now sig-
their environments. Cultural imperialism is the naling a search for social, cultural, and political
spread of one culture and its imposition on other rights. In Latin America, several national constitu-
cultures, which it modifies, replaces, or destroys— tions now recognize the rights of indigenous peoples.
usually because of differential economic or po- Identity is a fluid, dynamic process, and there are
litical influence. Some critics worry that modern multiple ways of being indigenous.
1. What does it mean to apply an anthropological perspective to contemporary global issues? Can you come up
with an anthropological research question that investigates such issues? Imagine you had a year (and the critical
money!) to carry out this project. How would you spend your time and your resources?
2. The topic of global climate change has been hotly debated during the last few years. Why is there so much thinking
debate? Are you concerned about global climate change? Do you think everyone on the planet should be equally
concerned and share the responsibility of doing something about it? Why or why not?
3. Consider majority and minority rights in the context of contemporary events involving religion, ethnicity, poli-
tics, and law. Should religion be an ascribed or an achieved status? How about ethnicity? Why?
4. Do you now live, or have you ever lived, multilocally? If so, how so?
5. What term do anthropologists use to describe the view that identities have developed historically as innate and
unchanging? We know, however, that identities are not fixed; they are fluid and multiple. What does this mean?
What implications does this have for understanding indigenous political movements?
affinals Relatives by marriage. big man Regional figure found among tribal horticulturalists
and pastoralists. The big man occupies no office but creates
African American Vernacular English (AAVE) Rule- his reputation through entrepreneurship and generosity to
governed dialect spoken by some African Americans. others. Neither his wealth nor his position passes to his heirs.
agency The actions of individuals, alone and in groups, that bilateral kinship calculation A system in which kinship
create and transform culture. ties are calculated equally through both sexes: mother and
agriculture Nonindustrial systems of plant cultivation father, sister and brother, daughter and son, and so on.
characterized by continuous and intensive use of land biocultural Referring to the inclusion and combination
and labor. (to solve a common problem) of both biological and cultural
ambilineal descent Principle of descent that does not auto- approaches—one of anthropology’s hallmarks.
matically exclude the children of either sons or daughters. biological anthropology The study of human biological
animism Belief in souls, or doubles. variation in time and space; includes evolution, genetics,
anthropogenic Caused by humans and their activities. growth and development, and primatology.
anthropological archaeology The study of human behavior bourgeoisie One of Marx’s opposed classes; owners of the
through material remains. means of production (factories, mines, large farms, and
other sources of subsistence).
anthropology The study of the human species and its
immediate ancestors. call systems Systems of communication among nonhuman
primates, composed of a limited number of sounds that vary
anthropology and education Anthropological research in in intensity and duration. Tied to environmental stimuli.
classrooms, homes, and neighborhoods, viewing students as
total cultural creatures whose enculturation and attitudes capital Wealth or resources invested in business, with the
toward education belong to a larger context that includes intent of producing a profit.
family, peers, and society. capitalist world economy The single world system, which
antimodernism The rejection of the modern in favor emerged in the 16th century, committed to production for
of what is perceived as an earlier, purer, and better way sale, with the object of maximizing profits rather than
of life. supplying domestic needs.
applied anthropology The application of anthropological cargo cults Postcolonial, acculturative religious movements,
data, perspectives, theory, and methods to identify, assess, common in Melanesia, that attempt to explain European
and solve contemporary social problems. domination and wealth and to achieve similar success
magically by mimicking European behavior.
art An object or event that evokes an aesthetic reaction—a
sense of beauty, appreciation, harmony, and/or pleasure; the catharsis Intense emotional release.
quality, production, expression, or realm of what is beautiful clan Unilineal descent group based on stipulated descent.
or of more than ordinary significance; the class of objects climate change Global warming plus changing sea levels,
subject to aesthetic criteria. precipitation, storms, and ecosystem effects.
arts The arts include the visual arts, literature (written and collateral relative A genealogical relative who is not in
oral), music, and performance arts. ego’s direct line, such as B, Z, FB, or MZ.
ascribed status Social status (e.g., race or gender) that colonialism The political, social, economic, and cultural
people have little or no choice about occupying. domination of a territory and its people by a foreign power
assimilation The process of change that a minority group for an extended time.
may experience when it moves to a country where another communism Spelled with a lowercase c, describes a
culture dominates; the minority is incorporated into the social system in which property is owned by the community
dominant culture to the point that it no longer exists as a and in which people work for the common good.
separate cultural unit.
Communism Spelled with an uppercase C, a political
association An observed relationship between two or more movement and doctrine seeking to overthrow capitalism
variables. and to establish a form of communism such as that which
balanced reciprocity See generalized reciprocity. prevailed in the Soviet Union from 1917 to 1991.
312
communitas Intense community spirit, a feeling of great consulted by patients, who believe in his or her special
social solidarity, equality, and togetherness; characteristic powers, and receives some form of special consideration; a
of people experiencing liminality together. cultural universal.
complex societies Nations; large and populous, with daughter languages Languages developing out of the same
social stratification and central governments. parent language; for example, French and Spanish are
configurationalism View of culture as integrated and daughter languages of Latin.
patterned. descent Rule assigning social identity on the basis of some
conflict resolution Means of settling disputes. aspect of one’s ancestry.
core Dominant structural position in the world system; descent group A permanent social unit whose members
consists of the strongest and most powerful states with claim common ancestry; fundamental to tribal society.
advanced systems of production. development anthropology The branch of applied anthro-
core values Key, basic, or central values that integrate a pology that focuses on social issues in—and the cultural
culture and help distinguish it from others. dimension of—economic development.
correlation An association between two or more variables diachronic (Studying societies) across time.
such that when one changes (varies), the other(s) also diaspora The offspring of an area who have spread to many
change(s) (covaries)—for example, temperature and sweating. lands.
cosmology A system, often religious, for imagining and differential access Unequal access to resources; basic attri-
understanding the universe. bute of chiefdoms and states. Superordinates have favored
cross cousins Children of a brother and a sister. access to such resources, while the access of subordinates is
cultivation continuum A continuum based on the compara- limited by superordinates.
tive study of nonindustrial cultivating societies in which diffusion Borrowing of cultural traits between societies,
labor intensity increases and fallowing decreases. either directly or through intermediaries.
cultural anthropology The study of human society and diglossia The existence of “high” (formal) and “low” (infor-
culture; describes, analyzes, interprets, and explains social mal, familial) dialects of a single language, such as German.
and cultural similarities and differences. discrimination Policies and practices that harm a group and
cultural colonialism Internal domination by one group and its members.
its culture or ideology over others. disease A scientifically identified health threat caused by a
cultural consultants Subjects in ethnographic research; bacterium, virus, fungus, parasite, or other pathogen.
people the ethnographer gets to know in the field, who teach displacement A basic feature of language; the ability to
him or her about their culture. speak of things and events that are not present.
cultural imperialism The rapid spread or advance of one domestic–public dichotomy Contrast between women’s
culture at the expense of others, or its imposition on other role in the home and men’s role in public life, with a corre-
cultures, which it modifies, replaces, or destroys—usually sponding social devaluation of women’s work and worth.
because of differential economic or political influence.
dowry A marital exchange in which the wife’s group
cultural materialism Idea (Harris) that cultural
provides substantial gifts to the husband’s family.
infrastructure determines structure and superstructure.
ecological anthropology Study of cultural adaptations to
cultural relativism The position that the values and stan-
environments.
dards of cultures differ and deserve respect. Anthropology is
characterized by methodological rather than moral relativ- economizing The rational allocation of scarce means (or
ism: In order to understand another culture fully, anthro- resources) to alternative ends (or uses); often considered
pologists try to understand its members’ beliefs and the subject matter of economics.
motivations. Methodological relativism does not preclude economy A population’s system of production, distribution,
making moral judgments or taking action. and consumption of resources.
cultural resource management The branch of applied egalitarian society A type of society, most typically found
archaeology aimed at preserving sites threatened by dams, among hunter-gatherers, that lacks status distinctions except
highways, and other projects. those based on age, gender, and individual qualities, talents,
cultural rights Doctrine that certain rights are vested in and achievements.
identifiable groups, such as religious and ethnic minorities ego Latin for I. In kinship charts, the point from which one
and indigenous societies. Cultural rights include a group’s views an egocentric genealogy.
ability to preserve its culture, to raise its children in the
emic The research strategy that focuses on local explana-
ways of its forebears, to continue its language, and not to be
tions and criteria of significance.
deprived of its economic base by the nation-state in which it
is located. enculturation The social process by which culture is
learned and transmitted across the generations.
cultural transmission A basic feature of language;
transmission through learning. endogamy Rule or practice of marriage between people of
culture Distinctly human; transmitted through the same social group.
learning; traditions and customs that govern behavior essentialism The process of viewing an identity as estab-
and beliefs. lished, real, and frozen to hide the historical processes and
curer Specialized role acquired through a culturally politics within which that identity developed.
appropriate process of selection, training, certification, ethnic group Group distinguished by cultural similarities
and acquisition of a professional image; the curer is (shared among members of that group) and differences
Glossary 313
(between that group and others); ethnic-group members gender identity A person’s identification by self and others
share beliefs, customs, and norms and, often, a common as male, female, or something else.
language, religion, history, geography, and kinship. gender roles The tasks and activities that a culture assigns
ethnicity Identification with, and feeling part of, an ethnic to each sex.
group and exclusion from certain other groups because of gender stereotypes Oversimplified but strongly held ideas
this affiliation. about the characteristics of males and females.
ethnocentrism The tendency to view one’s own culture gender stratification Unequal distribution of rewards
as best and to judge the behavior and beliefs of culturally (socially valued resources, power, prestige, and personal
different people by one’s own standards. freedom) between men and women, reflecting their different
ethnocide Destruction of cultures of certain ethnic groups. positions in a social hierarchy.
ethnoecology Any society’s set of environmental practices genealogical method Procedures by which ethnographers
and perceptions; its cultural model of the environment and discover and record connections of kinship, descent, and
its relation to people and society. marriage, using diagrams and symbols.
ethnography Fieldwork in a particular cultural setting. general anthropology The field of anthropology as a whole,
consisting of cultural, archaeological, biological, and
ethnology Cross-cultural comparison; the comparative study linguistic anthropology.
of ethnographic data, society, and culture.
generality Culture pattern or trait that exists in some but not
ethnomusicology The comparative study of the musics of all societies.
the world and of music as an aspect of culture and society.
generalized reciprocity Principle that characterizes
ethnosemantics The study of lexical (vocabulary) contrasts exchanges between closely related individuals. As social
and classifications in various languages. distance increases, reciprocity becomes balanced and finally
etic The research strategy that emphasizes the ethnogra- negative.
pher’s rather than the locals’ explanations, categories, and generational kinship terminology Kinship terminology
criteria of significance. with only two terms for the parental generation, one designat-
exogamy Rule requiring people to marry outside their own ing M, MZ, and FZ and the other designating F, FB, and MB.
group. genitor Biological father of a child.
expressive culture The arts; people express themselves cre- genocide Deliberate elimination of a group through mass
atively in dance, music, song, painting, sculpture, pottery, murder.
cloth, storytelling, verse, prose, drama, and comedy.
globalization The accelerating interdependence of nations
extended family household Expanded household including in a world system linked economically and through mass
three or more generations. media and modern transportation systems.
family of orientation Nuclear family in which one is born greenhouse effect Warming from trapped atmospheric
and grows up. gases.
family of procreation Nuclear family established when one health care systems Beliefs, customs, and specialists
marries and has children. concerned with ensuring health and preventing and curing
fiscal Pertaining to finances and taxation. illness; a cultural universal.
focal vocabulary A set of words and distinctions that are hegemony As used by Antonio Gramsci, a stratified social
particularly important to certain groups (those with particu- order in which subordinates comply with domination by
lar foci of experience or activity), such as types of snow to internalizing its values and accepting its “naturalness.”
Eskimos or skiers. historical linguistics Subdivision of linguistics that studies
folk Of the people; originally coined for European peasants; languages over time.
refers to the art, music, and lore of ordinary people, historical particularism Idea (Boas) that histories are not
as contrasted with the “high” art, or “classic” art, of the comparable; diverse paths can lead to the same cultural
European elites. result.
food production An economy based on cultivation of plants holistic Interested in the whole of the human condition:
and domestication (stockbreeding) of animals; first devel- past, present, and future; biology, society, language, and
oped 10,000 to 12,000 years ago. culture.
functional explanation Explanation that establishes a hominid A member of the taxonomic family that includes
correlation or an interrelationship between social customs. humans and the African apes and their immediate ancestors.
When customs are functionally interrelated, if one changes, hominins Members of the human lineage after its split from
the others also change. ancestral chimps; the term hominin is used to describe all
functionalism Approach focusing on the role (function) of the human species that ever have existed, including the ex-
sociocultural practices in social systems. tinct ones, and excluding chimps and gorillas.
fundamentalism Describes antimodernist movements in honorific A term, such as “Mr.” or “Lord,” used with peo-
various religions. Fundamentalists assert an identity separate ple, often by being added to their names, to “honor” them.
from the larger religious group from which they arose; they horticulture Nonindustrial system of plant cultivation in
advocate strict fidelity to the “true” religious principles on which plots lie fallow for varying lengths of time.
which the larger religion was founded. human rights Doctrine that invokes a realm of justice and
gender The cultural construction of whether one is female, morality beyond and superior to particular countries, cul-
male, or something else. tures, and religions. Human rights, usually seen as vested in
314 Glossary
individuals, would include the right to speak freely, to hold life history Gathered by an ethnographer, an account of
religious beliefs without persecution, and not to be mur- the life of a key consultant or narrator; provides a personal
dered, injured, enslaved, or imprisoned without charge. cultural portrait of existence or change in a culture.
hypodescent Rule that automatically places the children of liminality The critically important marginal or in-between
a union or mating between members of different socioeco- phase of a rite of passage.
nomic groups in the less privileged group. lineage Unilineal descent group based on demonstrated
hypothesis A suggested but as yet unverified explanation. descent.
illness A condition of poor health perceived or felt by an lineal kinship terminology Parental generation kin termi-
individual. nology with four terms: one for M, one for F, one for FB
imperialism A policy of extending the rule of a nation or an and MB, and one for MZ and FZ.
empire over foreign nations or of taking and holding foreign lineal relatives Any of ego’s ancestors or descendants (e.g.,
colonies. parents, grandparents, children, grandchildren) on the direct
incest Sexual relations with a close relative. line of descent that leads to and from ego.
increased equity A reduction in absolute poverty and a linguistic anthropology The descriptive, comparative, and
fairer (more even) distribution of wealth. historical study of language and of linguistic similarities and
differences in time, space, and society.
independent invention Development of the same cultural
trait or pattern in separate cultures as a result of comparable lobola A substantial marital gift from the husband and his
needs, circumstances, and solutions. kin to the wife and her kin.
indigenization Process by which borrowed forms are modi- longitudinal research Long-term study of a community,
fied to fit the local culture. region, society, culture, or other unit, usually based on
repeated visits.
Industrial Revolution The historic transformation (in
Europe, after 1750) of “traditional” into “modern” societies magic Use of supernatural techniques to accomplish specific
through industrialization of the economy. aims.
international culture Cultural traditions that extend beyond mana Sacred impersonal force in Melanesian and
national boundaries. Polynesian religions.
interpretive anthropology (Geertz) The study of a culture market principle Profit-oriented principle of exchange that
as a system of meaning. dominates in states, particularly industrial states. Goods and
services are bought and sold, and values are determined by
intersex Pertaining to a group of conditions reflecting a
supply and demand.
discrepancy between the external genitals (penis, vagina,
etc.) and the internal genitals (testes, ovaries, etc.). mater Socially recognized mother of a child.
intervention philosophy Guiding principle of colonialism, matrilineal descent Unilineal descent rule in which people
conquest, missionization, or development; an ideological join the mother’s group automatically at birth and stay mem-
justification for outsiders to guide native peoples in specific bers throughout life.
directions. means (factors) of production Land, labor, technology,
interview schedule Ethnographic tool for structuring a and capital—major productive resources.
formal interview. A prepared form (usually printed or medical anthropology Unites biological and cultural an-
mimeographed) that guides interviews with households or thropologists in the study of disease, health problems, health
individuals being compared systematically. Contrasts with care systems, and theories about illness in different cultures
a questionnaire because the researcher has personal contact and ethnic groups.
with the local people and records their answers.
mode of production Way of organizing production—a
IPR Intellectual property rights, consisting of each society’s set of social relations through which labor is deployed to
cultural base—its core beliefs and principles. IPR are wrest energy from nature by means of tools, skills, and
claimed as a group right—a cultural right—allowing knowledge.
indigenous groups to control who may know and use their
monotheism Belief in a single all-powerful deity.
collective knowledge and its applications.
key cultural consultants Persons who are experts on a morphology The study of form; used in linguistics (the study
particular aspect of local life. of morphemes and word construction) and for form in general—
for example, biomorphology relates to physical form.
kinesics The study of communication through body move-
ments, stances, gestures, and facial expressions. multiculturalism The view of cultural diversity in a country
as something good and desirable; a multicultural society
kinship calculation The system by which people in a par- socializes individuals not only into the dominant (national)
ticular society reckon kin relationships. culture but also into an ethnic culture.
language Human beings’ primary means of communication; nation Once a synonym for “ethnic group,” designating a
may be spoken or written; features productivity and dis- single culture sharing a language, religion, history, territory,
placement and is culturally transmitted. ancestry, and kinship; now usually a synonym for state or
law A legal code, including trial and enforcement; charac- nation-state.
teristic of state-organized societies. national culture Cultural experiences, beliefs, learned
levirate Custom by which a widow marries the brother of behavior patterns, and values shared by citizens of the same
her deceased husband. nation.
lexicon Vocabulary; a dictionary containing all the mor- nationalities Ethnic groups that once had, or wish to have or
phemes in a language and their meanings. regain, autonomous political status (their own country).
Glossary 315
nation-state An autonomous political entity; a country such polygyny Variety of plural marriage in which a man has
as the United States or Canada. more than one wife at the same time.
negative reciprocity See generalized reciprocity. polytheism Belief in several deities who control aspects of
neoliberalism Revival of Adam Smith’s classic economic nature.
liberalism, the idea that governments should not regulate postcolonial Referring to interactions between European
private enterprise and that free market forces should rule; a nations and the societies they colonized (mainly after 1800);
currently dominant intervention philosophy. more generally, “postcolonial” may be used to signify a
neolocality Postmarital residence pattern in which a couple position against imperialism and Eurocentrism.
establishes a new place of residence rather than living with postmodern In its most general sense, describes the blurring
or near either set of parents. and breakdown of established canons (rules, standards),
nomadism (pastoral) Movement throughout the year by the categories, distinctions, and boundaries.
whole pastoral group (men, women, and children) with their postmodernism A style and movement in architecture that
animals; more generally, nomadism is movement throughout succeeded modernism. Compared with modernism, post-
the year in pursuit of strategic resources. modernism is less geometric, less functional, less austere,
office Permanent political position. more playful, and more willing to include elements from
diverse times and cultures; postmodern now describes
overinnovation Characteristic of projects that require major
comparable developments in music, literature, visual art,
changes in natives’ daily lives, especially ones that interfere
and anthropology.
with customary subsistence pursuits.
postmodernity Condition of a world in flux, with people on
pantribal sodalities Non-kin-based groups that exist
the move, in which established groups, boundaries, identi-
throughout a tribe, spanning several villages.
ties, contrasts, and standards are reaching out and breaking
parallel cousins Children of two brothers or two sisters. down.
particularity Distinctive or unique culture trait, pattern, or potlatch Competitive feast among Indians on the North
integration. Pacific Coast of North America.
pastoralists People who use a food-producing strategy of power The ability to exercise one’s will over others—to do
adaptation based on care of herds of domesticated animals. what one wants; the basis of political status.
pastoral nomadism See nomadism (pastoral). prejudice Devaluing (looking down on) a group because of
pater Socially recognized father of a child; not necessarily its assumed behavior, values, capabilities, attitudes, or other
the genitor. attributes.
patriarchy Political system ruled by men in which women prestige Esteem, respect, or approval for acts, deeds, or
have inferior social and political status, including basic qualities considered exemplary.
human rights. productivity A basic feature of language; the ability to
patrilineal descent Unilineal descent rule in which people use the rules of one’s language to create new expressions
join the father’s group automatically at birth and stay mem- comprehensible to other speakers.
bers throughout life. protolanguage Language ancestral to several daughter
patrilineal-patrilocal complex An interrelated constellation languages.
of patrilineality, patrilocality, warfare, and male supremacy. public anthropology Efforts to extend anthropology’s vis-
peasant Small-scale agriculturalist living in a state with rent ibility beyond academia and to demonstrate its public policy
fund obligations. relevance.
periphery Weakest structural position in the world system. questionnaire Form (usually printed) used by sociologists
phenotype An organism’s evident traits, its “manifest to obtain comparable information from respondents. Often
biology”—anatomy and physiology. mailed to and filled in by research subjects rather than by the
researcher.
phoneme Significant sound contrast in a language that
serves to distinguish meaning, as in minimal pairs. race An ethnic group assumed to have a biological basis.
phonemics The study of significant sound contrasts racism Discrimination against an ethnic group assumed to
(phonemes) of a particular language. have a biological basis.
phonetics The study of speech sounds in general; what random sample A sample in which all members of
people actually say in various languages. the population have an equal statistical chance of being
included.
phonology The study of sounds used in speech in a particular
reciprocity One of the three principles of exchange; gov-
language.
erns exchange between social equals; major exchange mode
physical anthropology See biological anthropology. in band and tribal societies.
plural marriage Any marriage with more than two spouses; reciprocity continuum A continuum running from general-
polygamy. ized (closely related/deferred return) to negative (strangers/
plural society A society that combines ethnic contrasts and immediate return) reciprocity.
economic interdependence of the ethnic groups. redistribution Major exchange mode of chiefdoms, many
political economy The web of interrelated economic and archaic states, and some states with managed economies.
power relations in society. refugees People who have been forced (involuntary refu-
polyandry Variety of plural marriage in which a woman has gees) or who have chosen (voluntary refugees) to flee a
more than one husband at the same time. country, to escape persecution or war.
316 Glossary
religion Belief and ritual concerned with supernatural subgroups Languages within a taxonomy of related
beings, powers, and forces. languages that are most closely related.
revitalization movements Social movements that occur in subordinate The lower, or underprivileged, group in a strat-
times of change, in which religious leaders emerge and un- ified system.
dertake to alter or revitalize a society.
superordinate The upper, or privileged, group in a stratified
rites of passage Culturally defined activities associated with system.
the transition from one place or stage of life to another.
superorganic (Kroeber) The special domain of culture,
ritual Behavior that is formal, stylized, repetitive, and beyond the organic and inorganic realms.
stereotyped, performed earnestly as a social act; rituals are
held at set times and places and have liturgical orders. survey research Characteristic research procedure among
social scientists other than anthropologists. Studies society
sample A smaller study group chosen to represent a larger
through sampling, statistical analysis, and impersonal data
population.
collection.
Sapir-Whorf hypothesis Theory that different languages
symbol Something, verbal or nonverbal, that arbitrarily and
produce different ways of thinking.
by convention stands for something else, with which it has
science A systematic field of study or body of knowledge no necessary or natural connection.
that aims, through experiment, observation, and deduction,
to produce reliable explanations of phenomena, with symbolic anthropology The study of symbols in their social
reference to the material and physical world. and cultural context.
scientific medicine As distinguished from Western synchronic (Studying societies) at one time.
medicine, a health care system based on scientific knowl- syncretisms Cultural mixes, including religious blends,
edge and procedures, encompassing such fields as pathol- that emerge from acculturation—the exchange of cultural
ogy, microbiology, biochemistry, surgery, diagnostic features when cultures come into continuous firsthand
technology, and applications. contact.
semantics A language’s meaning system. syntax The arrangement and order of words in phrases and
semiperiphery Structural position in the world system inter- sentences.
mediate between core and periphery. taboo Set apart as sacred and off-limits to ordinary people;
sexual dimorphism Marked differences in male and female prohibition backed by supernatural sanctions.
biology besides the contrasts in breasts and genitals.
text Any cultural product that can be “read”—that is,
sexual orientation A person’s habitual sexual attraction to, processed, interpreted, and assigned meaning by anyone
and activities with, persons of the opposite sex, heterosexual- (any “reader”) exposed to it.
ity; the same sex, homosexuality; or both sexes, bisexuality.
theory A set of ideas formulated (by reasoning from known
shaman A part-time religious practitioner who mediates facts) to explain something. The main value of a theory is to
between ordinary people and supernatural beings and forces. promote new understanding. A theory suggests patterns,
social control Those fields of the social system (beliefs, connections, and relationships that may be confirmed by
practices, and institutions) that are most actively involved in new research.
the maintenance of norms and the regulation of conflict. totem An animal, a plant, or a geographic feature associated
sociolinguistics Investigates relationships between social with a specific social group, to which that totem is sacred or
and linguistic variations. symbolically important.
sororate Custom by which a widower marries the sister of transgender A category of varied individuals whose gender
his deceased wife. identity contradicts their biological sex at birth and the gen-
state (nation-state) Complex sociopolitical system that ad- der identity that society assigned to them in infancy.
ministers a territory and populace with substantial contrasts transhumance One of two variants of pastoralism; part of
in occupation, wealth, prestige, and power. An independent, the population moves seasonally with the herds while the
centrally organized political unit; a government. A form of other part remains in home villages.
social and political organization with a formal, central gov-
ernment and a division of society into classes. tribe Form of sociopolitical organization usually based on
horticulture or pastoralism. Socioeconomic stratification and
status Any position that determines where someone fits in
centralized rule are absent in tribes, and there is no means of
society; may be ascribed or achieved.
enforcing political decisions.
stereotypes Fixed ideas—often unfavorable—about what
underdifferentiation Planning fallacy of viewing less-
the members of a group are like.
developed countries as an undifferentiated group; ignoring
stratification Characteristic of a system with socioeconomic cultural diversity and adopting a uniform approach (often
strata—groups that contrast in regard to social status and ac- ethnocentric) for very different types of project beneficiaries.
cess to strategic resources. Each stratum includes people of
both sexes and all ages. unilineal descent Matrilineal or patrilineal descent.
stratified Class-structured; stratified societies have marked unilinear evolutionism Idea (19th century) of a single line
differences in wealth, prestige, and power between social or path of cultural development—a series of stages through
classes. which all societies must evolve.
style shifts Variations in speech in different contexts. universal Something that exists in every culture.
subcultures Different cultural traditions associated with urban anthropology Anthropological study of cities and
subgroups in the same complex society. urban life.
Glossary 317
variables Attributes (e.g., sex, age, height, weight) that Westernization The acculturative influence of Western
differ from one person or case to the next. expansion on native cultures.
village head A local leader in a tribal society who has working class (proletariat) Those who must sell their labor
limited authority, leads by example and persuasion, and to survive; the antithesis of the bourgeoisie in Marx’s class
must be generous. analysis.
wealth All a person’s material assets, including income, world-system theory Idea that a discernible social system,
land, and other types of property; the basis of economic based on wealth and power differentials, transcends individual
status. countries.
318 Glossary
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D’Andrade, Roy, 29 Farner, R. F., 119 Goodall, Jane, 26
Dardess, M. B., 117 Fasold, R. W., 83, 90 Goodman, A. H., 111
Darwin, Charles, 10, 56 Fearon, James D., 119, 120 Goodman, B., 200
Das, V., 161 Ferguson, J., 29, 47, 58 Gorman, Brian, 33
da Silva, Luiz Inácio (Lula), 71 Ferguson, R. Brian, 153, 156, Gotkowitz, L., 112, 120
Davis, Michael, 258 157, 277 Gough, E. K., 197
Degler, C., 119 Ferraro, G. P., 76 Gough, K., 205
de la Peña, G., 308, 309 Feuer, J., 202 Goulet, L. S., 265, 266
de Munck, V. C., 12 Fichner-Rathus, J., 192 Graesch, Anthony, 202
DeNavas-Walt, C., 104t, 105, Fields, J. M., 201t Gramsci, Antonio, 59, 165
121, 122f Finkelhor, David, 216 Granderson, Curtis, 8
Denny, R. M., 78 Finnstrom, S., 285 Grasmuck, S., 307
Dentan, R. K., 145 Fischer, Edward F., 222 Gravlee, C. C., 73, 106, 111
DeSalle, R., 106 Fischer, M. D., 12 Greaves, T. C., 31
Descartes, Lara, 18, 197, 263 Fischer, Michael M. J., 5, 11, 60t, 305 Gremaux, R., 188
Deschanel, Emily, 65f Fiske, John, 263, 306 Griffin, P. B., 180
Desmond, Debbie, 244–245 Fleisher, M. L., 146 Griffiths, G., 286
Deubel, T. F., 74 Ford, C. S., 189 Grimshaw, A., 257
De Vos, G. A., 116, 117 Ford, Gerald, 95 Gu, S., 87
De Waal, F. B. M., 191 Forno, D. A., 136 Gunther, E., 253
Dewey, Alice G., 15 Fortes, Meyer, 216 Gupta, A., 29, 47, 58, 163
Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Fortier, Jana, 132
Mental Disorders (APA), 12 Foster, George M., 73, 74, 75, 308
Diamond, Jared M., 275 Foucault, Michel, 59, 75, 76, 167
Di Leonardo, M., 176, 189 H
Fouts, Roger, 83
Disraeli, Benjamin, 284 Haapala, A., 255
Fowler, C. S., 203
Divale, W. T., 180 Hackett, R. I. J., 254
Fowler, D. D., 203
Donham, D. L., 122 Haenn, N., 300
Franco, Francisco, 125, 167
Donovan, J. M., 155, 164 Hajinlian, Noreen, 5
Free Dictionary, 92
Doolittle, A. A., 136, 301 Hallowell, A. Irving, 216
Freeman, H., 12
Dorward, D. C., 169 Hamdan, S., 307
Freilich, M., 167
Douglas, Mary, 57, 57f, 60t Hamilton, Josh, 8
Freston, P., 246
Dove, M. R., 136, 301 Hammond, L., 71
Freud, Sigmund, 57
Downey, Greg, 78 Hampton, K., 265, 266
Frey, William, 123
Doyle, Michele E., 35, 36, 141, 297 Handel, George Frideric, 252
Fricke, T., 48
Dressler, W. W., 73 Handwerk, B., 72
Fried, Morton H., 153, 163
Duffield, M., 65 Hann, C., 138, 144, 146
Friedan, Betty, 183
Dumont, Santos, 56 Hansen, K. V., 198
Friedl, Ernestine, 176, 180, 223
Dunham, Stanley Ann, 14–15, Hanumanthappa, Ram Prakash, 90
Friedman, J., 34, 122, 125
15f, 185 Harpaz, Beth J., 5
Friedman, K. E., 34
Dunn, Janet S., 46f, 265 Harri, Illtud, 290
Frohlich, L., 185
Duranti, A., 82 Harrigan, A. M., 215
Fry, R., 106
Durkheim, Émile, 52, 57, 233, Harris, Marvin, 46, 56, 56f, 60t, 114, 117,
Fuller, Thomas, 166
238, 248 119, 145, 180, 239
Dürr, E., 72 Harrison, G. G., 9
Dutton, William H., 228, 228t, 229 G Harrison, K. David, 100
Gal, J., 94 Harrison, Rex, 93f
E Gallina, Gallo, 276f Hart, C. W. M., 226
Earle, T. K., 161, 162 Garber, J., 233 Hart, K., 138, 144, 146
Eckert, Penelope, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95 Gardner, Beatrice T., 83, 84 Hartigan, J., 111
Economic Policy Institute, 281, Gardner, R. Allen, 83, 84 Hartley, J., 263
281f, 282 Geertz, Clifford, 22, 57, 58f, 60t Harvey, D. J., 284, 285
Edelman, M., 67, 287 Geis, M. L., 83, 90, 94 Haugerud, A., 34, 67, 287
Edelstein, M., 176 Gell-Mann, Murray, 99 Hausmann, R., 186
Edwards, John, 270 Gellner, E., 119, 120 Hawkes, K., 132
Eichner, Dona, 5 Gerard, Morgan, 63f Head, G., 131
Eisenhower, Dwight D., 270 Geschiere, P., 309 Helman, C., 76
Ellsbury, Jacoby, 8 Gewertz, D., 176 Hendrikson, Monte, 171
Ember, Carol R., 14, 15 Giddens, Anthony, 59, 281 Henry, Jules, 71
Ember, Melvin, 14, 15 Gijswijt-Hofstra, M., 12 Henshilwood, Christopher, 255
Engels, Friedrich, 290 Gillis, J., 298 Hepburn, Audrey, 93f
Entmacher, J., 185 Gilmore, D. D., 167 Herdt, Gilbert H., 176, 189, 191
Erickson, P. A., 50 Gimpel, J., 277 Hermele, K., 301, 309
341
archaeological sites B Bosnia, 196, 256–257, 308
Anasazi site, 10f Baidu (search engine), 165 Bosnia-Herzegovina, 125
Blombos Cave, 255 Bai people, 106f Botswana, 120, 132–133, 133f
cultural transformations inferred balanced reciprocity, 145–146 bourgeoisie, 279
from, 9 bands, 153 Brazil. See also Arembepe
archaeology, 8–9, 10f, 19 divorce in, 225 assimilation in, 119f, 120
architecture, 141, 252–253 economy and regulation in, 163t Carnaval, 167, 191, 306
Arembepe (Brazil). See also Brazil foragers, 133, 154–156 development policies in, 71
Chegança danceplay, 305 movement between, 217 Evangelical Protestantism in,
division of labor, 177 Bangladesh, Nipah virus in, 304 244–245, 245f
festivals of saints in, 306 bargaining, 144 “Facebook Revolution” in,
first impressions of, 42f, 42–43, 43f Barí people, 206 170–172, 171f
kinship system in, 198–199 bartering, 146f family planning in, 264–265
as longitudinal field study site, 45–46 baseball, 8, 232, 233f, 236, 248 fluid conception of race in,
participant observation in, 41 Basques, 125 117–119, 118f, 119f, 127
Pentecostalism in, 244–245 Basseri people, 137, 159–160, 160f folk ceremonies in, 305
racial terminology used in, 117, 118 Ba Thonga people, 53, 222, 223 food and meal customs, 77
rejection of Carnaval, 306 “bathroom” habits, 24 importance of ascribed statuses,
armies, 164 bats, 303, 304f 268–269
Armory (art) Show of 1913, 258 Bazaar Politics (Coburn), 68 meaning of family in, 201
arranged marriages, 222 beauty contests, male, 176f nonverbal communication in, 85
art(s), 271 beauty standards, 6–7, 7f online dating in, 228
analysis of visual fairy tales, Benedict, Ruth, 54, 55f Pentecostalism in, 244–245, 246
260–261, 261t berdache, 188, 221 sexual orientation in,
cave paintings, 255 Betsileo people, 28, 28f. See also 190–191, 191f
commercialization of, 257, 271–272 Madagascar sports in, 267–269, 269f, 272
as communication, 257–258 beliefs of, 247 study of media in, 17f, 17–18
continuity and change in, 262, 263f clans and lineages of, 204 telenovelas, 251, 263, 264, 306
cultural transmission of, 258f, 258–259, concept of scarcity, 142–143, 143f use of social media in, 265
259f, 262, 262f key cultural consultants of, 44 women’s sports in, 6–7, 7f
danceplays, 305 kinships among, 195 “Brésiliennes,” 189
ethnomusicology, 11, 256f, polygyny among, 227 British empire, 283–284, 284f, 293–294
256–257, 257f rice cultivation among, 138–139, 139f Broken Hill Proprietary Company, 291
individuality and, 254–255 Bhagavad Gita, 245 Brooklyn Museum, 258
music (See music) BHP Billiton, 290–291, 291f Bumba Meu Boi festival, 305
nature of, 251–255, 252f bifurcate collateral kinship terminology, Buraku Liberation and Human Rights
placement of, 253f, 253–254, 209–210, 210f, 210t Research Institute, 117
254f, 271 bifurcate merging kinship terminology, burakumin, 116–117, 117f, 127
politics and, 258 208f, 208–209, 210t burials, 28, 253
religion and, 252f, 252–253, 254 “Big Man,” 152, 156, 157f, 157–158, Burundi, 285
role in society and culture, 158f, 172 business
255–262 big man systems, 242–243 applied anthropology in, 66, 76f, 76–78
theater, 253, 259, 262, 263f bilateral kinship calculation, 207 careers in, anthropology and,
works of art, 255 bilharzia (liver flukes), 73–74, 75f 78–79
Art (play), 253 bilingual education, 71–72 culturally appropriate marketing, 77
art criticism, 254 Bill and Ted’s Excellent Adventure
artifacts, 8–9 (film), 95f
ascribed statuses, 104, 105f Billiton, 291 C
chiefs, 162, 162f bilocality, 217 cabôclos, 118
importance of, in Brazil, biocultural perspective, 6–7, 7f call systems, 83, 83f, 84t, 100
268–269 biodiversity, 302 Canada
racial identity as, 114, 115 biological adaptation, 3t, 4, 25 same-sex marriage in, 220, 220f
unilineal descent as, 205 biological anthropology, 6, 9–10, urban anthropology in, 72
asexuality, 189 10f, 19, 52, 64 “visible minorities” in, 116, 116f
Ashanti society, 216 biological diversity Candide (Voltaire), 54
“Ash Boy,” 58 gender differences, 175–177, candomblé, 43, 243, 246
ASL (American Sign Language), 176f, 177f capital, 275, 277
83–84 race and, 106f–109f, 106–111, 127 capitalism
Assault on Paradise (Kottak), 198 biological plasticity, 9, 52, 85 cargo cults and, 243
assimilation, 126t, 127–128 biological universals, 27 global spread of, 36
in Brazil, 119f, 120 biomedicine, 75, 76 potlatching and, 148, 149
ethnic tolerance and, 120 bipedalism, 26f Protestantism and, 240–241
expectation of, 125 bisexuality, 189 capitalist mode of production, 138
forced, 125 bison, 158–159, 159f capitalist world economy, 275, 293
in Latin America, 308–309 “black identity” (négritude), 120 Capoid racial label, 108
associations, 14, 15 Blombos Cave site, 255 carbon dioxide, 300t
audience, art and, 258 blood feud, 156 cargo cults, 241f, 241–243, 242f
Australia, 284 Boas, Franz, 52, 52f, 62 Caribbean, 284
authoritarian systems, 290 body image, 6–7, 7f Carnaval, 167, 191, 306
authority, political, 152, 172 Bolshevik Revolution of 1917, 290 cash, addiction to, 143
autochthony, 309 Bones (TV series), 65f cash economies, 296
Avatar (film), 296 bonobo (Pan paniscus), 191 cassava (manioc), 136
avatars (alts), 47 border theory, 61 caste systems, 196–197, 219, 219f
Azande people, 189–190 “born-again Christians,” 247 catharsis, 258
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